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Full text of "The texts and versions of John de Plano Carpini and William de Rubruquis, as printed for the first time by Hakluyt in 1598, together with some shorter pieces; edited by C. Raymond Beazley"

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\jU^tL^ At.U-t-»J 


By C. Eaymond Beazley, M.A. 

{Frmn ' The Geographical Journal ' for December.) 

While working lately in the Library of Corpus Cliristi College, Cam- 
bridge, I came upon a manuscript (No. 181, pp. 279-321) hitherto 
unknown except by the bare mention of its title in Nasmith's and other 
catalogues, which seems to have a distinct interest and value. It con- 
tains, in the most complete form, the text of John de Piano Carpini's 
account of the Mongols, and of his journey to the Great Khan's court 
(a.d. 1245-7). The last chapter of Carpini's Historia Mongalorum has 
hitherto been supposed to exist only in the Leyden manuscript known 
as " Petau," from its old possessor Paul Petavius ; and as this chapter 
is the record of Carpini's journey to Mongolia and back, it is more 
valuable than any of the eight that precede it. Now, the whole of this 
final chapter is to be found in the Corpus manuscript referred to, whose 
value was wholly unknown to the eminent French scholar M. d'Avezac, 
when he prepared his remarkable edition of Carpini for volume iv. of 
the Paris Geographical Society's Becueil de Voyages et de Memoires puhlie 
par la Societe de Geographie, 1839. Its worth and content were equally 
unknown to Thomas Wright, who collated in a strangely casual manner 
the London manuscript of Carpini (B. Mus., Eeg. 13 A. XIV.) for this 
edition of the Societe de Geographie. The aforesaid edition of 1839 is, of 
course, still the standard, and, indeed, the only recognizable one of this 
great Franciscan traveller, for the truncated and corrupt text printed 
by Hakluy t, and generally accepted till 1839, is unworthy of comparison 
with that exhibited in the manuscripts of " Petau " and " Corpus " and 
in the Paris text. 


It may be added that the Corpus manuscript contains in several 
places fuller and more satisfactory readings even than " Petau." M. 
d'Avezac, no doubt guided by the information or want of information he 
received from England about Carpini manuscripts, evidently considered 
that another manuscript of the Historia Mongalorum existed in Cam- 
bridge, viz. No. 61 (or rather one in No. 61) in the collection of " Bennet " 
College ; but this is the very same thing as one in No. 181 in the present 
numbering of the Corpus collection, 61 being the number in Edward 
Bernard's catalogue, now superseded by 181 in Nasmith's. It is strange 
that this simple verification seems never to have been made hitherto. 
According to Bernard, moreover (Gatalogi librorum mannscriptorum Angliae 
et Hibemiae, 1697; partiii., p. 133, no. 1337, referring to 61 in the list of 
codices manuscnpti Collegii S. Benedicti, and to the third item in the sixty- 
first manuscript), the Carpini manuscript, called Historia Monogallorwn 
sive Tartarorum Pr. Omnibus fidelibus, is the third piece in the volume, 
the Eubruquis manuscript being reckoned as the fifth. This reckoning 
is. reproduced by d'Avezac {Recueil, as quoted above, p. 448), the great 
Paris geographer evidently considering that this manuscript of Carpini 
was only catalogued in Bernard. But, as a matter of fact, the Rubruquis 
text follows Carpini here without any interval whatever, and the two 
really form the eighth and ninth items in the volume. It is also note- 
worthy that Nasmith (Catalogue librorum manuscriptorum quos Coll. Corp. 
Christ, et B. M. Virg. in Acad. Cantab, legavit Matth. Parker ; 1777 ; in the 
general heading to clxxxi., which is described as seculo xv. scriptus) 
speaks as if all the pieces were of the fifteenth century, whereas they 
are of distinctly varying date, and the two with which we are specially 
concerned (Carpini and Rubruquis) cannot possibly be later than the 
early fourteenth century, and were probably written before 1300. 

As Carpini is in the first rank of mediaeval explorers, standing but 
little below Marco Polo, the discovery of another manuscript of his 
complete text, preferable in some points even to the best hitherto 
collated, may not be without interest. The writing is of the latter 
part of the thirteenth century, or earlier part of the fourteenth (c. 1260- 
1320), and is in the same hand as the manuscript of Eubruquis known 
as D, which immediately follows, and the extracts from ^Ethicus which 
end the volume ; the lines are long, running over the whole breadth of 
the page. The additions which *' Petau " makes to the text of the earlier 
chapters (De moribus Tartarorum, etc.), a^d which are in several cases 
direct and avowed additions of the author revising his work, appear in 
" Corpus," e.g. the passage haec autem quse superius scripta sunt . . . possi- 
debit, following the words adversarii manifesti, with which all but these 
two manuscripts end. This passage contains an author's " personal note " 
to the efi'ect that in the military details he has just given of the Mongol 
army, and of the best manner of resisting that army, he has no inten- 
tion of trespassing on soldiers' ground, but only of furnishing occasionem 


et materiam cogitandi. The whole bears the most distinct evidence of 
belonging to a second revised and improved edition. The Corpus 
manuscript of Carpini is not only (with Petau) the fullest, it is also 
the oldest, text of the Hiatoria Mongalorum, and it seems to have been 
written at latest within seventy years of the traveller's return from 
Central Asia, and probably (as Michel and Wright consider of the 
Kubruqnis manuscript in the same hand, which follows) even before the 
end of the thirteenth century. It is, therefore, to all appearance a few 
years older than "Petau;" and the years 1260-1320 (above referred 
to) may be taken as an outside, 1270-1290 as an inside, date for its 










Introduction ..... 

Extracts from Geoffrey of Monmouth, Lambarde, and 

The Voyages of Ohthere and Wulfstan . 

King Edgar's Navigation 

Chronicle of the Kings of Man, and shorter pieces 

On the Cinque Ports, from the Perambulation of Kent 

Letter of Ivo of Narbonne concerning the Tartars . 

Carpini, original Latin text, wanting the last, i.e. ixth 
chapter: this did not occur in the Lumley MS 
[' Lond.-Lum.'], from which Hakluyt printed 

Carpini, Latin text, in the abridgment of Vincent of 
Beauvais ; of this chaps. I. — xvill. answer to the first 
VIII. chaps, of the original text, chaps. Xix. — xxxill 
answer to chap. ix. of the original ... 

Carpini, Hakluyt's version of Vincent of Beauvais' abridg 
ment of the text 

Rubruquis, original Latin text, incomplete 

Rubruquis, Hakluyt's version - 

Notes on the Extracts from Geoffrey of Monmouth, etc 

Notes on the Voyages of Ohthere and Wulfstan 

Notes on King Edgar's Navigation . 

Notes on the Chronicle of Man, etc. 

Notes on the Cinque Ports 

Notes on Ivo of Narbonne's Letter . 

Notes on Carpini, original Latin text 

Notes on Carpini, Latin text, in Vincent's 

Notes on Carpini, Hakluyt's version . 

Notes on Rubruquis, Latin text 

Notes on Rubruquis, Hakluyt's version 

Additional Notes 




vii — XX 


12— 18 


74 — io6 


244 — 246 
248 — 249 
249 — 264 
264 — 269 
269 — 295 
















NO. "^ 


CambrtDge : 



The objects of the present volume are; first, to give an exact 
reprint of the texts and versions of the great xiii-century Friar 
travellers, John de Piano Carpini and William de Rubruquis, as 
printed, for the first time, by Richard Hakluyt in 1598 (and 1599), 
[Hak. pp. 21 — 117 = pp. 43 — 234 of the present volume] ; second, 
to reprint with the same exactness the shorter pieces, especially 
the voyages of Ohthere and Wulfstan, with which Hakluyt opens 
the final edition of his Principal Navigations (pp. i — 21 of the 
same = pp. i — 42 of the present volume); third, to furnish a 
critical and explanatory commentary on the foregoing. 

The text as given by Hakluyt has been always and in every 
detail reproduced to the letter and the comma, to the best of 
the editor's ability : no alteration has been made of Hakluyt's 
mistakes, but corrections of such mistakes (where they are not 
too obvious) have been offered in the notes. Where Hakluyt 
is making excerpts from books already printed in his day, an 
attempt has been made in each case to suggest or fix the edition 
from which he probably or certainly borrowed, and the exact 
place from which he took his citation. Where he is printing 
from a manuscript, as in the cases of Carpini and Rubruquis, 
his text has been compared afresh with all the more important 
manuscripts now known. In the course of my work upon these 
manuscripts I had the good fortune to make two discoveries 
(i) of a hitherto unexamined manuscript of Carpini in the 
Library of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge; (2) of the identity 
of the London or British Museum manuscript of the same 
traveller with that once in Lord Lumley's Library, from which 
Hakluyt himself transcribed and which has been assumed to be 
quite different from and independent of the former. 

As to the Mss. of Carpini: These are five in number, viz. 
'Corpus,' 'Petau,' 'Colbert,' ' London-Lumley,' 'Dupuy': see 
p. 249. I may say a word about each in the order given above. 

L 'Corpus.' This is now in codex no. 181 in the Library of 


Corpus Christi College, Cambridge : the text of Carpini occupies 
pp. 278 — 321 of the volume : the writing is of the later xiiith or 
earliest xivth century, and is in the same hand as the ms. of 
Rubruquis (known as D.) which immediately follows ; the page is 
single-columned ; and the lines are long, running over the whole 
breadth of the page. The present editor came upon this text 
while working at the Rubruquis ms. just referred to : but hitherto 
it seems to have been quite unknown except for the bare mention 
of its title by d'Avezac and Wright, repeating the notice in 
Nasmith and other Catalogues. It contains in the most complete 
form the text of Carpini's Historia Mongalorum, including the 
last chapter, usually supposed to exist only in the Leyden or 
'Petau' manuscript: but its value was apparently unrealized by 
M. d'Avezac, when he prepared the (standard) edition of Carpini 
in 1838, reprinted next year in volume iv. of the Paris Geo- 
graphical Society's Recueil de Voyages et de Memoires public par 
la Societk de Gkographie (1839: this last being the form usually 
quoted). For the eminent French scholar depended for in- 
formation (about English manuscripts of Carpini) on Thomas 
Wright; and Wright, though he examined in detail the Rubruquis 
MS. next following, seems to have paid no attention to its even 
more valuable predecessor, except so far as to make a bare 
mention in the Introductory Notice sur Guillaume de Rubruk 
{Recueil^ iv. p. 210). In general the Corpus Manuscript has the 
closest agreement with 'Petau.' The additions which 'Petau' 
makes to the text of the earlier chapters {De Moribus Tartarorum 
etc.), and which are in several cases direct and avowed additions 
of the author's, when revising his work, appear also in Corpus, 
e.g. the passage haec autetn quae superius scripta sunt etc., follow- 
ing the words adversarii manifesti with which Hakluyt's text 
(based on the ' London-Lumley ' ms.) ends. This passage con- 
tains a personal note by Carpini (before he begins the Itinerary, 
or Narrative of the Journey proper) to the effect that in the 
military details he has given of the Mongol army and of the 
best manner of resisting that army he has no intention of tres- 
passing on soldiers' ground, but only of furnishing occasionem et 
materiam cogitandi. The whole bears distinct evidence of belong- 
ing to a second revised and improved edition. The Corpus ms. 
is not only (with ' Petau ') the fullest, it is also the oldest, text of 
the Historia Mongalorum ; and it seems to have been written at 
latest within seventy years of the travellers' return from Central 
Asia, and probably (as Michel and Wright consider of the Ru- 
bruquis MS. in the same hand which follows) even before the end 


of the thirteenth century. It is therefore to all appearance a few 
years older than ' Petau,' and the date of its execution may be 
fixed as probably falling within the years 1270 — 1290. In several 
places, moreover, Corpus contains more satisfactory readings than 
the Leyden us. : but as a general rule the similarity of the two is 
that of sister texts; the differences are hardly ever more than 
verbal. Thus Carpini's four great name-lists— of the Mongol 
princes, of the nations subdued by the Mongols, of the nations 
that had successfully resisted them, and of the witnesses to the 
veracity of his narrative, — the last a catalogue which includes all 
the Italian merchants whom Friar John could remember as 
trading at Kiev on his return in 1247, — are identical in both texts. 

There are in all thirty-two passages, longer and shorter, which 
are only to be found in the Cambridge and Leyden mss. ; which 
are to be found, in their entirety, with occasional slight variants, 
in both these mss. ; and which may all be considered to fall under 
the head of author's additions, inserted to supplement and correct 
the imperfect forms of his work already in circulation. These 
passages are the following : 

(r) At the end of the Prologue, where Carpini declares his 
veracity and warns his readers against the incredulity which 
springs only from ignorance or surprise. Corpus adds with Petau : 
— seti SI aliqua scribinius propter noticiam legentium quae in vestris 
partibus \^partibiis vestris in Petau] nesciuntur, non debetis propter 
hoc rios appellare mendaces qui vobis rejerimus ilia [alia in Pet.] 
quae ipsi vidimus vel ab aliis pro certo audivimus quos esse credimus 
fide dignos. Immo est valde crudele ut homo propter bonum quod 
facit ab aliis infametur {Recueil, p. 605 : supply after 1. 32, p. 43 
of this vol.). (2) At the end of the list of chapters, into which 
the main work is to be divided, following the Prologue, a heading 
is given for the last chapter as follows, both in Corpus and Petau : 
— ultimo de via quam fecimus et curia Imperatoris et testihus qui 
in terra Tartarorutn nos invenerufit {Recueil, p. 606: supply in 
1. 8, p. 44 of this vol.). (3) In chapter i. § 2, both mss. add the 
name of the one and only Tartar settlement which could be 
called a town, qjiae Caracaron nominatur {Recueil, p. 608 : supply 
in 1. 26, p. 44 of this vol.). (4) In chap. 11. §2, various details 
are added in reference to the personal appearance of the Tartars, 
tiasum habent planum et modiciim; oculos habent parvos, et palpe- 
bras usque ad supercilia elevatas {Recueil, pp. 611 — 12: supply in 
1. 20, p. 45 of this vol.). (5) In chap. in. § i, an account is given 
by both MSS. of the manufacture and magico-medical use of the 
Tartar idols, sed quando volunt ilia ydola facere, omnes maiores 


dominae conveniunt quae sunt in stationibus Hits, et atm reverentia 
faciuntilla; et cum fecemtit interficiunt oveni et manducant, et ossa 
eius igne comburunt. Et cum etiam puer aliquis infirmatur^ prae- 
dicto modo faciunt ydolum et ligant super lectum ipsius {Recueil, 
p. 619: supply in 1. 17, p. 47 of this vol.). (6) In chap. in. § i, 
an exception is quoted to the rule that the Tartars forced no one 
to deny his faith, and a fear is expressed that if they could win 
universal dominion they would force the whole world to reverence 
their 'idol,' except Michaele de quo dictum est supra. Quid ulterius 
faciant, ignoramus: praesumitur tamen a quibusdajn quod si mon- 
archiam haberent, quod Deus advertat [avertat in Recueil text], 
facerent quod omnes isti ydolo inclinarent {Recueil, p. 622: supply 
in 1. 9, p. 48 of this vol.). (7) In chap. in. § 3 there is in 
both Mss. a curious addition, on Tartar superstitions about the 
dead, and an illustration of the same in relation to Okkodai 
Khan, et ossa illius equi quern comedunt pro anima eius comburunt. 
Et saepe etiam conveniunt mulieres ad comburendum ossa pro ani- 
mabus hominum, ut nostris vidimus oculis et ab aliis intelleximus 
ibidem. Vidimus etiam quod Occedai can [so in Corpus ; Occodai 
cam in Pet., which the Recueil amends to Occodai can] dimisit 
unum virgultum cresctre pro anima sua: unde prcucepit quod tiullus 
incideret ibi, et quicunque incidet ibi aliquam virgam, ut ipsi vidimus, 
verberabatur, expoliabatur, et male tractabatur [expoliatur. . . tractatur 
in Pet.]; et cum nos multum indigeremus ad equum percutiendum, 
non fuimus ibi ausi incidere unam virgam {Recueil, p. 629: supply 
after 1. 38, p. 49 of this vol.). (8) In chap. iv. § 3, Corpus, like 
Patau, adds the Tartar saying in defence of their lice-eating habits, 
dicebant enim Numquid eos debeo manducare cum mei filii carnes 
manducent et ipsius sanguinem bibant {Recueil, p. 639: supply in 
1. 12, p. 52 of this vol.). (9) In chap. v. § i, on the wild men of 
the desert. Corpus makes the same addition in essential, as the 
Petau and Colbert mss., as well as Vincent of Beauvais, about 
these savages making camels-hair-garments; but for the final clause 
ponunt gramina in vulneribus...{yi\\Qn wounded by the Tartars) 
Corpus agrees with Petau in reading ponunt gramina in manus 
{Recueil, p. 649: supply in 1. 36, p. 54 of this vol.). (10) In 
chap. V. § I, Corpus, like Petau, adds the passage expressing the 
contempt of the Tartars for threats of coming ruin at the hands 
of any other nation. Unde adhuc quando aliquis eos minatur etc. 
Here however Corpus in the last clause reads non teneremur for 
Petau's vero teneremur and the Recueil's non terremur {Recueil, 
p. 650: supply in 1. i, p. 55 of this vol.). (11) In chap. v. § i, 
Corpus, like Petau, gives a fuller account of the discomfiture of 


the Tartar army by Prester John with the aid of Greek Fire. Unde 
factum est quod ex igne graeco, etc. Precisely as in Petau, the word 
homines is needlessly repeated in Corpus, after this ; — homines com- 
burehantur homines et equi {Recueil, p. 656: supply in 1. 21, p. 56 of 
this vol.). (12) In chap. v. § i, Corpus quotes the proverb current 
among the Tartars about their enemies the ' dogs,' et de hoc adhuc 
est proverbium inter eos: pater tuus vel frater a canibus fuit occisus: 
mulieres autem eorum quas ceperant dixerunt [so Corpus ; duxerunt 
in Paris Recueil text p. 658, professedly following Petau] in terram 
eorum, et usque ad diem mortis earum ibidetn fuerunt {^Recueil, 
p. 658: supply in 1. 40, p. 56). (13) In chap. v. § i, the fable 
about the race shut up within the ' Caspian ' mts. occurs in its 
complete form in Corpus, as in Petau, and (to a less degree) in 
Vincent of Beauvais, in ea parte ad quam aplicuerunt [so Corpus ; 
attraxerunt in '^Q.l\..conclusi clamorem exercitus . . .montem inve- 
nirent \invenerunt in Recueil text, p. 659, professedly following 
Pet.] confractum . . .attemptassent . . .nubes . . illi autem ex adverso... 
statim cum [ut'xn Recueil text, amending the non of V^t.]... propter 
causam praetaxatam {Recueil, pp. 659 — 660: supply in 11. 8 — 12, 
p. 57). (14) In chap. V. § i. Corpus gives the passage describing 
the terror of a fabulous Oriental people at hearing the sound of 
the sun-rising, videntes quod nichil profiterent . . Ammo eo tempore 
quo sol oriebatur . . .vocaverunt \necarentur in the emendation of 
the Recueil text, p. 662]. Corpus here agrees exactly with Petau, 
and in substance with Vincent of Beauvais {Recueil, pp. 661 — 2: 
supply in 1. 28, p. 57). (15) In ch. v. § i. Corpus supplies the 
passage describing the Tartars' belief in their own future, and 
ultimate overthrow by another race, quadraginta duobus siquidem 
afinis pugnaverunt et ante decern et octo annis, etc. . . .devinci . . . 
Corpus here agrees with Petau exactly {Recueil, p. 664: supply 
in 1. 8, p. 58). {16) In ch. v. § 2, Corpus supplies the passage 
referring to Chirpodan's expedition against various Moslem 
countries, soldanos quosdam terrae Sarracenorum et alios qui sunt 
ultra mare {Recueil, p. 667: supply in 1. 31, p. 58 \soldanum 
Damasci, in other mss., only]). Corpus here exactly agrees with 
Petau. (17) Corpus also supplies the passage describing, in 
chap. v. § 3, the ruin of Kiev more precisely, unde quando per 
terram illam ibamus . . .nunc quasi in nichilum redacta est\reducta 
in Recueil, professedly following Petau], vix enim \enim not in 
Recueil, professedly following Petau] ducentae damns sunt ibi... 
maxima servitute {Recueil, p. 675: supply in 1. 23, p. 60). Corpus 
here exhibits some verbal variations from Petau. (18) Corpus 
also supplies the passage, in chap. v. § 3, describing more fully the 



dog-headed monsters of the far North, et humanum caput habebant 
sed facienty etc. {Recueil, p. 678: supply in 1. 7, p. 61). Corpus 
here agrees exactly with Petau. (19) Corpus also supplies the 
passage, in chap. v. § 3, describing the Cyclopedes more fully 
revolvendo se quasi in circulo: istos autem Isidorus Cyclopedes ap~ 
pellavit {Recueil, p. 679: supply in 1. 25, p. 61). Corpus here agrees 
exactly with Petau. (20) Corpus also supplies the passage, in 
chap. VI. § I, describing the rigour of Mongol military discipline, 
adding one detail, et si otnnes decern fugiunt nisi fugiuiit alii centum 
omnes occiduntur {Hecueil, p. 684: supply in 1. 16, p. 62). Here 
Corpus agrees exactly with Petau. (21) Corpus also supplies 
the passage, in chap. vi. § 2, prefatory' to Carpini's enumeration 
of the weapons necessary for action against the Tartars, arma 
autem ista... habere {Recueil, p. 684: supply in 1. 20, p. 62). Here 
Corpus agrees exactly with Petau. (22) Corpus also supplies 
the passage, in chap. vi. § 2, adding one or two details about 
Mongol armour, loricas et . . .co-operturam equorum...corrigias de 
b<n>e vel alio animali {Recueil, p. 685: supply in 1. 25, p. 62), Here 
Corpus agrees exactly with Petau. (23) Corpus also supplies 
the passage, in chap. vi. § 2, adding a detail about the defensive 
armour of the Mongols, quae duplicatur ex utraque parte... cor- 
rigiola {Reateil, p. 687: supply in 1. 20, p. 63). Here Corpus 
agrees exactly with Petau. (24) Corpus also supplies the passage, 
in chap. vi. §3, describing the Mongol 'heralds,' spies or scouts, 
nichilominus tamen principes . . . homines et munenta . . . querendum 
{Recueil, p. 690: supply after 1. 3, p. 64). Here Corpus reads 
apparently munenta for munita of the Recueil text, which pro- 
fessedly follows Petau. (25) Corpus also supplies the passage, 
in chap. vi. § 3, describing more fully the Mongol devices of 
wearing out their foes with arrow-wounds, and then closing, et 
cum iam homines et equi sunt debilitati sagittis, tunc congrediuntur 
cum eis {Recueil, p. 694: supply in 1. 12, p. 65). Here Corpus 
agrees exactly with Petau. (26) Corpus also supplies the passage, 
in chap. vi. § 4, describing how the Tartars may be frustrated in 
their efforts to set towns on fire, extingui tamen potest, ut dicitur, 
cum vino ..confricatione palmae magnus \s\c\ potest extingui {Recueil, 
p. 696: supply after 1. 21, p. 65). Here Corpus agrees exactly 
with Petau, even in reading magnus for manus. (27) Corpus 
also supplies the passage, in chap. vii. § i, detailing more fully 
the oppressions and extortions of the Mongol tax-gatherers, et 
quantum placet, absque ulla conditione...accipiunt {Recueil, p. 704: 
supply in 1. 27, p. 67). Here Corpus agrees exactly with Petau. 
(28) Corpus also supplies the passage, in chap. vii. §4, detailing 


the agricultural oppressions of the Mongols more fully, dimittunt 
tamen . . .seviina . . .sufficit pro expensis etc. {Recueil, p. 711: supply 
in 1. 39, p. 68). Here Corpus agrees exactly with Petau, even in 
reading sufficit. (29) Corpus also supplies the passage, in chap. 
VIII. § I, describing more fully how the Tartars were preparing for 
another attack upon Christendom, in niartio praeterito exercitum 

invenimus per omnes Tartaros ad terrain Rusciae {Recueil, 

p. 718: supply in 1. 26, p. 70). Here Corpus agrees exactly with 
Petau. (30) Corpus also supplies the passage, in chap. viii. § i, 
expressing doubt as to the exact date of the next Mongol in- 
vasion, ignoramus tamen iercia?n hyemem veniant...ex 
improriso {Recueil, p. 718: supply in 1. 29, p. 70). Here Corpus 
agrees exactly with Petau. (31) Corpus also supplies the passage, 
in chap. viii. § 5, declaring that the author, in giving the sug- 
gestions he has done, only wishes to assist the military leaders 
of Christendom against the Tartars and not to dictate to them, 
haec autem quae superius scripta sunt... pos si deb it {Recueil, p. 732: 
supply after 1. 3, p. 74). Here Corpus has some slight verbal 
difference with Petau. (32) Finally Corpus supplies the whole 
of chap. IX. describing the journey, De provinciis et situ earum 
per quas transivimus et de testibus qui nos invenerunt ibidem, et de 
curia imperatoris Tartarorum et principum eius {Recueil, pp. 733 — 
773: supply after 1. 3, p. 74). The title is exactly the same in 
Corpus and in Petau, and the text of the chapter which follows 
only varies in minute details, except for certain rather more 
important differences of name-forms; e.g. Corpus' Lancisci for 
Petau's Lantisci, the Lancisci of the Recueil, p. 734; Corpus' 
Conraudum and Conradus for Petau's Conrandum and Conrandus, 
the Conradum and Co?iradus of the Recueil, pp. 734 — 5 ; Corpus' 
Durissa for Petau's Durisa, the Duxissa of the Recueil, p. 735 ; 
Corpus' Kiovienses for Petau's Kiovenses, the Kiovienses of the 
Recueil, p. 769; Corpus' Nongrot for the Mongrot of the Recueil, 
p. 770, professedly following Petau; Corpus' Coligneum for the 
Ugneum of the Recueil, p. 771, professedly following Petau; 
Corpus' Sancopoltus for Petau's Sancopolitus, the Santopolicus of 
the Recueil, p. 771; Corpus' Olaha for the Aloha of the Recueil, 
p. 771, professedly following Petau; Corpus' Cherneglorie for 
Petau's Gerneglorie, the Cherneglove of the Recueil, p. 771; 
Corpus' Polonai for the Polonia of the Recueil, p. 772, professedly 
following Petau. Especially interesting is the concluding note 
{Recueil, p. 773) identical in Corpus and Petau: — Rogamus 
cunctos qui legunt praedicta ut nichil immutent...Sed quia illi per 
quos transitum fecivius, qui sunt in Polonia, Boemia, et Teutonia, 


et in Leodio et Campania^ suprascriptatn historiatn libenter habe- 
bant, idcirco earn rescripserunt aniequam esset cotnpleta et etiam 
plem contrada, quia nondum tempus habiieramus quietis ut earn 
possemus complere plene. Ideo tiemo miretur quod in ista plura 
sint et melius correcta quam sint in ilia : quoniam istatn, postquam 
habuimus qualecunque otiuni, correximus ad plenum, et perfecimus 
ilia quae nondum erant completa. 

The Chapter Headings in Corpus differ both from the Petau 
MS. and the Recueil text in several details, though bearing the same 
general resemblance to Petau that has been already noticed. 
Thus, at the commencement Corpus has Jncipit ystoria Mongal- 
orum for the Incipit historia etc. of the Remeil, p. 603, professedly 
following Petau. For the heading to chapter i. Corpus has De 
terra Tartarorum et situ etc. for the De terrae Tartaroruni situ etc. 
of the Recueil, p. 606, professedly following Petau. Similarly in 
the headings to chapters 11., in., vii., viii. there are variations of 
like character and extent. 

M. d'Avezac {Recueil, p. 448) evidently considered that an- 
other MS. of the Historia Mongaloruvi existed at Cambridge — 
viz. one in a volume numbered 61 in the collection of 'Bennet' 
College: but this is the very same as the text in no. 181 in the 
present numbering of the Corpus collection, 61 being the number 
in Edward Bernard's catalogue, which, for Corpus or 'Bennet' 
College, is now superseded by Nasmith's. According to Bernard 
{Catalogi librorum manuscriptorum Angliae et Hibemiae, 1697 ; 
part iii. p. 133, no. 1337, referring to 61 in the list of Codices 
manuscripti Collegii S. Benedicti, and to the third item in this 
manuscript no. 61) the Carpini MS., called Historia Monogallorum 
sive Tartarorum Pr. Omnibus fidelibus, is the third piece in the 
volume, the Rubruquis ms. being reckoned as the fifth. This 
reckoning is reproduced by d'Avezac {Recueil, p. 448), the great 
Paris geographer evidently supposing that this ms. of Carpini 
was only noticed in Bernard and had been lost sight of since. 
But as a matter of fact, in Corpus 181, the Rubruquis text follows 
Carpini without any interval whatever, and the two form the 
eighth and ninth items (on the lowest reckoning) in the aforesaid 
volume. It is also noteworthy that Nasmith {Catalogus librorum 
manuscriptorum quos Coll. Corp. Christ, et B.M. Virg. in Acad. 
Cantab, legavit Matth. Parker; 1777; in the general heading to 
clxxxi) speaks as if all the pieces were of one date, the whole 
volume being seailo xv scriptus, whereas they are of distinctly 
varying periods, and the two with which we are especially con- 
cerned, Carpini and Rubruquis, cannot possibly be later than 
the early xivth century, and were probably written before 1 300. 


II. The Petau ms., on which d'Avezac's 1838 edition is 
based (reprinted in the Paris Recueil, 1839), is now the property of 
the University Library at Leyden, and is in the codex numbered 
104 in the MS. collection of that library. It bears the signature 
Fa. Petavius, and the printed note ex bibliotheca viri illustris Isaaci 
Vossii. Paul Petau, Andr^ Duchesne, and Isaac Vossius, all 
owned it at different times before it passed to Leyden University 
(cf. Bergeron, Traicte des Tartares, p. 73; Edw. Bernard, Catalogus 
librorum manuscriptorum Angliae et Hiberniae, part iii. p. 65, no. 
2429; Casimir Oudin, Commentarius de scriptoribus Ecdesiae an- 
tiquis, vol. in. col. 182; d'Avezac, Recueil, 444). The value and 
character of this MS. have been fully illustrated in the preceding 
notes upon its twin-sister at Corpus, Cambridge. In date it is 
probably a few years later than 'Corpus,' being apparently of 
the earlier xivth century : d'Avezac's remarks upon its mis- 
readings apply equally well to the Cambridge ms. : ' mais nous 
ne devons pas dissimuler que si I'exemplaire dont nous faisons 
usage est d'une belle et elegante ^criture, il est depart par de 
frequentes incorrections ' — and this in spite of its nearness to 
the traveller's own time and personal redaction. It is however 
incomparably the most valuable text of Carpini with the single 
exception of the Corpus ms., whose worth is almost exactly 

III. The Colbert ms., in ms. Lat. 2477 in the Bibliotheque 
Nationale, Paris, written about the middle of the xivth century, 
is imperfect, like ' London-Lumley ' and 'Dupuy,' and unlike 
'Corpus' and 'Petau.' It does not contain the last chapter or 
the record of Carpini's journey, properly speaking; nor does it 
possess the author's additions already noticed. It belongs in fact, 
in some respects, to the first unrevised edition, though exhibiting 
a better text than ' London-Lumley ' and one much nearer to 
' Petau-Corpus ' ; but it has a special value as giving, besides 
Carpini's own text, the narrative of Benedict the Pole, which 
here forms a sort of introduction to, or first chapter of, the 
Historia Monga/orum, as well as the letter of Kuyuk Khan 
to Pope Innocent IV (fol. 67, v°, col. i). It is a closely-written 
but admirably clear ms., double-columned, having 40 lines to a 
column. The narrative of Benedict the Pole begins on fol. 66 r°, 
col. I : the text of Carpini, proper, opens on fol. 67, v°, col. 2 
{Omnibus Christi fidelibus, etc.), and ends on fol. 83, r°, col. 2 
{adversarii eorum manifesti, as in 'London-Lumley,' 'Dupuy,' 
and Hakluyt : followed by the peculiar terminal rubric expliciunt 
gesta Tartarorum). At the beginning of Benedict's text is the 


title incipiunt gesta Tartarorum secundum fratrem lohanmm ordinis 
fratrum minorum, followed by the record of Benedict : — Anno 
domitii MCCXLV f rater Johannes de ordine minorum fratrum 
dictus de Piano Carpini a domino papa missus ad Tartaros cum 
alio fratre in pascha exiens a Lugduno Gallic ubi papa fuit pro- 
fectus in Poloniam, etc. (cf. Recueil, p. 774). We may note here 
the very early occurrence of the form de Piano Carpini, some- 
times carelessly attributed to ' corruption ' by later writers. The 
value of the Colbert ms. is thus quite peculiar; no other text 
gives Benedict's narrative or Kuyuk's letter, or the rubrics for 
subdivision of the chapters, followed by d'Avezac in the Recueil 
edition (cf Recueil. p. 607, note 2) : but apart from these ad- 
vantages Colb. occasionally supplies us with better readings 
than even * Petau ' or * Corpus.' 

IV. The ' London-Lumley ' ms. ['Lond.-Lum.'j, in British 
Museum, mss. Reg. 13 a. xiv, is the least valuable of all the old 
Mss. of Carpini (• Dupuy ' not included, being itself a copy from 
Hakluyt's printed text). It was the only one known to the Eliza- 
bethan compiler and forms the sole basis of the text on pp. 21 — 
37 of the Principal Navigations (1598 — 9 ; = pp. 43 — 74 of this 
volume). In the xvith century it was one of the treasures of Lord 
Lumley's Library; in the xviith century it passed into the Royal 
Library ; and in the xviiith century it came into the possession 
of the British Museum. On the flyleaf, fol. i, r°, are the names 
of 'Arundel ' and * Lumley' written in a stiff hand at the foot 
of the page. The writing is close, difficult, crabbed, and of very 
peculiar character: the scribe was probably not an Englishman: 
the text is single-columned, has 28 lines to the page, and begins 
on fol. 198, r°, ending on fol. 213, r°. By a remarkable oversight 
two MSS. have been made out of one, at the same time that one 
of the two most important copies was passed by altogether. For 
while the Corpus ms, was never examined or collated, * London ' 
has been treated as a different text from 'Lumley'; and readings 
from 'both' appear together, in agreement or opposition, upon 
many of the pages of the Recueil edition of Carpini. Yet the 
'two' differ only in this: 'Lumley,' as d'Avezac refers to it 
(doubtless misled by Thomas Wright), is the text with Hakluyt's 
mis-readings; 'London,' in the Recueil, is the same text as more 
accurately read by xixth century scholars. The copy once 'in 
Lord Lumley his stately library' is no other than the identical 
MS. Reg. 13 A. XI V. The date of execution has been variously 
estimated, from c. 1270 to 1330; it probably belongs to the last 
decade of the xiiith century, being a copy of the earliest (imper- 


feet) form of the Historia Mo/igalorutn ; this form, as we have 
seen, Carpini formally complains of and repudiates in his complete, 
authorized, edition, represented by Corpus and Petau. 

V. The 'Dupuy' ms. [D.] is only a copy made from Hak- 
luyt's printed text in the xviith century. It is in no. 686 of 
the collection bequeathed to the Royal Library of France (now 
'Bibliotheque Nationale') by Jacques Dupuy. The frontispiece 
of the vol. bears the date MDCXLVII and the signature 'P. 
Dupuy.' The fuller text of Carpini (first eight chapters) occupies 
pp. I — 19 (^Omnibus Christi fidelibus...adversarii manifesti): the 
abridgment of Vincent of Beauvais follows on pp. 19 — 38, exactly 
as in Hakluyt. 

In the critical notes to Carpini, given in this volume, where 
H. [Hakluyt] stands alone as supporting any reading, it is to be 
assumed that 'Lond.-Lum,' and 'Dupuy' read the same. Dif- 
ferences between Hakluyt's readings and those of 'London- 
Lumley' (and ' Dupuy') are always indicated. D.[upuy] of course, 
being a transcript of Hakluyt's text, should always agree with the 
latter, but here and there occurs a slight difference. 

In the same way where A. [= d'Avezac's Recueil text] stands 
alone in support of any reading, it is understood that ' Petau,' 
'Corpus,' and 'Colbert' have the same. 'A. with Pet.,' without 
mention of ' Corpus ' and ' Colb.' carries the implication that 
both the latter agree with the Recueil. Where not otherwise 
stated. Corpus agrees with ' Petau,' even where ' Petau ' differs 
from Colbert and d'Avezac ; but normally the Recueil text [A.] 
which is based on 'Petau,' and therefore has a close agreement 
with 'Corpus,' will be found to have the support of 'Colbert' 
also, not infrequently preferring the readings of the latter, where 
they differ from 'Petau.' On the 'Petau' ms., and to a less extent 
on the 'Colbert' and 'Dupuy' mss., d'Avezac did excellent work: 
but 'London-Lumley' was very badly collated for him by Thomas 
Wright, and the error of ' seeing double ' in this case vitiated a 
great part of the critical commentary of the Recueil edition. It 
is obvious moreover that no edition of Carpini could be regarded 
as exhaustive which took no account of ' Corpus.' The present 
editor has attempted to examine with the greatest care in his 
power all the mss. above described, except 'Petau,' which has 
already been adequately overhauled. No trace has been forth- 
coming of the Tournai ms. of Carpini mentioned in the xviith 
century by Antoine Sander in his Bibliotheca Belgica Matiuscripta 
(Insulis, 1641, part i. p. 130) and said to be then known as G. 6 
in the Library of St Martin of Tournai. 


No Carpini ms. has any illustrations. 

The MSS. of Rubruquis, whose whereabouts are ascertainable, 
are five; viz. one in London, three in Cambridge (all at Corpus), 
and one in Leyden, quoted in the critical notes of this volume 
as A, B, C, D, E. The same letters are used for the same copies 
in the Recueil edition of 1839 (ed. Michel and Wright, whose 
critical notes are referred to by the letters MW in the present vol.). 
A word may be said about each. 

I. The London ms. (A) in the British Museum, Reg. 14 c. 
XIII. occupies fols. 225 (r^) — 236 (r°). It is single-columned, 
written in a close and difficult hand, and has 50 lines to a page. 
It is truncated, ending abruptly [like ms. C] et inter, after the 
author has begun to describe the Chinese or Seres {Recueil, p. 291 
= Hak. p. 117 = p. 234 of this volume). Hakluyt's text is based 
upon this manuscript. Its date seems to be of the middle of the 
xivth century. 

II. The first Cambridge ms. of Rubruquis (B) is in no. 66 
in the Library of Corpus Christi College. It is of the first third 
of the xivth century, is double columned, has 39 lines to a page, 
and extends from fol. 67 v° to fol. no v" containing the whole of 
Rubruquis as far as known (down to copiosas expensas). The 
handwriting is fairly large, but close and rather difficult. There 
are no proper chapter headings, but some of these are added in 
the margin in a later hand in a small niggling script. Other 
marginal headings are occasionally added, e.g. limt ad incredulos, 
Sarthac, De viari non profunda, De terris tributariis Tartariis. 
This MS. has the well-known illustration in the first folio (67) in 
the initial E {Exceilentissinto), which is filled up with two roughly 
coloured pictures, (i) of the two monks, William de Rubruquis 
and Bartholomew of Cremona, presenting their report to the 
Saint-king of France, Louis IX, (2) of the same two monks 
on their journey. This is very fairly reproduced in the RecueiVs 
facsimile sheet inserted after p. 212 {Rec. vol. iv., 1839). The 
volume formerly belonged to Bury St Edmunds monastery and is 
well described by Nasmith, Catalogus lihr. manuscr. quos Coll. Corp. 
Christ.... legavit M. Parker, 1777, pp. 44 — 6. The next MS. (C) 
apparently refers to B as containing the full text of Rubruquis. 

III. The second Cambridge MS. of Rubruquis (C) is in 
no. 407 in the Corpus collection. It is of the earliest xvth 
century, is written in a small, close, and difficult late-mediaeval 
hand, abounding in abbreviations, and extends from fol. 37, r*' 
to fol. 67, r°. Like A, which it closely resembles in orthography. 


errors, omissions and peculiarities, C gives us only an imperfect 
text, ending et inter (as Hakluyt) : a ms. of Friar Odoric's travel- 
narrative immediately follows. At the close of the Rubruquis 
text is the note Hie deficit vit4ltum: vide apud Sancttwi Edmutidum 
residuum, an apparently clear reference to B. We may note that 
many of the misreadings of C, found also in A, do not exist in 
any other ms. : further, the initial letter is closely similar in these 
two sister-texts, while they alone give the full title printed in the 
Recueil, p. 213, Itinerarium fratris Wilh. de Rubruk de ordine 
fratrum minortim anno gratie MCCLIII ad partes orientals. No 
MS. reads Ga/ii after minorum, as Hakluyt does, but the compiler's 
addition is perfectly accurate in fact. 

IV. The third Cambridge ms. of Rubruquis (D) is in no. 181 
in the Corpus collection. It is of the last quarter of the xiiith 
century, is single columned, extends from p. 321 to p. 398, and 
is written in an admirably clear good hand, the same as that of 
the Carpini ms. ('Corpus') which immediately precedes it. This 
is the basis of the standard {Recueil) text, edited by Michel and 
Wright, 1839: it contains (like B) the whole of Rubruquis, but 
its value is clearly superior to B's, or indeed to that of any other 
MS. of the Itinerarium... de Rubruc. Michel and Wright, like 
Nasmith, describe D as forming the last item in the vol. (no. 181); 
this is practically but not literally true; for after the Rubruquis 
text ends on p. 398, a letter of Pope Martin is added on the 
same page, and the lower half of p. 398, with the upper half of 
p. 399, is occupied by extracts from ^thicus of Istria, with 
which the book closes: ut ait Ethicus...gentes ad aquilonetn . . .ubi 
Tanais exoritur frigore undique circumvallari inter Occeanum et 
Tanaim gens itiquieta .. .incognita monstriiosa ydolatria fornicaria 
in cunctis stupris et lupanariis truculenta a quibus et nomen accepit 
de stirpe Gog et Magog. Gens ista...sal et frumentiwt ignorat: 
comedit universa abhominabilia... Alexander Magnus .. .erexit portas 
et limina mire magnitiidinis et induxit eas . . .bitumine incognito... 
Caspias portas. No one appears hitherto to have noticed the 
occurrence of these passages in this MS. 

V. The Leyden ms. of Rubruquis (E), written in the xivth. 
century, is to be found under no. 77 in the Leyden University 
Library. It was formerly in the Collection of Isaac Vossius, and 
was bought, after the death of that scholar, on Feb. 21, 1689, by 
Leyden University. Its agreement with D is very close, so close 
indeed that it has probably been copied from that ms. The text 
of Rubruquis is single-columned : the whole volume contains 191 
leaves, on the first of which is the signature/^ Petavius. 



Another ms. of Rubruquis-of the xvth century-is men- 
tioned by Michel and Wright as existing in 1839 m the hbrary 
of Sir Thomas Phillipps, of Middle Hill, Worcestershire, pre- 
viously the property of John Cochran and entitled Rescr^pt^o 
unius Cordigeri qui abiU in regionem Tartrorum [sic] ex precepto 
papc et regis Francie. guonwdo se habuit inter Tartaros et ettamm 
itimre. Of this the present editor knows nothing more. He 
has however re-examined, as carefully as possible the first four 
Mss. above noticed, viz. A, B. C, D, and he has found ^e 
collations of the Recucil editors leave much to be desired. He 
has noticed all the mis-readings of Michel and Wright, as far as 
he has been able to observe them, and he has compared every 
line of the London and the three Cambridge mss. with the text o 
Hakluyt, just as he has compared every sentence of (the fuller) 
Carpini as printed in the Principal Navigations, with the Corpus, 
♦Petau,' 'Colbert,' ' London-Lumley' and 'Dupuy' mss 

On p 209 of the Recueil, it may be noticed, Michel and Wnght 
speak of a London and a Lumley ms. of Rubruquis. As in the 
case of Carpini, they are one and the same, viz. Reg. 14 c xiii. 

In the critical notes to Rubruquis, given in this volume, where 
H r= Hakluyt] stands alone in support of any reading, it is under- 
stood that A (the London ms.) and C (the second Cambridge 
MS.) have the same; where P [= Paris text, i.e. i\.. Recuetl edition 
of 1839] or MW [= Michel and Wright] are similarly quoted 
Without' further note, D, B, and E (the first and third Cam- 
bridge MSS. and the Leyden ms.) may be assumed to be in 
airreement with the Recueil. , 

The pages numbered in the margins of the text, m heavy type, 
are those of the original Hakluyt of 1598: in the .otes these page- 
numbe" are inserted in the middle of the Une-space, and in the 
margin the pages and lines of the present edition are marked. 


21, Staverton Road, 

/uly, 1903- 



principal! Nauigations, Voyages, Traffiques, 

and Discoueries of the English nation, made to 

the North and Northeast quarters of the World, 

with the directions, letters, priuiledges, discourses, 

and obseruations incident to the same. 

Certeine testimonies concerning K. Arthur and his 

conquests of the North regions, taken out of the 

historie of the Kings of Britaine, written by Galfridus 

Monumetensis, and newly printed at Heidelberge, 

Anno 1587. 

Lib. 9. cap. 10. 

,Nno Christi, 517. Arthurus, secundo regni sui anno, 

' subiugatis totius Hyberniae partibus, classem suam 

direxit in Islandiam, eamque debellato populo 

subiugauit. Exin diuulgato per caeteras insulas 

rumore, qu6d ei nulla Prouincia resistere poterat, 

Doldauius rex Gotlandiae, & Gunfacius rex Orcadum 

vltrd venerunt, promissdque vectigali subiectionem 

2ofecerunt. Emensa deinde hyeme, reuersus est in Britanniam, 

statumque regni in firmam pacem renouans, moram duodecim 

annis ibidem fecit. 

The same in English. 

IN the yere of Christ, 517. king Arthur in the second yeere of 
his reigne, hauing subdued all parts of Ireland, sailed with his 
fleet mto Island, and brought it and the people thereof vnder his 
subiection. The rumour afterwards being spread thorowout all 


the other Islands, that no countrey was able to withstand him 
Doldauius the king of Gotland, and Gunfacius the king of Orkney, 
came voluntarily vnto him, and yeelded him their obedience, 
promising to pay him tribute. The Winter being spent, he re- 
turned into Britaine, and establishing his kingdome in perfect 5 
peace, he continued there for the space of twelue yeres. 

Lib. 9 cap. 12. 

Missis deinde in diuersa regna Legatis, inuitantur tam ex 
Gallijs, qukm ex collateralibus Insulis Oceani, qui ad 
curiam venire deberent, &c. Et paul6 post : Ex collateralibus 10 
autem Insulis, Guillaumurius rex Hyberniae, Maluasius rex 
Islandiae, Doldauius rex Gotlandiae, Gunnasius rex Orchadum 
Lot rex Noruegiae, Aschilius rex Danorum. 

The same in English. 

AFter that king Arthur sending his messengers into diuers 15 
±\. kingdomes, he summoned such as were to come to his 
Court, aswell out of France, as out of the adiacent Islands of the 
sea, &c. and a little after : From those adiacent Islands came 
Guillaumurius king of Ireland, Maluasius king of Island, Doldauius 
king of Gotland, Gunnasius king of Orkney, Lot the king of 20 
Norway, and Aschilius the king of Denmarke. 

Lib. 9 cap. 19. 

AT reges cseterarum Insularum, quoniam non duxerant in morem 
]r\. equites habere, pedites quot quisque debebat, promittunt, 
ita vt ex sex Insulis, videlicet, Hyberniae, Islandiae, Gotlandiae, 25 
Orcadum, Noruegiae, atque Daciae, sexies viginti milia essent 
annumerata. f 

[p. 2] I The same in English. 

But the kings of the other Islands, because it was not their I 
custome to breed vp horses, promised the king as many 3 
footmen, as euery man was bound to send : so that out of the six 
Islands, namely, of Ireland, Island, Gotland, Orkney, Norway, 
and Denmarke, the king had sixe score thousand souldiers sent 


A testimonie of the right and appendances of the 

crovvne of the kingdome of Britaine, taken out of 

M. Lambardhxs 'ApKaiovofiia, fol. 137 pag. 2. 

A Rthurus qui fuit quondam inclytissimus Rex Britonum, vir 
5 jLjL magnus fuit & animosus, & miles illustris. Parum fuit ei 
regnum istud, non fuit animus eius contentus regno Britanniae. 
Subiugauit igitur sibi strenue Scantiam totam, quae modo Norweia 
vocatur, & omnes insulas vltra Scantiam, scz. Islandiam, & Gren- 
landiam, quae sunt de appendicijs Norweise, & Suechordam, & 

10 Hyberniam, & Gutlandiam, & Daciam, Semelandiam, Winlandiam, 
Curlandiam, Roe, Femelandiam, Wirelandiam, Flandriam, Chere- 
1am, Lappam, & omnes alias terras & insulas Orientalis Oceani 
vsque Russiam (in Lappa scilicet posuit Orientalem metam regni 
Britanniae) & multas insulas vltra Scantiam, vsque dum sub Sep- 

15 tentrione, quae sunt de appendicibus Scantia;, quae modo Norweia 
vocatur. Fuerunt autem ibi Christiani occulte. Arthurus autem 
Christianus optimus fuit, & fecit eos baptizari, & vnum Deum 
per totam Norweiam venerari, & vnam fidem Christi semper in- 
uiolatam custodire, & suscipere. Ceperunt vniuersi proceres 

20 Norweiae vxores suas de nobili gente Britonum tempore illo, vnde 
Norwegienses dicunt se exijsse de gente & sanguine regni huius. 
Impetrauit enim temporibus illis Arthurus rex k domino Papa, 
Sc k Curia Romana, quod confirmata sit Norweia, in perpetuum 
coronae Britanniae in augmentum regni huius, vocauitque illam 

25 dictus Arthurus Cameram Britannig, Hac ver6 de causa dicunt 
Norwegienses, se debere in regno isto cohabitare & dicunt se esse 
de corpore regni huius, scilicet de corona Britannig. Maluerunt 
enim manere in regno isto, quam in terra eorum propria. Terra 
enim eorum arida est, & montuosa, & sterilis, & non sunt ibi 

30 segetes nisi per loca. Ista ver5 opulenta est, & fertilis, & crescunt 
hie segetes, & caetera vniuersa. Qua ex causa saepius per vices 
gesta sunt bella atrocissima inter Anglos & Norwegienses, & inter- 
fecti sunt innumerabiles. Occupauerunt ver6 Norwegienses terras 
multas & insulas regni huius, quas adhuc detinent occupatas, nee 

35 potuerunt vnquam postea penitus euelli. Tandem mod5 con- 
federati sunt nobis fide, & sacramento, & per vxores suas, quas 
postea ceperunt de sanguine nostro, & per affinitates, & coniugia. 
Ita demum constituit, & eis concessit bonus rex Edouardus pro- 
pinquus noster (qui fuit optimus filius pacis) per commune con- 

40 silium totius regni. Qua de causa possent, & debent predicti de 
caetero nobiscum cohabitare, & remanere in regno, sicut coniurati 
fratres nostri. 


The same in English. 

ARthur which was sometimes the most renowmed king of the 
J\ Britains, was a mightie, and valiant man, and a famous 
warriour This kingdome was too litle for him, & his mmde was 
not contented with it. He therefore valiantly subdued all Scantia, 5 
which is now called Norway, and all the Islands beyond Norway, 
to wit Island and Greenland, which are apperteinmg vnto Norway, 
Sweueland, Ireland, Gotland, Denmarke, Semeland, Wmdland, 
Curland Roe, Femeland, Wireland, Flanders, Chenlland, Lap- 
land and all the other lands & Islands of the East sea, euen vnto 10 
Russia (in which Lapland he placed the Easterly bounds of his 
Brittish Empire) and many other Islands beyond Norway, euen 
vnder the North pole, which are appendances of Scantia, now 
called Norway. These people were wild and sauage, and had not 
in them the loue of God nor of their neighbors, because all euiU 15 
commeth from the North, yet there were among them certeine 
Christians liuing in secret. But king Arthur was an exceeding 
good Christian, and caused them to be baptized, and thorowout 
all Norway to worship one God, and to receiue and keepe in- 
uiolably for euer, faith in Christ onely. At that time all the noble 20 
men of Norway tooke wiues of the noble nation of the Britaines, 
whereupon the Norses say, that they are descended of the race 
and blood of this kingdome. The aforesayd king Arthur obteined 
also in those dayes of the Pope & court of Rome, that Norway 
should be for euer annexed to the crowne of Bntaine for the 25 
inlargement of this kingdome, and he called it the chamber of 
Britaine. For this cause the Norses say, that they ought to dwell 
with vs in this kingdome, to wit, that they belong to the crowne of 
Britaine : for they had rather dwell here then in their owne natiue 
fp. 31 countrey, which is drie and full of | mountaines, and barren, and 30 
no graine growing there, but in certeine places. But this countrey 
of Britaine is fruitfull, wherein come and all other good things do 
grow and increase : for which cause many cruell battels haue bene 
oftentimes fought betwixt the Englishmen and the people of 
Norway, and infinite numbers of people haue bene slaine, & the 35 
Norses haue possessed many lands and Islands of this Empire, 
which vnto this day they doe possesse, neither could they euer after- 
wards be fully expelled. But now at length they are incorporated 
with vs by the receiuing of our religion and sacraments, and by 
taking wiues of our nation, and by affinitie, and mariages. For 40 
so the good king Edward (who was a notable mainteiner of peace) 
ordeined and granted vnto them by the generall consent of the 



whole kingdome, so that the people may, and ought from hence- 
foorth dwell and remaine in this kingdome with vs as our louing 
sworne brethren. 

A testimonie out of the foresayd Galfridus Monu- 
5 victensis, concerning the conquests of Malgo, king 
of England. Lib. ii. cap. 7. 

lOrtiporio successit Malgo, omnium fere Britanniae 
pulcherrimus, multorum tyrannorum depulsor, ro- 
bustus armis, largior cseteris, & vltra modum 
probitate praeclarus. Hie etiam totam Insulam 
obtinuit, & sex conprouinciales Oceani Insulas : 
Hyberniam videlicet, atque Islandiam, Gotlandiam, 
Orcades, Noruegiam, Daciam, adiecit dirissimis 
prselijs potestati suae. 

15 The same in English. 

MAlgo succeeded Vortiporius which was the goodliest man 
in person of all Britaine, a prince that expulsed many 
tyrants. He was strong and valiant in warre, taller then most 
men that then liued, and exceeding famous for his vertues. This 
20 king also obteined the gouernment of the whole Island of Britaine, 
and by most sharpe battailes he recouered to his Empire the sixe 
Islands of the Ocean sea, which before had bene made tributaries 
by king Arthur, namely Ireland, Island, Gotland, Orkney, Norway, 
and Denmarke. 

25 The conquest of the Isles of Anglesey and Man by 
Edwin the Saxon king of Northumberland written 
in the second Booke and fift Chapter of Beda his 
Ecclesiasticall historic of the English nation. 

Duinus Nordanhumbrorum gentis, id est, eius quae 
ad borealem Humbri fluminis plagam inhabitat, 
maiore potentia cunctis qui Britanniam incolunt, 
Anglorum pariter & Britonum populis praefuit, 
praster Cantuarios tantiim, necn6n & Menauias 
Britonum insulas, quae inter Hiberniam & Britan- 
niam sitae sunt, Anglorum subiecit potestati. 


The same in English. 

EDwin king of the people of Northumberland, that is to say, 
of them which inhabit to the North of the riuer Humber, 
being of greater authoritie then any other potentate in the whole 
Isle of Britaine, bare rule aswell ouer the English as the British 5 
nation, except onely the people of Kent : who also brought in 
subiection vnder the English, the Isles of Man and Anglesey, and 
the other Northwesterne Isles of the Britons, which are situate 
betweene Britaine and Ireland. 

Another testimonie alledged by Beda to the same lo 
purpose. Lib. 2. cap. 9. 

ANno ab incamatione Domini sexcentesimo vicesimo quarto, 
±\. gens Nordanhumbrorum, hoc est, ea natio Anglorum quae 
ad aquilonarem Humbri fluminis plagam habitat, cum rege suo 
Eduino, verbum fidei (praedicante Paulino, cuius supra memini- 15 
mus) suscepit : cui videlicet regi in auspicium suscipiendae fidei, 
& regni coelestis potestas, & terreni creuerat imperij : ita vt (quod 
nemo Anglorum ante eum fecit) omnes Britanniae fines, qua vel 
ipsorum vel Britonum Prouinciae habitabantur, sub ditione acce- 
perit. Quin & Menauias insulas (sicut & supra docuimus) imperio 20 
subiugauit Anglorum. Quarum prior quae ad austrum est, & situ 
amplior, & frugum prouentu atque vbertate foilicior, nongentarum 
sexaginta familiarum mensuram, iuxta aestimationem Anglorum, 
secunda trecentarum & vltrk spatium tenet. 

[p. 4] I The same in English. 25 

IN the yeere from the incarnation of our Lord, sixe hundreth 
twentie and foure, the people of Northumberland, to wit, those 
English people which inhabit on the North side of the riuer of 
Humber, together with their king Edwin, at the Christian preach- 
ing and perswasion of Paulinus aboue mentioned, embraced the 30 
Gospel. Under which king, after he had once accepted of the 
Christian faith, the power both of the heauenly & of his earthly 
kingdome was inlarged ; insomuch, that he (which no English 
king had done before him) brought vnder his subiection all the 
prouinces of Britaine, which were inhabited either by the English 35 
men themselues, or by the Britons. Moreouer, he subdued vnto 


the crowne of England (as we haue aboue signified) the Hebrides, 
commonly called the Westerne Islands. The principall wherof 
being more commodiously and pleasantly seated towards the 
South, and more abounding with corne then the rest, conteineth 
5 according to the estimation of the English, roome enough for 960. 
families, and the second for 300. and aboue. 

The voyage of Bertus, generall of an armie sent into 

Ireland by Ecfridus king of Northumberland, in the 

yere of our Lord 684, out of the 4. Booke and 

26. Chapter of Beda his Ecclesiasticall 


Nno Dominicae incarnationis sexcentesimo octo- 
gesimo quarto, Ecfridus rex Nordanhumbrorum, 
misso Hiberniam cum exercitu duce Berto, 
vastauit misere gentem innoxiam, & nationi 
Anglorum semper amicissimam, ita vt nee 
ecclesijs quidem aut monasterijs manus parceret 
hostilis. At insulani & quantum valuere armis 

arma repellebant, & inuocantes diuinse auxilium pietatis coelitus se 
20 vindicari continuis diu imprecationibus postulabant. Et quamuis 

maledici regnum Dei possidere non possint, creditum tamen est, 

qu6d hi qui merito impietatis suae maledicebantur, ocyCis Domino 

vindice, poenas sui reatus luerent. 

The same in English. 

25 T N the yeere of our Lord 684, Ecfrid the king of Northumber- 
X. land sent captaine Bert into Ireland with an armie, which 
Bert miserably wasted that innocent nation being alwayes most 
friendly vnto the people of England, insomuch that the fury of the 
enemy spared neither churches nor monasteries. Howbeit the 

30 Islanders to their power repelled armes with armes, and crauing 
Gods aid from heauen with continuall imprecations and curses, 
they pleaded for reuenge. And albeit cursed speakers can by no 
meanes inherit the kingdome of God, it was thought notwith- 
standing, that they which were accursed for their impiety did 

35 not long escape the vengeance of God imminent for their offences. 



The voyage of Oct her made to the Northeast parts 

beyond Norway, reported by himselfe vnto Alfred the 

famous king of England^ about the yere 890. 

Fynnes Hue 
by hunting 
& fishing. 

The place 

whither the 


The riuer of 
Duina of 

Cther said, that the countrey wherein he dwelt was 
called Helgoland. Octher tolde his lord king 5 
Alfred that he dwelt furthest North of any other 
Norman. He sayd that he dwelt towards the 
North part of the land toward the West coast : 
and affirmed that the land, notwithstanding it 
stretcheth marueilous farre towards the North, 10 
yet it is all desert and not inhabited, vnlesse it be very few places, 
here and there, where certeine Finnes dwell vpon the coast, who 
Hue by hunting all the Winter, and by fishing in Summer. He 
said that vpon a certeine time he fell into a fantasie and desire to 
prooue and know how farre that land stretched Northward, and 15 
whether there were any habitation of men North beyond the 
desert. Whereupon he tooke his voyage directly North along the 
coast, hauing vpon his steereboord alwayes the desert land, and 
vpon the leereboord the maine Ocean : and continued his course 
for the space of 3. dayes. In which space he was come as far 20 
towards the North, as commonly the whale hunters vse to trauell. 
Whence he proceeded in his course still towards the North so 
farre as he was able to saile in other 3. dayes. At the end 
whereof he perceiued that the coast turned towards the East, or 
els the sea opened with a maine gulfe into the land, he knew not 25 
how farre. Well he wist and remembred, that he was faine to 
stay till he had a Westeme winde, and somewhat Northerly : and 
thence he sailed plaine East along the coast still so far as he was 
able in the space of 4. dayes. At the end of which time he | was 
compelled againe to stay till he had a full Northerly winde, forso- 
much as the coast bowed thence directly towards the South, or at 
least wise the sea opened into the land he could not tell how 
farre : so that he sailed thence along the coast continually full 
South, so farre as he could trauaile in 5. dayes ; and at the fifth 
dayes end he discouered a mightie riuer which opened very farre 
into the land. At the entrie of which riuer he stayed his course, 
and in conclusion turned backe againe, for he durst not enter 
thereinto for feare of the inhabitants of the land : perceiuing that 
on the other side of the riuer the countrey was thorowly inhabited : 
which was the first peopled land that he had found since his 40 
departure from his owne dwelling : whereas continually thorowout 




all his voyage, he had euermore on his steereboord, a wildernesse 

and desert countrey, except that in some places, he saw a few a Desert 

1 • 1 11 T> JUL countrey. 

fishers, fowlers, and hunters, which were all Wynnes : and all the Fynnes. 
way vpon his leereboord was the maine ocean. The Biarmes had Biarmia. 
S inhabited and tilled their countrey indifferent well, notwithstanding 
he was afrayed to go vpon shore. But the countrey of the Ter- Terfynnes. 
fynnes lay all waste, and not inhabited, except it were, as we haue 
sayd, whereas dwelled certeine hunters, fowlers, and fishers. The 
Biarmes tolde him a number of stories both of their owne countrey, 

lo and of the countreyes adioyning. Howbeit, he knew not, nor 
could affirme any thing for certeine trueth : forsomuch as he was 
not vpon land, nor saw any himselfe. This onely he iudged, that The Fynnes 
the Fynnes and Biarmes speake but one language. The principall speake^one" 
purpose of his traueile this way, was to encrease the knowledge ia"suage. 

IS and discouerie of these coasts and countreyes, for the more com- 
moditie of fishing of *horsewhales, which haue in their teeth bones 
of great price and excellencie : whereof he brought some at his 
returne vnto the king. Their skinnes are also very good to make Use of ye 

, . . Morsses 

cables for shippes, and so vsed. This kinde of whale is much skinnefor 

2o lesse in quantitie then other kindes, hauing not in length aboue 
seuen elles. And as for the common kind of whales, the place of 
most and best hunting of them is in his owne countrey : whereof 
some be 48. elles of length, and some 50. of which sort he affirmed 
that he himselfe was one of the sixe, which in the space of 3, dayes 

25 killed threescore. He was a man of exceeding wealth in such 
riches, wherein the wealth of that countrey doth consist. At the 
same time that he came to the king, he had of his owne breed 
600. tame Deere, of that kinde which they call Rane Deere : of the Sixe 
which number 6. were stall Rane Deere, a beast of great value, tame Deere. 

30 and marueilously esteemed among the Fynnes, for that with them 
they catch the wilde Rane Deere. He was among the chiefe men 
of his countrey one : and yet he had but 20. kine, and 20. swine, 
and that little which he tilled, he tilled it all with horses. Their 
principall wealth consisteth in the tribute which the Fynnes pay The Fynnes 

35 them, which is all in skinnes of wilde beasts, feathers of birds, 
whale bones, and cables, and tacklings for shippes made of Whales 
or Seales skinnes. Euery man payeth according to his abilitie. Note. 
The richest pay ordinarily 15. cases of Marternes, 5. Rane Deere 
skinnes, and one Beare, ten bushels of feathers, a coat of a Beares 

40 skinne, two cables threescore elles long apiece, the one made of caWes of 
Whales skin, the other of Seales. Srskfns. 

* Or, morsses, their teeth comended. 


^description He sayd, that the countrey of Norway was very long and small. 

So much of it as either beareth any good pasture, or may be tilled, 

lieth vpon the Sea coast, which notwithstanding in some places is 

very rockie and stonie : and all Eastward, all along against the 

inhabited land, lie wilde and huge hilles and mountaines, which are 5 

in some places inhabited by the Fynnes. The inhabited land is 

broadest toward the South, & the further it stretcheth towards 

the North, it groweth euermore smaller and smaller. Towards 

the South it is peraduenture threescore miles in bredth or broader 

in some places : about the middest, 30. miles or aboue, and to- 10 

wards the North where it is smallest, he affirmeth that it proueth 

The bredth not three miles from the Sea to the mountaines. The mountaines 

mofluines of be in breadth of such quantitie, as a man is able to traueile ouer 

Norway. jj^ ^ fortnight, and in some places no more then may be traueiled 

in sixe dayes. Right ouer against this land, in the other side of 15 
Swethiand. the mountaines, somewhat towards the South, lieth Swethland, 
QueeneUnd. and against the same towards the North, lieth Queeneland. The 
Queenes sometimes passing the mountaines, inuade and spoile the 
Normans : and on the contrary part, the Normans likewise some- 
times spoile their countrey. Among the mountaines be many and 20 
great lakes in sundry places of fresh water, into the which the 
Boau caried Queenes vse to carie their boats vpon their backs ouer land, and 
back? thereby inuade and spoile the countrey of the Normans. These 
boats of theirs be very little and very light. 

The voyage of Octher out of his countrey of Halgo- 25 
land into the sound of Denmarke vnto a port called 
Hetha, which seemeth to be Wismer or Rostorke, 


I Cther sayd that the countrey wherein he dwelled, was called 

Halgoland : and affirmed that there was no man dwelling 

towards the North from him. From this countrey towards the 30 

[p. 6] I South, there is a certeine *port called Scirings hall, whither, he 

sayth, that a man was not able to saile in a moneths space, if he 

lay still by night, although he had euery day a full winde. And 

he shall saile all the way along the coast, hauing on his steere- 

boord, first Jutland and the Islands which lie betwixt this countrey 35 

& lutland, still along the coast of this countrey, till he come to 

Thedescrip. Scirings hall, hauing it on his larboord. At Scirings hall there 

wund of ' entreth into the land a maine gulfe of the Sea, which is so broad, 


* Or, streight. It seemeth to be about Elsenborg. 



that a man cannot see ouer it : and on the other side against the 
same, is Gotland, and then Silland. This sea stretcheth many Gotland 
hundreth miles vp into the land. From Scirings hall he sayd that 
he sailed in 5. dayes to the port which is called Hetha, which lieth 

5 betwixt the countries of * Wendels, Saxons, and Angles, whereunto 
it is subiect. And as he sailed thitherward from Scirings hall, he had 
vpon his steereboord Denmarke, and on his leereboord the maine 
sea, for the space of 3. dayes : and 2. dayes before, he arriued in 
Hetha, he had Gotland on leerboord, and Silland, with diuers 

10 other Islands. In that countrey dwelt English men, before they 
came into this land. And these 2. dayes he had vpon his leer- 
boord the Islands that are subiect to Denmarke. 

Hetha but 
two dayes 
sayling from 
It seemethto 
be Wismer 
or Rostocke. 

VVolstans nauigation in the fEast sea, from Hetha 
to Trusco, which is about Dantzig. 

'Olstan sayd, that he departed from Hetha, and 
arriued at Trusco, in the space of 7. dayes, and 
7. nights : during which time, his shippe kept 
her course continually vnder saile. All this 
voyage Wenedland was still vpon his steerboord, 
and on his leerboord was Langland, Layland, 
Falster, and Sconie : all which countreyes are 
subiect to Denmarke. Upon his leerboord also, was Bargenland, Bargeniand, 
which hath a priuate king, vnto whom it is subiect. Hauing left holme. 
Bargenland, he passed by Blekingie, Meere, Eland and Gotland, 
25 hauing them on his leerboord : all which countreys are subiect to 
Sweden : and Wenedland was all the way vpon his steerboord, 
vntil he came to Wixel mouth. Wixel is a very great riuer which wixei is the 
runneth along betwixt Witland and Wenedland. Witland is fauYthinto 
apperteining to the Easterlings : and the riuer of Wixel runneth jofnutg!*^ 
30 out of \ Wenedland into Eastmeere, which Eastmeere is at the 
least 15. miles in breadth. There runneth also another riuer 
called Using from the East, and falleth into Eastmeere, out of 
another lake vpon the banke, whereupon is situated Fruso. So Fmso. 
that Using comming out of || Eastland, and Wixel out of Wened- 
35 land, fall both together into Eastmeere, and there Wixel depriueth 
Using of his name, and runneth thence West & North into the 
sea ; whereof the place is called Wixelmouth. 

Or, Prussia. 

t Within the sound of Denmarke. 
II Or, Lituania. 



The descrip- 
tion of East- 

Mares milke 
a chiefe 

Eastland is a very large land, and there be many cities and 
townes within it, and in euery one of them is a king : whereby 
there is continually among them great strife and contention. 
There is great plentie of hony and fish. 

The wealthiest men drinke commonly Mares milke, and the 5 
poore people and slaues meade. There is no ale brewed among 
the Easterlings, but of mead there is plentie. 

[p. 7] 

The nauigation of King Edgar, taken out of 
Florentius Wigorniensis, Houeden, and M. Dee his 

discourse of the Brittish Monarchic, pag. 54, 55, &c. 10 

Haue often times (sayd he) and many wayes 
looked into the state of earthly kingdomes, 
generally the whole world ouer (as farre as it 
may be yet knowen to Christian men commonly) 
being a studie of no great difficultie, but rather 15 
a purpose somewhat answerable to a perfect 
Cosmographer, to finde himselfe Cosmopolites, a 
citizen and member of the whole and onely one mysticall citie 
vniuersall, and so consequently to meditate of the Cosmopoliticall 
gouernment thereof, vnder the King almightie, passing on very 20 
swiftly toward the most dreadfull and most comfortable terme pre- 

And I finde (sayd he) that if this Brittish Monarchic would 
heretofore haue followed the aduantages which they haue had 
onward, they might very well, yer this, haue surpassed by iustice, 25 
and godly sort, any particular Monarchic els, that euer was on 
earth since mans creation : and that to all such purposes as to 
God are most acceptable, and to all perfect common wealths, most 
honorable, profitable, and comfortable. 

But yet (sayd he) there is a little locke of Lady Occasion 30 
flickering in the aire, by our hands to catch hold on, wherby we 
may yet once more (before all be vtterly past, and for euer) dis- 
creetly and valiantly recouer and enioy, if not all our ancient 
& due appurtenances to this Imperiall Brittish monarchic, yet at 
the least some such notable portion thereof, as (al circumstances 35 
duely and iustly | appertaining to peace & amitie with forrein 
princes being offred & vsed) this may become the most peaceable, 
most rich, most puissant, & most florishing monarchic of al els 
(this day) in christendome. Peaceable, I say, euen with the most 


part of the selfe same respects that good king Edgar had (being 
but a Saxon) and by sundry such meanes, as he chiefly in this 
Empire did put in proofe and vre triumphantly, whereupon his 
simame was Pacificus, most aptly and iustly. This peaceable 
5 king Edgar had in his minde about six hundred yeeres past, the 
representation of a great part of the selfe same Idaea, which from 
aboue onely, & by no mans deuise hath streamed downe into my 
imagination, being as it becommeth a subiect carefuU for the godly 
prosperitie of this British Empire vnder our most peaceable 

10 Queene Elizabeth. 

For, iEdgarus pacificus, Regni sui prospiciens vtilitati, pariter Fiores His- 
& quieti, quatuor millia octingentas sibi robustas cogregauit naues ^°"*'"°'' 
e quibus mille ducentas, in plaga Anglise Orientali, mille ducentas 
in Occidentali, mille ducentas in Australi, mille ducentas in 

15 Septentrionali pelago costituit, vt ad defensionem regni sui, contra 
exteras nationes, belloru discrimina sustinerent. 

O wisedome imperiall, most diligently to be imitated, videlicet, 
prospicere, to foresee. O charitable kingly parent, that was 
touched with ardent zeale, for procuring the publike profite of his 

20 kingdome, yea and also the peaceable enioying therof. O, of an 
incredible masse of treasure, a kingly portion, yet, in his coffers 
remayning : if then he had, (or late before) any warres, seeing no 
notable taxe, or contribution publike is historically mentioned to 
haue bene for the charges leuied : if in peace he himselfe flourished 

25 so wealthily : O marueilous politicall, & princely prudencie, in 
time of peace to foresee, and preuent, (and that most puissantly, 
and inuincibly) all possible malice, fraude, force, and mischiefe 
forrain. O most discreet liberalitie to such excellent vses, powring 
out his treasure so abundantly. O faithfull English people (then,) 

30 and worthy subiects, of such an Imperiall and godly Gouernour. 
O your true, and willing hearts, and blessed ready hands (then,) 
so to impart such abundance of victuals for those huge Nauies 
maintenance : so (I say) as neither dearth of famine, seemed 
(fondly) to be feared of you, for any intolerable want likely to 

35 ensue thereby, nor prices of victuals complained of to be vn- 
reasonable enhaunsed by you, finding for their great sales so good, 
and rare opportunitie. 

This peaceable king Edgar, was one of the perfect Imperiall 
Monarches of this British Empire, and therefore thus his fame 

40 remaineth (for euer) recorded. 

Anglici orbis Basileus, flos, & Decus ^dgarus, non mintis Charta 
memorabilis Anglis, quam Cyrus Persis, Romulus Romanis, Henrici 



Alexander Macedonibus, Arsaces Parthis, Carolus Francis, 
Anno vitae 37. Regni sui cum fratre, & post 21. Idibus 
lulij obijt, & apud Glascon sepelitur. 

O Glastonbury, Glastonbury, the treasurie of the carcases of 
so famous, and so many persons (Quae olim mater sane- 5 
torum dicta es, & ab alijs, tumulus sanctorum, quam ab ipsis 
discipulis Domini, aedificatam fuisse venerabilis habet Antiquorum 
authoritas) how lamentable is thy case nowe ! howe hath hypocrisie 
and pride wrought thy desolation ! though I omit here the names 
of very many other, both excellent holy men, and mighty princes, 10 
whose carcases are committed to thy custody, yet that Apostolike 
Joseph, that triumphant British Arthur, and nowe this peaceable 
and prouident Saxon king Edgar, doe force me with a certaine 
sorowful reuerence, here to celebrate thy memorie. 

This peaceable king Edgar (as by ancient Recordes may 15 
appeare) his Sommer progresses, and yerely chiefe pastimes were, 
the sailing round about this whole Isle of Albion, garded with his 
grand nauie of 4000. saile at the least, parted into 4. equall parts 
of petie Nauies, eche one being of 1000. ships, for so it is anciently 
recorded. 20 

Ranuiphus Idem quoque ^dgarus, 4000. naues congregauit, ex quibus 

omni anno, post festum Paschale, 1000. naues ad quam- 
libet Angliae partem statuit, sic, aestate Insulam circum- 
nauigauit : hyeme ver6, iudicia in Prouincia exercuit : 
& haec omnia ad sui exercitium, & ad hostium fecit 25 

COuld, and would that peaceable & wise king Edgar, before 
need, as being in peace and quiet with all nations about 
him, and notwithstanding mistrusting his possible enemies, make 
his pastimes so roially, politically, and triumphantly, with so many 30 
thousand ships, and at the least with ten times so many men as 
ships, and that yerely ! and shall we being not assured of such 
neighbors friendship, as may become to vs as cruel and tyrannicall 
enemies as neuer king Edgar needed to dread the like, and they 
as many and mighty princes, as neuer king Edgar coped with the 35 
like, shall we (said he) not iudge it some part of wisdome, to 
imitate carefully in some litle proportion (though not with so 
many thousands) the prosperous pastimes of peaceable king 
Edgar, that Saxonicall Alexander ? yea, prosperous pastimes these 
may bee iustly counted, by which he also made euident to the 40 
whole world, that as he wisely knew the ancient bounds and 


limits of this British Empire, | so that he could and would royally, [p. 8] 
iustly, and triumphantly enioy the same, spite of the deuil, and 
maugre the force of any forreine potentate. And al that, so highly 
and faithfully to the glory of God finally intended and brought to 

5 passe, as the wisest and godliest Prelates and counsellors of those 
dayes (so counted of and recorded) coulde best aduise and direct 
him, or perchance, but sincerely commend and duetifully in- 
courage him in, he being of himselfe so bent, as purposing first 
inuincibly to fortifie the chiefe and vttermost walles of his Islandish 

10 Monarchie, against all forreine encombrance possible. And in 
that fortification furthering and assuring to trust best his owne 
ouersight and iudgement, in yeerely viewing the same in euery 
quarter thereof, and that as it were for his pastime Imperiall, also 
in Sommer time, to the ende that afterward in all securitie, hee 

15 might in Winter time (vacare) be at conuenient leisure on land, 
chiefly to set foorth Gods due honour, and secondly to vnder- 
stand, and diligently to listen to the causes and complaints of his 
commons. For as Matthseus Westmonasteriensis of him to his 
Imperiall commendation hath left vs a remembrance. 

20 Habebat autem praeterea consuetudinem, per omnes Regni 
prouincias transire, vt intelligeret quomodo legum iura, 
& suorum statuta decretorum, a principibus obseruarentur, 
& ne pauperes a potentibus prseiudicium passi, opprime- 
rentur, diligenter inuestigare solebat : in vno fortitudini, in 

25 altero lustitise studens, & Reipub. regnique vtilitati con- 

sulens in vtroque. Hinc hostibus circumquaque timor, 
& amor omnium erga eum excreuerat subditorum. 

Thus we see how in opportunitie, this peaceable Edgar pro- 
cured to this Empire such prosperous securitie, that his true and 

30 faithfuU subiects, all maner of wayes (that is at home and also at 
sea, both outward and inward) might peaceably, safely and securely 
employ their wits and trauels for the marueilous enriching of this 
kingdome, and pleasuring very many other, carying forth the 
naturall commodities of this land, abounding here aboue our 

35 necessary vses (and due store reserued) and likewise againe 
furnishing the same with all necessary and not superfluous forreine 
commodities, fet from farre or forrein countreys. This was in 
deed (as before is recorded) a kingly prouidence, Reipub. Regniq; 
vtilitati consulens, &c. besides with great vtilitie and profite 

40 publique foreseene, and by his meanes enioyeji, he himselfe vsed 
most gladly the aduantage of that securitie, in ministring of iustice, 
or causing the same to be executed all his kingdome ouer, not 



squemishly, frowningly or skornefully shunning the ragged and 
tattered sleeue of any suppliant, holding vp to him a simple soiled 
bill of complaint or petition, and that homely contriued, or afrayde 
at, and timerously hasting from the sickly pale face or feeble 
limmed suter, extreemely constrained so to speake for himselfe, 5 
nor parcially smoothering his owne conscience, to fauour or main- 
teine the foule fault and trespasse vnlawfuU of any his subiects, 
how mightie or necessary soeuer, they (els) were, but diligently 
made search, least Pauperes k potentibus prgiudicium passi, 
opprimerentur. 10 

Thus did publique securitie fro forrein foe abroad, and true 
loue of his owne subiects, garding him at home, and the heauenly 
spirit directing all his good purposes, cause iustice and equitie in 
all quarters of this Albion to flourish. For which his peaceable 
and prosperous benefits at the eternall king his hand obteined, 15 
bee became not insolent or declined to tyrannicall regiment (as 
some princes in other countreis haue made their Hues Comico- 
tragical) but with all his foresaide inuincible Seaforce, aboundant 
wealth, triumphant peace, with securitie and Iustice ouer all his 
Monarchic preuailing, his heart was continually, and most zealously 20 
bent to set foorth the glory, laude and honour of the Almightie 
Creator, the heauenly and euerlasting king, by such principall and 
princely meanes, as (then) were deemed to God most acceptable, 
as many monuments yet to our dayes remaining, do of him 
vndoubtedly testifie : As this, for one. 25 

Ex charta 





Altitonantis Dei largiflua dementia, qui est rex Regum, Ego 
y^i^dgarus Anglorum Basileus omniilmq; Regum, Insularum, 
Oceanfq; Britanniam circumiacentis, cunctariimq; nationum 
qu? infra eam includuntur, Imperator, & Uominus, gratias 
ago ipsi Deo omnipotenti, Regi meo, qui meum Imperium 30 
sic ampliauit, & exaltauit super regnum patru meorum : 
qui licet Monarchiam totius Angliae adepti sunt k tempore 
Athelstani (qui primus regnum Anglorum, & omnes 
Nationes, qu? Britanniam incolunt, sibi Armis subegit) 
nullus tamen eorfl vltra eius fines imperium suum dilatare 35 
aggressus est. Mihi autem concessit propitia Diuinitas, 
cum Anglorum Imperio, omnia regna Insularum Oceani, 
cum suis ferocissimis Regibus, vsq; Noruegiam, maximdmq; 
partem Hyberniae, cum sua nobilissima Ciuitate Dublinia, 
Anglorum regno subiugare : Quos etiam omnes, meis 40 
Imperijs colla subdere (Dei fauente gratia) coegi. Qua- 
propter & ego Christi gloriam, & laudem exaltare, & eius 



seruitium amplificare deuotus disposui, & per meos fideles 
Fautores, Dunstanum viz. Archiepiscopum, Athelwoldum, 
& Oswaldum episcopos (quos mihi patres spirituales, & 
Consiliatores elegi) magna ex parte, secundum quod dis- 
posui, effeci, &c. 

And againe this in another Monument. 


OMnipotentis Dei, &c. Ipsius nutu & gratia suffultus. Ego Fundatio 
^dgarus Basileus dilectae Insulg Albionis, subditis nobis Cathedraiis 
sceptris Scotorum, Cumbrorum, ac Brytonum, & omnium circum- 
10 circa Regionum, quieta pace perfruens, studiosus sollicite de 
laudibus creatoris omnium occupor addendis : Ne nunc inertia, 
nostrisq; diebus (plus fquo) seruitus eius tepescere videatur, &c. 
18. mei terreni Imperij anno, &c. Anno Incarnationis Dominicae, 

15 Ego ^dgarus totius Albionis Basileus hoc priuilegium (tanta 

roboratum authoritate) crucis Thaumate confirmaui. 

So that by all these rehearsed Records, it is most euident that 
the peaceable king Edgar, was one of those Monarchs, in whose 
handes (if life had suffised) the incredible value and priuiledge 

20 granted by God and nature vnto this British monarchie, might 
haue bene peaceably purchased in such sort, as the very blessing 
and fauour of the diuine Trinitie hath laid meanes for our industrie 
to attaine to, and enioye the same by. 

And though sundry other valiant princes and kings of this land 

25 I could recite, which in times past haue either by intent gone 
about, or by wise and valiant exploit, haue meetely well prospered 
towards this Islandish appropriate supremacie attaining, yet neuer 
any other reasonable meanes was vsed, or by humane wit, or 
industrie can be contriued, to al purposes sufficient, but only by 

30 our sea forces preuailing, and so by our inuincible enioying al 
within the sea limites of our British royaltie contained. 

To which incredible political mysterie attaining, no easier, 
readier, or perfecter plat and introduction, is (as yet) come to my 
imagination, then is the present and continuall seruice of threescore 

35 good and tall warlike ships, with twentie smaller barkes, and those 
80. ships (great and smal) with 6660. apt men furnished, and all 
singularly well appointed for seruice both on sea and land, faith- 
fully and diligently to be done in such circumspect and discreet 
order, as partly I haue in other places declared, and further (vpon 

40 good occasion offered) may declare. 



Note the 
royaltie ouer 
the British 
Ocean sea, 
round about 
the British 

This grand nauie of peaceable king Edgar, of so many thousand 
ships, and they furnished with an hundred thousand men at the 
least, with all the finall intents of those sea forces, so inuincible, 
continually mainteined, the order of the execution of their seruice, 
the godly and Imperial successe thereof, are in a maner kingly 5 
lessons and prophetical incouragements to vs left, euen now to 
bee as prouident for publique securitie as he was, to be as skilful 
of our sea right and royal limits, and wisely to finde our selues as 
able to recouer and enioy the same as he was, who could not 
chuse, but with the passing and yeerely sayling about this Brittish lo 
Albion, with all the lesser Isles next adiacent round about it, he 
could not chuse I say, but by such ful and peaceable possession, 
find himselfe (according to right, and his hearts desire) the true 
and soueraigne Monarch of all the British Ocean, enuironing any 
way his empire of Albion and Ireland, with the lesser Islands 15 
next adiacent : with memorial whereof, as with one very precious 
iewel Imperial, hee adorned the title and crowne of his regalitie, 
as with the testimonie annexed of the states and nobles of his 
Empire, to commit to perpetuall memorie, the stile of his chiefe 
worldly dignitie, in this very tenor of words before also re- 20 

Ego yEdgarus Anglorum Basileus, omnidmque Regum, 
Insularum, Oceanique Britanniam circumiacentis, cuncta- 
riimq; nationum, quae infra eam includuntur, Imperator, 
& Dominus. 25 

The voyage of Edmund and Edward the sonnes 

of King Edmund Ironside into Htingarie^ Anno D. 

1017. Recorded by Florentius Wigorniensis pag. 391. 

An. Dom. 

[Edit consilium Edricus Canuto regi, vt clitunculos 
Eadwardum & Eadmundum regis Eadmundi filios 30 
necaret. Sed quia magnum dedecus sibi vide- 
batur, vt in Anglia perimerentur, paruo elapso 
tempore, ad regem Suauorum occidendos misit. 
Qui, licet fcedus esset inter eos, precibus illius 
nuUatenus voluit acquiescere, sed illos ad regem 35 
Hungarorum Salomonem nomine misit nutriendos vitaeque re- 
seruandos. Quorum vnus scilicet Eadmundus processu temporis 
ibidem vitam finiuit. Eadwardus ver6 Agatham filiam Germani 
Imperatoris Henrici in matrimonium accepit, ex qua Margaretam 


Scotorum reginam, & Christinam Sanctimonialem, & Clitonem 
Eadgarum suscepit. 

I The same in English. [p. 10] 

EDric counselled king Kanutus to murther the yong princes 
Edward and Edmund the sonnes of King Edmund. But 
because it seemed a thing very dishonourable vnto him to haue 
them put to death in England, hee sent them, after a short space, 
vnto the king of Sweden to be slaine. Who, albeit there was a 
league betweene them, would in no case condescend vnto Canutus 

10 his bloody request, but sent them vnto Salomon the king of 
Hungarie to be nourished and preserued aliue. The one whereof 
namely Edmund in processe of time there deceased. But Edward 
receiued to wife Agatha daughter vnto the Germane Emperour 
Henry, of whom he begot Margaret the Queene of the Scots, and 

15 Christina a Nunne, and Clito Edgar. 

A Chronicle of the Kings of Man, taken out 
of M. Camdens Chorographie. 

N the yeere of our Lord 1066. Edward King of 
England, of famous memory deceased, whom 
Harald sonne of Godwin succeeded in his king- 
dome; against which Harald the king of Norwaie 
called Harald Harfager fought a battel at Stain- 
ford bridge, where the English winning the fielde 
put all the Noruegians to flight : out of which 
25 flight one Godredus sirnamed Crouan (the sonne of Harald the 
blacke, who had before time fled out of Island) repaired vnto 
Godred sonne of Syrric, who then reigned in Man, and was right 
friendly and honourably enterteined by him. 

In the very same yeere William the Conquerour subdued 
30 England, and Godred the sonne of Syrric, king of Man, deceased, 

after whom succeeded his sonne Fingal. Fingai. 

In the yeere 1066. Godredus Crouan gathered a fleete of ships, 
and sailed vnto Man, and giuing battell vnto the people of the 
countrey, was vanquished and put to flight. The second time 
35 also hauing gathered his armie and ships together, hee came vnto 
Man, fought with the inhabitants, lost the victorie, and was chaced 
away. Yea, the third time he assembled a great multitude, and 
comming by night vnto the port which is called Ramsa, hid 300. 


of his men in a wood standing vpon the side of the hill called 
Scacafel. The Sunne was no sooner vp, but the Mannians 
arranged themselues and with great furie set vpon Godred. And 
in the midst of the skirmish, the foresaid 300. men 1-ising out of 
their ambush, and comming vpon the backes of the Mannians, 5 
molested them so sore, that they were enforced to flie. But when 
they saw y' they were ouercome and had no place of refuge to 
retire vnto (for the tide of the sea had filled the chanel of the 
riuer of Ramsa) and seeing the enemie so fiercely pursuing them 
on the other side, they which remained, with lamentable outcries 10 
beseeched Godred to spare their Hues. Then hee being mooued 
with compassion, and pitying their extreme calamitie, because hee 
had bene of late sustained and nourished among them, sounded 
a retreat and forbad his souldiers to make any longer pursuit. 
The day following Godred put his souldiers to their choice, 15 
whether they would diuide Man among themselues and inhabite 
it, or whether they would take the wealth of the countrey, and so 
returne vnto their owne home. Howbeit, it pleased them better 
to waste the whole Island and to enrich themselues with the 
commodities thereof, and so to returne from whence they came. 20 
Nowe Godred himselfe with a fewe Islanders which had remained 
with him, tooke possession of the South part of the Island, and 
vnto the remnant of the Mannians he granted the North part 
thereof, vpon condition, that none of them should at any time 
afterward dare once to chalenge any parcell of the said ground 25 
by title of inheritance. Whereupon it commeth to passe, that 
vnto this day the whole Island is the kings owne Fee-simple, and 
that all the reuenues thereof pertaine vnto him. Also Godredus 
subdued Dublin vnto himselfe & a great part of I^inestir. And 
he so tamed the Scots, that none of them durst build a ship or 30 
Boats hauing a boate, With abouc three yron nailes in it. Hee reigned 16. 
^n^li'ies** yeeres and died in the Island called Yle. He left behinde him 
in them. three sonnes, Lagman, Harald, and Olauus. Lagman being the 
eldest chalenged the kingdome and reigned seuen yeeres. How- 
beit Harald his brother rebelled against him a long time, but 35 
being at length taken by Lagman, hee was gelt and had his eyes 
put out. Afterward I.agman repenting him that he had put out 
the eyes of his brother, did of his owne accord relinquish his 
kingdome, and taking vpon him the badge of the crosse, he went 
on pilgrimage to lerusalem, in which iourney also he died. 40 

In the yeere 1075. all the principall men of the Islands hauing 
intelligence of the death of Lagman, sent messengers vnto Mure- 
cardus 0-Brien King of Irland, requesting him that hee would 


send some wel-disposed person of his owne kinred and blood 
royall, vntill Olauus sonne of | Godred were come to full age. The [p. II] 
king most willingly condescended vnto their request, and sent 
vnto them one Dopnald the sonne of Tade, charging and com- 
5 maunding him that with all meekenesse and modestie, hee should 
gouerne that kingdome, which of right belonged not vnto him. 
Howbeit he, after he had once attained vnto the kingdome, 
neglecting the commaundement of his lord, vsurped the gouern- 
ment with great tyrannic, committing many heinous crimes, and 

10 so he reigned very disorderly for the space of three yeeres. Then 
all the princes of the Islands making a general! conspiracie, 
banded themselues against him, and expelled him out of their 
dominions. And he flying into Irland returned no more vnto 

15 In the yeere 1077. one Ingemundus was sent from the king 
of Norway, to take possession of the kingdome of the Islands. 
And being come vnto the Island of Leodus, hee sent messengers Lewis, 
vnto all the princes of the Islands to come vnto him, commaund- 
ing them to assemble themselues, and to appoint him to be their 

20 King. In the meane season he and his companions spent their 
time in robbing and rioting, rauished women and virgines, and 
addicted themselues to filthy pleasures and to the lustes of the 
flesh. And when these things were reported vnto the princes of 
the Islands, who had assembled themselues to chuse him king, 

25 being mightely incensed thereat, they made haste towards him, 
and comming vpon him in the night, they burnt the house wherein 
hee was, and slue both him and the rest of his company, partly 
with sword, and partly with fire. 

In the yeere 1098. the abbey of S. Maries at Cistertium was 

30 founded. In the same yeere also Antiochia was taken by the 
Christians, and a Comet appeared. 

Moreouer, the same yeere there was a battel fought betweene 
the inhabitants of Man, at Santwat, and they of the North obtained 
the victory. In which battell were slaine Earle Othor and Mac- 

35 Maras, chieftaines of both parts. 

The same yeere Magnus king of Norway, sonne of Olauus, 
sonne of Harald Harfagre, being desirous to view the corps of 
S. Olauus king and Martyr, gaue commaundement that his monu- 
ment should be opened. But the Bishop and the Clergie with- 

40 standing this his attempt, the king went very boldly and by his 
kingly authoritie, caused the cophin to be opened. . And when 
hee had scene with his eyes, and handled with his hands the 
incorrupt body of the foresaid King and Martyr, a sudden feare 


came vpon him, and he departed with great haste. The night 
following Olauus king and Martyr appeared vnto him in a vision, 
saying: Chuse (I say) vnto your selfe one of these two, either 
within 30. dayes to lose your life with your kingdome, or else to 
depart from Norway and neuer to see it againe. The King so 5 
soone as he was awaked out of sleepe, called his Princes and 
Senatours, and expounded the foresaide vision vnto them. And 
they also being astonished thereat gaue him this counsell, that 
with all speed he should depart out of Norway. Then he without 
any further delay caused a Nauie of 160. ships to be prouided, 10 
and so sailed vnto the Islands of Orkney, which hee presently 
subdued, and passing along through all the Islands and conquer- 
ing them, at length he came vnto the Isle of Man, where he was 
no sooner arriued, but he went vnto the Isle of S. Patric to see 
the place of battell, where the inhabitants of Man had of late 15 
fought, because many of the dead bodies were as yet vnburied. 
And seeing that it was a most beautifuU Island, it pleased him 
exceeding well, and therefore hee made choice to inhabite therein 
his owne selfe, and built forts there which are at this day called 
by his owne name. He had the people of Galway in such awe, 20 
that he constrained them to cut downe their owne timber, and to 
bring it vnto his shore for the building of his fortes. Hee sailed 
on further vnto the Isle of Anglesey neere vnto Wales, and finding 
two Earles therein (either of them being called by the name of 
Hugo) he slue the one, and the other hee put to flight, and so 25 
subdued the Island. But the Welshmen presented many gifts 
vnto him, and so bidding them farewell he returned vnto Man. 
Unto Murecard king of Irland he sent his shooes, commaunding 
him that he should cary them on his shoulders, vpon the birth- 
day of our Lord through the midst of his Palace, in the sight of 30 
his Embassadours, that thereby it might appeare vnto them, that 
he was subiect vnto king Magnus. Which when the Irishmen 
heard, they tooke it grieuously and disdeined much thereat. But 
the King being better aduised, I had rather (said he) not only 
beare his shooes, but eate his shooes, then that king Magnus 35 
should destroy any one prouince in Irland. Wherefore he fulfilled 
his comrfiaundement, and honourably enterteined his Embassa- 
dours. Many gifts also he sent vnto king Magnus by them, and 
concluded a league. But the messengers returning vnto their 
lord, tolde him of the situation of Irland, of the beautie thereof, 40 
of the fruitfulnesse of the soile, and of the holesomnesse of the 
aire. Magnus hearing these things was fully resolued to conquer 
all Irland vnto himselfe. And for the same purpose he com- 



maunded that a Fleet should be made ready. But he taking his 
voyage with sixteene ships, & being desirous to view the land, 
when he had vndiscreetly departed from his Nauie, he was 
suddenly inuironed by the Irish, and was himselfe slaine, together 
5 with all that were with him almost. Hee was interred neere vnto 
the Church of S. Patric in Armagh. Hee reigned | sixe yeeres. [p- 12] 
After his death the Princes of the Islands sent for Olauus the 
Sonne of Godredus Crouan, who liued in the Court of Henry 
King of England son vnto William the Conquerour. 

10 In the yeere 1102. Olauus sonne of Godredus Crouan beganne 
his reigne and reigned fourtie yeeres : he was a peaceable man 
being in league with all the Kings of Scotland and Irland in his 
time. He tooke to wife Affrica the daughter of Fergusius of 
Galway, of whom he begat Godredus. Of his concubines he 

15 begat Regnaldus, Lagmannus, and Haraldus, and many daughters, 
whereof one married vnto Sumerledus king of * Herergaidel, which 
afterward occasioned the ouerthrow of the whole kingdome of the 
Islands. He begat foure sonnes by her, namely Dulgallus, Raig- 
naldus, Engus, and Olauus. 

20 In the yeere 1 134. Olauus gaue vnto Yuo the Abbat of Furnes 
a portion of his owne ground in Man to build an Abbey in the 
place which is called Russin. Also hee inriched with reuenues 
and indued with priuiledges al places of religion within his 

25 In the yere 1142. Godredus y^ son of Olauus sailed vnto the 
K. of Norway called Hinge, and doing his homage vnto him he 
remained with him, & was by him honorably enterteined. The 
same yere the 3. sonnes of Harald brother vnto Olauus, who were 
brought vp at the citie of Dublin, gathering together a great 

30 multitude of people, and all the fugitiues and vagabonds of the 
kingdome resorted vnto Man, and demaunded of the said king 
the one halfe of al the kingdome of the Islands. Which thing 
when the king heard, being desirous to pacific them, he answered 
that he would consult about that matter. And a day and place 

35 being appointed, where the consultation should bee kept, in the 
meane time those miscreants cospired together, about the murther- 
ing of the King. And when the day appointed was come, both 
companies assembled themselues vnto the hauen towne called 
Ramsa, and they sate in order, the king with his nobilitie on the 

40 one side, and they with their confederates on the other side. 
Howbeit Regnaldus who had an intention to slay the king, stoode 

* Argile. 


a-side in the midst of the house talking with one of the Princes 
of the lande. And being called to come vnto the king he turned 
himselfe about as if hee would haue saluted him, and lifting vp 
his glittering axe, he chopt the kings head quite off at a blow. 
»M3- Nowe hauing committed this outragious vilanie, within a short 5 
space they diuided the Island betweene themselues, and gathering 
an armie together sailed vnto Galway, intending to subdue that 
also; howbeit the people of Galway assembled themselues, and 
with great furie encountred with them. Then they immediately 
turning their backs with great confusion fled vnto Man. And as 10 
touching all the Galwedians which inhabited in the said Island, 
some of them they slue, and the residue they banished. 

In the yeere 1143. Godredus sonne of Olauus returning out 
of Norway was created king of Man ; who in reuenge of his fathers 
death, put out the eyes of two of Haralds sonnes and slue the 15 

In the yeere 1144. Godredus began his reigne, and hee reigned 
thirtie yeeres. In the thirde yeere of his reigne the citizens of 
Dublin sent for him and created him king of Dublin, against 
whom Murecardus king of Irland made warre, and encamping 20 
himselfe at the citie called Coridelis, he sent his brother Osibel 
with 3000. horsemen vnto Dublin, who was slaine by (iodred and 
the Dubliners, the rest of his company being put to flight. These 
things being thus finished, Godredus returned vnto Man, and 
b^an to exercise tyrannie, disinheriting certaine of his nobles, 25 
of whom one called Thorfinus the sonne of Oter, being mightiex 
then the rest, went vnto Sumerledus, and named Dubgal the 
sonne of Sumerledus, king of the Islands, and subdued many of 
the said Islands on his behalfe. Whereof when Godred had 
intelligence by one Paulus, prouiding a Nauie, hee went to meete 30 
Sumerledus comming against him with 80. ships : and in the 
H56. yeere 11 56. vpon the night of the feast of Epiphanie, there was 
a Sea-battell fought, and many being slaine on both parts, the day 
folowing they were pacified, and diuided the kingdome of the 
Islands among themselues, and it continued two kingdomes from 35 
that day vnto this present time. And this was the cause of the 
ruine of the monarchic of the Islands, from which time the sonnes 
of Sumerled inioyed the one halfe thereof. 

In the yeere 1158. Sumerled came vnto Man with 53. ships, 
putting Godred to flight and wasting the Island : and Godred 40 
sailed vnto Norway to seeke for aide against Sumerled. In the 
yere 1164. Sumerled gathered a fleete of 160. ships together; and 
arriued at Rhinfrin, intending to subdue all Scotland vnto him- 


selfe : howbeit, by Gods iust iudgement being ouercome by a few, 
together with his sonne, and an innumerable multitude of people, 
he was slaine. The very same yere there was a battel fought at 
Ramsa, betweene Reginald the brother of Godred, and the in- 
5 habitants of Man, but by the stratageme of a certaine Earle the 
Mannians were put to flight. Then began Reginald to vsurpe the 
kingly authoritie. Howbeit his brother Godred within foure dayes 
after, comming out of Norway with a great power of armed men, 
apprehended his brother Reginald, gelt him, and put out his eyes. 

10 The same yeere deceased Malcolme the king of Scots, and | his [p- 13] 
brother William succeeded in the kingdome. 

In the yeere 1166. two Comets appeared in the moneth of 
August, before the rising of the Sunne, one to the South and 
another to the North. 

15 In the yeere 1171. Richard earle of Penbroke sailed into 
Irland, and subdued Dublin with a great part of Irland. 

In the yere 1176. lohn Curcy conquered Vlster vnto himselfe. 
And at the same time also Viuianus legate fro the sea of Rome 
came into Man, & caused king Godred to bee lawfully wedded 

20 vnto his wife Phingola, daughter of Maclotlen son of Murkartac 
king of Irlad, mother of Olauus, who was then 3. yeeres old. 
Siluanus the abbat married them, vnto whom the very same day, 
king Godred gaue a portion of ground in Mirescoge, where he 
built a Monastery : howbeit, in processe of time, the said land with 

25 the monkes, was granted vnto the abbey of Russin. 

In the yere 11 72. Reginaldus the son of Eacmarcat (a man 
descended of the blood royal) comming into Man with a great 
multitude of people, in the absence of the king, at the first con- 
flict hee put to flight certaine watchmen which kept the shoare, 

30 and slue about 30. persons. Whereupon the very same day the 
Mannians arranging themselues put him, & almost al his folowers 
to the sword. 

In the yere 1 1 83. 0-Fogolt was vicount of Man. 

In the yere 1185. the Sunne was ecclipsed vpon the feast of 

35 S. Philip and lacob. 

In the yere 1187. deceased Godred king of the Islands, vpo 
the 4. of the Ides of Nouember, and the next sommer his body 
was translated vnto the island of Hy. He left 3. sonnes behinde 
him, Reginaldus, Olauus, and Yuarus. In his life time he 

40 ordeined his sonne Olauus to be his heire apparant, because he 
onely was borne legitimate. But the Mannians, when Olauus was 
scarce ten yeeres olde, sent vnto the islands for Reginald and 
created him king. 


In the yeere 1187. began Reginald the sonne of Godred to 
reigne ouer the islands : and Murchardus a man of great power 
throughout all the kingdome of the islands was put to death. 

In the yere 1192. there was a battel fought betweene Reginald 
and Engus the two sonnes of Sumerled : but Engus obtained the 5 
victory. The same yere was the abbey of Russin remooued vnto 
Dufglas, howbeit within foure yeeres after the monkes returned 
vnto Russin. 

In the yere 1203. Michael bishop of the islands deceased at 
Fontanas, and Nicholas succeeded in his roome. 10 

In the yere 1 204. Hugo de I^cy inuaded Vlster with an armie 
and encountered with lohn de Curcy, tooke him prisoner & sub- 
dued Vlster vnto himselfe. Afterward he permitted the said John 
■ to goe at libertie, who comming vnto king Reginald was honourably 
enterteined by him, because he was his sonne in lawe, for John de 15 
Curcy had taken to wife AfTrica the daughter of Godredus, which 
founded the abbey of S. Mary de iugo domini, and was there 

In the yeere 1205. lohn de Curcy & Reginald king of the 
islands inuading Vlster with a hundreth ships at the port which is 20 
called Stranfeord did negligently besiege the castle of Rath : but 
Walter de Lacy coming vpo them with his armie, put them to 
flight, & from that time Curcy neuer recouered his land. In the 
yere 12 10. Engus the son of Sumerled & his 3. sonnes were 
slaine. 25 

KingTohn At the Same time lohn king of England conducted a fleet of 

Kumd with 500. ships into Irland, and subdued it vnto himselfe : and sending 
'°°' *** "■ a certaine earle named Fulco, vnto the isle of Man, his souldiers 
almost vtterly wasted it in the space of 15. dayes, and hauing 
taken pledges they returned home into their owne countrey. 30 
King Reginald and his nobles were at this time absent from Man. 

In the yere 12 17. deceased Nicolas bishop of the islands, and 
was buried in Vlster, in the house of Benchor, whom Reginald 

I thinke it not amisse to report somewhat more 35 
concerning the two foresaid brethren Reginaldus 
and Olauus. 

REginald gaue vnto his brother Olauus, the island called 
Lodhus or Lewes, which is saide to be larger then the rest 
of the islands, but almost destitute of inhabitants, because it is 40 


so ful of mountaines & quarrels, being almost no where fit for 
tillage. Howbeit the inhabitants thereof do Hue for the most part 
vpon hunting and fishing. Olauus therefore went to take posses- 
sion of this Island, and dwelt therein leading a poore life : and 
5 when he saw that it would by no meanes suffice for the sustentation 
of himselfe & his folowers, hee went boldly vnto his brother 
Reginald, who as then remained in the islands, & spake on this 
wise vnto him. My brother (said he) and my lord and king, you 
know that the kingdom of the islands pertained vnto me by right 

10 of inheritance, howbeit because the Lord had chosen you to beare 
the scepter, I doe not enuie that honour vnto you, neither doeth 
it any whit grieue mee that you are exalted vnto this royall 
dignitie. Nowe therefore I beseech you to prouide mee some 
portion of land in the islands, whereby I may honestly Hue. | For [p. 14] 

15 the Island of Lewis which you gaue me is not sufficient for my 
maintenance. Which his brother Reginald hearing said that he 
would consult about the premisses. And on the morow, when 
Olauus was sent for to parle, Reginald comanded him to be 
attached, and to be caried vnto William king of Scotland, and with 

20 him to remaine prisoner : and Olauus remained in prison almost 
for the space of 7. yeres. But at the 7. yeres end William king of 
Scots deceased, and Alexander his sonne reigned in his stead. 
The foresaid William, before his death, commanded that all 
prisoners should be set at libertie. Olauus therefore being at 

25 libertie came vnto Man, and immediately with a great company of 
nobles tooke his iourney vnto S. lames : and his brother Reginald 
caused the said Olauus to take vnto wife, the daughter of a 
certaine noble man of Kentyre, cousine german vnto his owne 
wife, & by name being called Lauon, and he granted vnto him 

30 the possession of Lewis. After a few dayes Reginald the bishop 
of the Islands hauing gathered a Synod, separated Olauus and 
Godred his sonne, and Lauon his wife, namely because shee was 
cousin german vnto his former wife. Afterward Olauus maried 
Scristina daughter vnto Ferkarus earle of Rosse. 

35 Hereupon the wife of Reginald Queene of the Islands being 
incensed, sent letters vnto the Island of Sky in K. Reginald his 
name to her sonne Godred willing him to take Olauus. Which 
comandement Godred putting in practise, & entring the isle of 
Lewis for y* same purpose, Olauus fled in a litle skiffe vnto his 

40 father in law the earle of Rosse, & in the meane time Godred 
wasted the isle of Lewis. At the very same time Pol the son of 
Boke vicount of Sky, being a man of power in al the Islands, 
because he would not consent vnto Godred, fled, & dwelt together 


with Olauus in the dominions of the earle of Rosse, & making 
a league with Olauus, they went both in a ship vnto Sky. To be 
short, sending certaine spies, they were informed that Godred 
remained secure with a smal company in a certaine Isle called 
y* isle of S. Columba. And vniting vnto themselues their friends s 
and acquaintance, & others that would goe voluntarily with them, 
in the dead of the night, hauing lanched 5. ships from the next 
sea-shore, which was distant about the space of 2. furlongs from 
the foresaid Island, they enuironed the said Island on all sides. 
Now Godred and his company rising early in the morning, and 10 
seeing themselues beset with their enemies on all sides, they were 
vtterly astonied. Howbeit arming themselues they began stoutly 
to make resistance, but altogether in vaine. For about 9. of the 
clocke in the morning, Olauus and the foresaid vicount Pol, with 
al their souldiers, entred the Island, and hauing slaine all whom 15 
they found without the precincts of the Church, they apprehended 
Godred, gelding him, and putting out his eyes. Unto which 
action Olauus gaue not his cosent, neither could he withstand it, 
by reason of the forenamed vicount the son of Boke. This was 
done in the yere of Christ 1223. The next sommer folowing 20 
The Isle Olauus hauing receiued pledges from all the chiefe men of the 
uaunced to Islands, with a fleet of 32. ships sailed vnto Man, and arriued at 
a ingdome. Rognolfwaht. At the same time Reginald and Olauus diuided 
the kingdome of the Islands betweene themselues, Man being 
granted vnto Reginald, & besides his portion the name of a king 25 
also. Olauus hauing receiued certaine victuals of the people of 
Man, returned, together with his company, vnto his owne portion 
of Islands. The yeere folowing Reginald taking vnto him Alanus 
lord of Galway, together with his subiects of Man, sailed vnto the 
Islands, that hee might take away that portion of ground from his 30 
brother Olauus, which he had granted vnto him, and subdue it 
vnto himselfe. Howbeit, by reason that the people of Man had 
no list to fight against Olauus or the Islanders, because they bare 
good will towards them, Reginald and Alanus lord of Galway 
being defeated of their purpose, returned home vnto their owne. 35 
Within a short space after Reginald, vnder pretense of going vnto 
the Court of his lord the king of England, receiued an 100. markes 
of the people of Man, and tooke his iourney vnto Alanus lord of 
Galway. Which the people of Man hearing tooke great indigna- 
tion thereat, insomuch that they sent for Olauus, and appointed 40 
him to be their king. 

In the yeere 1226. Olauus recouered his inheritance, that is to 
say the kingdome of Man and of the Islands, which Reginald his 


brother had gouerned for the space of 38. yeeres, and he reigned 
two yeeres in safetie. 

In the yeere 1228. Olauus with all his nobles of Man, and the 
stronger part of his people, sailed vnto the Islands. A short 
5 space after Alanus lord of Galway, Thomas earle of Athol, & king 
Reginald came vnto Man with a mightie army, and wasted all the 
South part of Man, spoiled the Churches, and slue all the men 
whom they coulde take, insomuch, that the South part of the saide 
Island was brought almost into desolation. And then Alanus 

10 returned with his army into his owne land, leauing behind him 
bailiffes and substitutes in Man, which should gather vp and 
render vnto him the tribute of the countrey. Howbeit king 
Olauus came suddenly vpon them, chaced them away and re- 
couered his kingdome. And the Mannians which of late were 

15 dispersed and scattered abroad, began to vnite themselues, and to 
inhabite without feare. The same yeere, in the time of Winter, 
vpon the sudden, and in the very dead of the night came king 
Reginald out of Galway | with fiue ships, and burnt all the ships [p. 15] 
of his brother Olauus, and of the nobles of Man, at the Isle of 

20 S. Patric, & concluding a peace with his brother, remained at the 
port of Ragnolwath 40. dayes : in the meane while hee allured 
vnto himselfe all the Islanders vpon the South part of Man, who 
sware, that they would aduenture their liues, vntill hee had gotten 
the one halfe of his kingdome : contrarywise Olauus ioyned vnto 

25 himselfe them of the North part, & vpon the 14. of February in 
the place called Tingualla, a field was fought betweene the two 
brothers, wherein Olauus got the victory, and Reginald the king 
was by certaine souldiers slaine without the knowledge of his 
brother. Also certaine pirates comming to the south part of 

30 Man, wasted & spoiled it. The monkes of Russin conueyed 
the body of K. Reginald, vnto the abbey of S. Mary of Fournes, 
& there he was interred in the place, which his owne selfe had 
chosen for the purpose. After these things Olauus traueiled vnto 
the king of Norway, but before he was arriued there, Haco king of 

35 Norway appointed a certaine noble man named Husbac the son 
of Owmund, to be king of the Islands of the Hebrides & called 
his name Haco. Then came the said Haco with Olauus & 
Godred Don the son of Reginald, and a multitude of Noruegians, 
vnto the islands : and while they were giuing an assault vnto 

40 a castle in the island of Both, Haco being hit with a stone died, 
and was buried in lona. 

In the yere 1230. came Olauus, with Godredus Don, & certeine 
Noruegians vnto Man, and they parted the kingdome among 


themselues, Olauus stil reteining Man. Godred as he was going 
vnto the islands, was slaine in the isle of Lewis, & Olauus inioyed 
the kingdome of the islands also. 

In the yere 1237. vpon the 12. of the Kalends of lune, 
Olauus Sonne of Godred king of Man deceased in the isle of 5 
S. Patric, and was interred in the abbey of Russin. He reigned 
II. yeres, two while his brother was aliue, and nine after his 

Haraldus his sonne being of the age of 14. yeres, succeeded, 
and he reigned 12. yeeres. The first yere of his reigne taking his 10 
ioumey vnto the islands, he appointed one Loglen his kinsman to 
be his deputie in Man. The Autumne folowing Haraldus sent the 
three sonnes of Nel, namely Dufgaldus, Torquellus, & Molmore, 
and his friend loseph vnto Man, that they might enter into c6- 
sultation together. Wherfore the 25. day they assembled them- 15 
selues at Tingualla : and malice growing betweene the sonnes of 
Nel, and Loglen, they fel to blowes and skirmished sore on both 
parts, Molmore, Dufgald, and the foresaid loseph being all slaine 
in the fray. The Spring folowing, king Harald came into the isle 
of Man, and Loglen fleeing into Wales, was himselfe, together with 20 
Godred the sonne of Olauus his pupil, and 40. others, drowned by 

In the yere 1238. Gospatricius and Gillescrist sonne of Mac- 
Kerthac came from the king of Norway vnto Man, expelling 
Harald out of the said island, and taking tribute on the behalfe of 25 
the Noruegian king, because the said Harald refused to come vnto 
his Court. 

In the yere 1 240. Gospatricius deceased and was buried in the 
abbey of Russin. 

In the yere 1239. Haraldus went vnto the king of Norway, 30 
who within two yeres confirmed vnto him, his heires and suc- 
cessors, vnder seale, all the islands which his predecessors 

In the yeere 1242. Haraldus returned out of Norway vnto 
Man, and being honourably receiued by the inhabitants, he liued 35 
in peace with the kings of England and Scotland. 

In the yeere 1247. Haraldus (like as his father also before 
him) was knighted by the king of England, and so being rewarded 
with many gifts, he returned home. The same yere he was sent 
for by the king of Norway, and he maried his daughter. And in 40 
the yere 1249. as he was returning home with his wife, with 
Laurence the elect of Man, and with many other nobles, neere 
vnto the confines of Radland, he was drowned in a tempest. 


In the yere 1 249. Reginald the sonne of Olauus, and brother 
vnto Harald began to reigne the day next before the Nones of 
May : and vpon the 30. day of the same moneth he was slaine by 
Yuarus a souldier, and other of his complices, in the South part of 
5 a certaine medow, neere vnto the Church of the holy Trinitie, and 
he was buried at the Church of S. Marie at Russin. 

The same yere Alexander king of Scots prouided a great nauie 
of ships, that he might conquere the islands vnto himselfe : how- 
beit falling into an ague at the isle of Kerwary, he deceased. 
10 Then Haraldus the sonne of Godred Don vsurped the name 
of a king ouer the islands, hee banished also all the princes of 
Harald the sonne of Olauus, and ordeined his fugitiues to bee 
princes and nobles in their stead. 

In the yere 1250. Haraldus the son of Godred Don being 
15 summoned by letters went vnto the king of Norway, who deteined 
him in prison because he had vniustly possessed the kingdome. 
The same yeere Magnus the sonne of Olauus, and lohn the sonne 
of Dugalt arriued at Roghalwaht, which lohn named himselfe king, 
but the Mannians taking it grieuously, that Magnus was not 
20 nominated, draue them from their shoare, and many of the 
company perished by shipwracke. 

In the yeere 1252. came Magnus the sonne of Olauus vnto 
Man, and was ordeined king. The yere folowing he tooke his 
ioumey vnto the king of Norway, & there he remained one whole 
25 yere. 

I In the yeere 1254. Haco king of Norway ordeined Magnus [p. 16] 
the sonne of Olauus king of the Islands, confirming them to him 
and to his heires, and by name vnto Harald his brother. 

In the yere 1256. Magnus tooke his iourney into England, and 
30 was by the king of England created knight. 

In y^ yere 1257. the Church of S. Maries of Russin was dedi- 
cated by Richard bishop of Soder. 

In the yeere 1260. Haco king of Norway came into the parts of 
Scotland, and without atchieuing ought, turning his course towards 
35 the Orcades he there deceased at Kirwas, and was buried at 

In the yeere 1265. Magnus the sonne of Olauus king of Man 
and of the Islands died at the castle of Russin, and was buried at 
the Church of S. Mary at Russin. 
40 In the yere 1266. the kingdome of the Islands was translated 
vnto Alexander king of Scots. 


That which followeth was written in a new character 
or letter, and of a diuers kinde from the former. 

IN the yeere 1270. vpon the seuenth day of October the Fleete 
of Alexander king of Scots arriued at Roghalwath, and the 
next day before the Sunne rising there was a battell fought be- 5 
tweene the Mannians and the Scots, in the which conflict there 
were slaine 535. Mannians : whereupon a certaine versifier writeth 
to this effect : 

Fiue hundreth fourtie men are slaine : 

against ill haps, 10 

Yee Mannians arme your selues, for feare 
of afterclaps. 
In the yeere 1313. Robert king of Scots besieged the castle of 
Russin, which Dingawy Dowil held against him, howbeit at the 
last the king tooke the castle. 15 

In the yeere 13 16. vpon the feast of Ascension, Richard le 
Mandeuile and his brethren, with diuers great personages of 
Irland arriued at Ramaldwath, demaunding to haue victuals and 
money ministred vnto them, because they had bene spoyled by 
their enemies, which made continuall warre vpon them. But 20 
when the whole company of the Mannians answered that they 
would giue nothing, they proceeded against them in warlike maner 
with two bands, till they were come vnder the side of the hill 
called Warthfel, in the fielde where lohn Mandeuile remained, 
and there hauing fought a battell, the Irish ouercame the people 25 
of Man, and spoiled the Island and the Abbey of Russin also : 
and when they had reueled a whole moneth in the Island, lading 
their ships they returned home. 

The mariage of the daughter of Harald, slaine by 

William the Conquerour, vnto leruslaus duke of 30 

Russia, taken out of the 9. Booke of the Danish 

historie written by Saxo Grammaticus. 

An. D. 1067. 

1067- ^^f^^^^f^ Araldo caeso, filij eius duo confestlm in Daniam 

cum sorore migrarunt. Quos Sweno, paterni 35 
illorum meriti oblitus consanguineae pietatis more 
accepit, puellamque Ruthenorum regi Walde- 
maro, (qui & ipse larislaus a suis est appellatus) 
nuptum dedit. Eidem postmodCim nostri tem- 


poris dux, vt sanguinis, ita & nominis haeres, ex filia nepos 
obuenit. Itaque hinc Britannicus, inde Eous sanguis in salu- 
tarem nostri principis ortum confluens communem stirpem duarum 
gentium ornamentum effecit. 

5 The same in English. 

HArald being slaine his two sonnes with their sister sped 
themselues immediatly into Denmarke. Whom Sweno 
forgetting their fathers deserts receiued in most kinde and friendly 
maner, and bestowed the yong damosell in mariage vpon Walde- 

10 marus king of Russia who was also called by his subiects larislaus. 
Afterward the said Waldemarus had by his daughter a nephew 
being duke at this present, who succeeded his predecessour both 
in lineal descent and in name also. Wherefore the English blood 
on the one side and the Russian on the other side concurring to 

15 the ioyfull birth of our prince, caused that mutual kinred to be an 
ornament vnto both nations. 

The state of the shipping of the Cinque ports [p. 17] 

from Edward the Confessour and William the 

Conquerour, and so downe to Edward the first, 

faithfully gathered by the learned Gentleman 

M. William Lambert in his Perambulation 

of Kent, out of the most ancient 

Records of England. 

Finde in the booke of the generall suruey of the The 
Realme, which William the Conquerour caused the Ports, 
to bee made in the fourth yeere of his reigne, 
and to be called Domesday, because (as Matthew 1070. 
Parise saith) it spared no man but iudged all men 
indifferently, as the Lord in that great day wil do, 
that Douer, Sandwich, and Rumney, were in the 
time of K. Edward the Confessour, discharged almost of all maner 
of impositions and burdens (which other townes did beare) in 
consideration of such seruice to bee done by them vpon the Sea, 
as in their special titles shall hereafter appeare. 
35 Whereupon, although I might ground reasonable coniecture, 
that the immunitie of the hauen Townes (which we nowe call by 
a certaine number, the Cinque Ports) might take their beginning 
from the same Edward : yet for as much as I read in the Chartre 



Which be 
the Fiue 


were called 
Barons in 
old time. 


of K. Edward the first after the conquest (which is reported in our 
booke of Entries) A recitall of the graunts of sundry kings to the 
Fiue Ports, the same reaching no higher then to ^^'illiam the 
Conquerour, I will leaue my coniecture, and leane to his Chartre : 
contenting my selfe to yeelde to the Conquerour, the thankes of 5 
other mens benefits, seeing those which were benefited, were 
wisely contented (as the case then stood) to like better of his 
confirmation (or second gift) then of K. Edwards first graunt, and 

And to the ende that I may proceed in some maner of array, 10 
I will first shewe, which Townes were at the beginning taken for 
the Fiue Ports, and what others be now reputed in the same 
number : secondly, what seruice they ought, and did in times 
passed : and lastly, what priuiledges they haue therefore, and by 
what persons they haue bene gouemed. 15 

If I should iudge by the common, and rude verse, 
Doutr, Sandwicus, fiy, A'uni, Frigmare vetttus, 

I must say, that Douer, Sandwich, Rie, Rumney, and Win- 
chelsey, (for that is, Frigmare ventus) be the Fiue Ports : Againe, 
if I should be ruled by the RoUe which reciteth the Ports that send 20 
Barons to the Parliament, I must then adde to these, Hastings 
and Hyde, for they also haue their Barons as well as the other : 
and so should I not onely, not shew which were the first Fiue, but 
also (by addition of two others) increase both the number, and 
doubtfulnesse. Leauing the verse therefore, for ignorance of the 25 
authour and suspition of his authoritie, and forsaking the RoUe 
(as not assured of the antiquitie) I will flee to Henry Bracton, 
a man both ancient, learned, and credible, which liued vnder 
K. Henry the thirde, and wrote (aboue three hundreth yeeres since) 
learnedly of the lawes of this Realme. 30 

He (I say) in the third booke of his worke, and treatise of the 
Crowne, taking in hand to shewe the articles inquirable before the 
lustice in Eire, (or Itinerent, as we called them, because they vsed 
to ride from place to place throughout the Realme, for administra- 
tion of iustice) setteth forth a special fourme of writs, to be directed 35 
seuerally to the Bailifes of Hastings, Hithe, Rumney, Douer, and 
Sandwich, commanding them, that they should cause twentie & 
foure of their Barons (for so their Burgesses, or townesmen, and 
the citizens of London likewise, were wont to be termed) to appeare 
before the Kings lustices at Shipwey in Kent (as they accustomed 4a 
to do) there to enquire of such points, as should be giuen in charge. 
Which done, hee addeth moreouer, that forsomuch as there was 
oftentimes cotention betweene them of the Fiue Ports, & the in- 




habitants of Yarmouth in Norfolke and Donwich in Suffolke, there 
should be seuerall writs directed to them also, returnable before 
the same Justices at the same day and place, reciting, that where 
the King had by his former writs sommoned the Pleas of the Fiue 

5 Ports to bee holden at Shipwey, if any of the same townes had 
cause to complaine of any (being within the liberties of the said 
Ports) he should be at Shipwey to propound against him, and 
there to receiue according to law and Justice. 

Thus much I recite out of Bracton, partly to shew that Ship- 

lo wey was before K. Edward the firsts time, the place of assembly 
for the Plees of the Fiue Ports : partly to notifie the difference, 
and controuersie that long time since was betweene these Ports, 
and those other townes : But purposely, and chiefly, to proue, that 
Hastings, and Hithe, Doner, Rumney, and Sandwich, were in 

15 Bractons time accompted the Fiue principall hauens or Ports, 
which were endowed with priuiledge, and had the same ratified 
by the great Chartre of England. 

Neither yet will I deny, but that soone after, Winchelsey and 
Rie might be added to the num]ber. For I find in an old recorde, 

20 that king Henry the third tooke into his owne hands (for the better 
defence of the Realme) the townes of Winchelsey, and Rie, which 
belonged before to the Monasterie of Fescampe in Normandie, and 
gaue therefore in exchange, the Manor of Chiltham in Gloucester- 
shire, & diuers other lands in Lincolneshire. This he did, partly 

25 to conceale from the Priors Aliens the intelligence of the secret 
affaires of his Realme, and partly because of a great disobedience 
& excesse, that was committed by the inhabitants of Wincelsey, 
against Prince Edward his eldest sonne. And therefore, although 
I can easily be led to thinke, that he submitted them for their 

30 correction to the order, and gouernance of the Fiue ports, yet 
I stand doubtfull whether hee made them partners of their priui- 
ledges, or no, for that had bene a preferment, and no punishment 
vnto them : but I suspect rather, that his sonne king Edward the 
first, (by whose encouragement and aide, olde Winchelsey was 

35 afterward abandoned, and the newe towne builded) was the first 
that apparelled them with that preeminence. 

By this therefore let it appeare, that Hastings, Doner, Hithe, 
Rumney, and Sandwich, were the first Ports of priuiledge : which 
(because they were 5. in number) both at the first gaue, and yet 

40 continue, to all the residue, the name of Cinque Ports, although 
not onely Winchelsey and Rie, be (since that time) incorporated 
with them as principals, but diuers other places also (for the ease of 
their charge) be crept in, as partes, lims, and members of the same. 

and the 
Fiue Ports. 


Antiquitie of 



[p. 18] 

first builded. 



Now therefore, somewhat shalbe said, as touching the seruices 
that these Ports of duetie owe, and in deed haue done, to the 
Princes : whereof the one (I meane with what number of vessels, 
in what maner of furniture, and for how long season, they ought 
to wait on the king at the Sea, vpon their owne charges) shall S 
partly appeare by that which we shall presently say, and partly by 
that which shall followe in Sandwich, and Rumney : The other 
shall bee made manifest by examples, drawne out of good histories : 
and they both shall be testified by the words of king Edward the 
first in his owne Chartre. lo 

The booke of Domesday before remembred, chargeth Douer 
with twentie vessels at the sea, whereof eche to be furnished with 
one and twentie men for fifteene dayes together : and saith further, 
that Rumney and Sandwich answered the like seruice. But now 
whether this (like) ought to be vnderstoode of the like altogether, 15 
both in respect of the number and seruice, or of the (like) in 
respect of seruice, according to the proportion of their abilitie 
onely, I may not hereby take vpon me to determine. For on the 
one side, if Rumney, Sandwich, and the residue, should likewise 
finde twentie vessels a piece, then (as you shall anone see) the 20 
fiue Ports were subiect to a greater charge at that time, then King 
Edward the first layd vpon them : And on the other side, if they 
were onely chargeable after their proportion, then know I not how 
farre to burthen them, seeing the Record of Domesday it selfe, 
bindeth them to no certeintie. And therefore leauing this as 25 
I find it, I must elsewhere make inquisition for more lightsome 
proofe. And first I will haue recourse to king Edward the first 
his Chartre in which I read, that At ech time that the King 
passeth ouer the sea, the Ports ought to rigge vp fiftie and seuen 
ships, (whereof euery one to haue twentie armed souldiers) and to 30 
mainteine them at their owne costes, by the space of fifteene dayes 
1078. And thus it stoode with the Ports for their generall charge, in 

the sixt yeere of his reigne, for then was this Chartre sealed. But 
as touching the particular burthen of ech one, I haue scene two 35 
diuers testimonies, of which the first is a note in French (bearing 
the countenance of a Record) and is intituled, to haue bene 
renued in the two and twentie yeere of the Reigne of the same 
king, by Stephan Penchester, then Constable of Douer Castle, in 
which the particular charge is set downe in this maner. 40 

The Port of Hastings ought to finde three ships. 
The lowie of Peuensey, one. 
Buluerhithe and Petit lahn, one. 


Bekesborne in Kent, seuen. 

Grenche at Gillingham in Kent, two men and armour, with 

the ships of Hastings. 
The towne of Rie, fiue. 
5 To it was Tenterdene annexed, in the time of King Henrie 

the sixt. 
The towne of Winchelsey, tenne. 
The Port of Rumney, foure. 
Lydde, seuen. 
10 The Port of Hythe, fiue. 

The Port of Douer, nineteene. 
The towne of Folkestone, seuen. 
The towne of Feuersham, seuen. 

The Port of Sandwich, with Stonor, Fordwich, Dale, &c. 
15 fiue. 

I These ships they ought to finde vpon fortie dayes summons, [p. I9] 
armed and arrayed at their owne charge, and in ech of them 
twentie men, besides the Master of the Mariners : all which they 
shall likewise mainteine fiue dayes together at their owne costs, 
20 giuing to the Maister sixe pence by the day, to the Constable sixe 
pence, and to ech other Mariner three pence. And after those 
fiue dayes ended, the King shall defray the charges. 

The other is a Latine Custumall of the towne of Hyde, the 
which although it pretend not so great antiquity as the first, yet 
25 seemeth it to me to import as much or more likelihood and credit : 
It standeth thus. 

These be the Five Ports of our soueraigne Lord the King 
hauing liberties, which other Ports haue not : Hasting, 
Romenal, Heth, Douer, Sandwich, the chiefe Townes. 
30 The seruices due by the same. 

Hasting shall finde 21. ships, in euery ship 21. men, and a 

Garcion, or Boy, which is called a Gromet. To it perteine (as 

the members of one towne) the Seashore in Seford, Peuenshey, 

Hodeney, Winchelsey, Rie, Ihame, Bekesbourne, Grenge, Northie, 

35 Bulwerheth. 

Romenal 5. ships, in euery ship 21. men, and a Garcion: To 
it perteine, as members thereof, Promhell, Lede, Eastwestone, 
Dengemareys, olde Rumney. 

Hethe 5. ships, as Romenal before. To it perteineth the 
40 Westhethe. 

Douer 21. ships, as Hasting before. To it perteine, Folkstane, 
Feuersham, and S. Margarets, not concerning the land, but for the 
goods and cattels. 


Sandwich 5 ships, as Romenal, and Hethe. To it perteine 
Fordwich, Reculuer, Serre, and Dele, not for the soile, but for 
the goods. 

Summe of ships 57. 

Summe of the men 1187. and 57. Garcions. 5 

This seruice, the Barons of the Fiue Ports doe acknowledge 
to owe to the King, vpon summons yerely (if it happen) by the 
space of 15. dayes together, at their owne costs and charges, ac- 
counting that for the first day of the 15. in which they shall spread 
their sailes to goe towards those parts that the King intendeth : 10 
and to seme so long after 15. dayes, as the King will, at his owne 
pay and wages. 

Thus much out of these ancient notes, whereby your selfe may 
easily disceme the difference : but whether the one or the other, 
or (by reason of some latter dispensation) neither of these, haue 15 
place at this day, I must referre it to them that be priuie, and of 
counsell with the Ports : and so leauing this also vndecided, holde 
on the way, wherein I am entred. 

This duetie of attendance therefore (being deuised for the 
honourable transportation, and safe conduct of the Kings owne 20 
person or his armie ouer the narrow Seas) the Ports haue not 
onely most diligently euer since that time performed, but further- 
more also valiantly behaued themselues against the enemie from 
time to time, in sundrie exploits by water, as occasion hath bene 
profered, or the necessitie of the Realme required. 25 

Thegood And amongst other feats not vnwoorthy perpetuall remem- 

leniiceorthe °. .,,r«T- i 

fiue Ports, brancc, after such time as Lewes (the eldest sonne of the French 
King) had entred the Realme to aide Stephan Langton the Arch- 
bishop, and the Nobilitie, in the life of King lohn, and had sent 
into France for new supply of souldiers after his death, Hubert 30 

x«i7. of Borough (then captaine of Douer) following the opinion of 

Themistocles in the exposition of the oracle of the woodden 
walles, by the aide of the Port townes, armed fortie tall ships, and 
meeting with eightie saile of Frenchmen vpon the high seas, gaue 
them a most couragious encounter, in which he tooke some, sunke 35 
others, and discomfited the rest. 

King Henrie the third also, after that he came to riper age, 
had great benefit by the seruice of the Cinque Ports : And king 
Edward the first in his Chartre, maketh their continuall faithfuU 

1978. seruice (and especially their good endeuour, then lately shewed 40 

against the Welshmen) the principall cause, and motiue of that his 
liberall grant. 


Furthermore, about the midst of the reigne of the same king, 
an hundreth saile of the Nauie of the Ports fought at the Sea with 
a fleet of 200. French men, all which (notwithstanding the great 1293- 
oddes of the number) they tooke, and slew, and sunke so many of 
5 the Mariners, that France was thereby (for a long season after) in 
maner destitute, both of Seamen, and shipping. 

Finally, and to conclude this part, in the dayes of king Henrie 1406. 
the fourth, the nauie of the Fiue Ports, vnder the conduct of one 
Henrie Paye, surprised one hundreth and twentie French ships, 
lo all laden with Salt, Iron, Oile, and no woorse merchandize. 

The priuiledges of these Ports, being first granted by Edward Thepriui- 
the Confessour, and William the Conquerour, and then confirmed <fue^ports! * 
and increased by William Rufus, Henrie the second, Richard | the [p. 20] 
first, Henrie the third, and king Edward the first, be very great, 
15 considering either the honour and ease, or the freedome and 
exemption, that the inhabitants haue by reason of the same. 

Part of an Epistle written by one Yzio of Nai'- 
bona vnto the Archbishop of Burdeaiix, conteining 
the confession of an Englishman as touching the barbarous 
20 demeanour of the Tartars, which had liued long among 

them, and was drawen along perforce with them in their 
expedition against Hungarie : Recorded by Mathew Paris 
in the yere of our Lord 1243. 

THe Lord therefore being prouoked to indignation, by reason 
of this and other sinnes committed among vs Christians, is 
become, as it were, a destroying enemie, and a dreadfull auenger. 
This I may iustly aflfirme to be true, because an huge nation, and 
a barbarous and inhumane people, whose law is lawlesse, whose 
wrath is furious, euen the rod of Gods anger, ouerrunneth, and 

30 vtterly wasteth infinite countreyes, cruelly abolishing all things 
where they come, with fire and sword. And this present Summer, 
the foresayd nation, being called Tartars, departing out of Hun- 
garie, which they had surprised by treason, layd siege vnto the 
very same * towne, wherein I my selfe abode, with many thousands 

35 of souldiers : neither were there in the sayd towne on our part 
aboue 50. men of warre, whom, together with 20. crosbowes, the 
captaine had left in garrison. All these, out of certeine high 

* Neustat. 


places, beholding the enemies vaste armie, and abhorring the 
beastly crueltie of Antichrist his complices, signified foorthwith 
vnto their gouernour, the hideous lamentations of his Christian 
subiects, who suddenly being surprised in all the prouince ad- 
ioyning, vvithout any difference or respect of condition, fortune, 5 
sexe, or age, were by manifolde cruelties, all of them destroyed : 
with whose carkeises, the Tartarian chieftains, and their brutish 
and sauage followers, glutting themselues, as with delicious cates, 
left nothing for vultures but the bare bones. And a strange thing 
it is to consider, that the greedie and rauenous vultures disdeined 10 
to praye vpon any of the reliques, which remained. Olde, and 
deformed women they gaue, as it were, for dayly sustenance, vnto 
their Canibals : the beautifull deuoured they not, but smothered 
them lamenting and scritching, with forced and vnnaturall rauish- 
ments. Like barbarous miscreants, they quelled virgins vnto 15 
death, and cutting off their tender paps to present for deinties 
vnto their magistrates, they engorged themselues with their 

Howbeit, their spials in the meane time discrying from the 
top of an high mountaine the Duke of Austria, the King of 20 
Bohemia, the Patriarch of Aquileia, the Duke of Carinthia, and 
(as some report) the Earle of Baden, with a mightie power, and 
in battell aray, approching towards them, that accursed crew 
immediatly vanished, and all those Tartarian vagabonds retired 
themselues into the distressed and vanquished land of Hungarie ; 25 
who as they came suddenly, so they departed also on the sudden : 
which their celeritie caused all men to stand in horrour and 
astonishment of them. But of the sayd fugitiues, the prince 
of Dalmatia tooke eight : one of which number the Duke of 
Austria knew to be an English man, who was perpetually banished 30 
out of the Realme of England, in regard of certaine notorious 
crimes by him committed. This fellow, on the behalfe of the 
most tyrannical king of the Tartars, had bene twise, as a messenger 
and interpreter, with the king of Hungarie, menacing and plainely 
foretelling those mischiefes which afterward happened, vnlesse he 35 
would submit himselfe and his kingdome vnto the Tartars yoke. 
Well, being allured by our Princes to confesse the trueth, he made 
such oathes and protestations, as (I thinke) the deuill himselfe 
would haue beene trusted for. First therefore he reported of 
himselfe, that presently after the time of his banishment, namely 40 
about the 30. yere of his age, hauing lost all that he had in the 
citie of Aeon at dice, euen in the midst of Winter, being compelled 
by ignominious hunger, wearing nothing about him but a shirt of 


sacke, a paire of shooes, and a haire cappe onely, being shauen 
like a foole, and vttering an vncoth noise as if he had bene dumbe, 
he tooke his iourney, and so traueiling many countreyes, and find- 
ing in diuers places friendly enterteinment, he prolonged his life 
5 in this maner for a season, albeit euery day by rashnesse of speech, 
and inconstancie of heart, he endangered himselfe to the deuill. 
At length, by reason of extreame trauaile, and continuall change 
of aire and of meats in Caldea, he fell into a grieuous sickenesse, 
insomuch that he was wearie of his life. Not being able therefore 

10 to go forward or backeward, and staying there a while to refresh 
himselfe, he began (being somewhat learned) to commend to 
writing those wordes which hee heard spoken, and within a short 
space, so aptly to pronounce, and to vtter them himselfe, that he 
was reputed for a natiue member of that countrey : and by the 

15 same dexteritie he attained to manie languages. This man the 
Tartars hauing intelligence of by their spies, drew him perforce 
into their societie : and being admonished by an oracle or vision, 
to challenge dominion ouer | the whole earth, they allured him by [p. 21] 
many rewards to their faithfull seruice, by reason that they wanted 

20 Interpreters. But concerning their maners and superstitions, of 
the disposition and stature of their bodies, of their countrey and 
maner of fighting &c., he protested the particulars following to be 
true : namely, that they were aboue all men, couetous, hasty, 
deceitful!, and mercilesse : notwithstanding, by reason of the 

25 rigour and extremitie of punishments to be inflicted vpon them 
by their superiours, they are restreined from brawlings, and from 
mutuall strife and contention. The ancient founders and fathers 
of their tribes, they call by the name of gods, and at certaine set 
times they doe celebrate solemne feasts unto them, many of them 

30 being particular, & but foure onely generall. They thinke that all 
things are created for themselues alone. They esteeme it none 
offence to exercise cruelty against rebels. They be hardie and 
strong in the breast, leane and pale-faced, rough and huf-shouldred, 
hauing flatte and short noses, long and sharpe chinnes, their vpper 

35 iawes are low and declining, their teeth long and thinne, their eye- 
browes extending from their fore-heads downe to their noses, their 
eies inconstant and blacke, their countenances writhen and terrible, 
their extreame ioynts strong with bones and sinewes, hauing thicke 
and great thighes, and short legs, and yet being equall vnto vs in 

40 stature : for that length which is wanting in their legs, is supplied 
in the vpper parts of their bodies. Their countrey in olde time 
was a land vtterly desert and waste, situated far beyond Chaldea, 
from whence they haue expelled Lions, Beares, and such like 


vntamed beasts, with their bowes, and other engines. Of the 
hides of beasts being tanned, they vse to shape for themselues 
light, but yet impenetrable armour. They ride fast bound vnto 
their horses, which are not very great in stature, but exceedingly 
strong, and mainteined with little prouender. They vse to fight 5 
constantly and valiantly with iauelins, maces, battle-axes, and 
swords. But specially they are excellent archers, and cunning 
warriers with their bowes. Their backs are slightly armed, that 
they may not flee. They withdraw not themselues from the 
combate, till they see the chiefe Standerd of their Generall giue 10 
backe. Vanquished, they aske no fauour, and vanquishing, they 
shew no compassion. They all persist in their purpose of sub- 
duing the whole world vnder their owne subiection, as if they were 
but one man, and yet they are moe then millions in number. 
They haue 60000. Courriers, who being sent before vpon light 15 
horses to prepare a place for the armie to incampe in, will in the 
space of one night gallop three dayes iourney. And suddenly 
diffusing themselues ouer an whole prouince, and surprising all 
the people thereof vnarmed, vnprouided, dispersed, they make 
such horrible slaughters, that the king or prince of the land 20 
inuaded, cannot finde people sufficient to wage battell against 
them, and to withstand them. They delude all people and 
princes of regions in time of peace, pretending that for a cause, 
which indeed is no cause. Sometimes they say, that they will 
make a voyage to Colen, to fetch home the three wise kings into 25 
their owne countrey ; sometimes to punish the auarice and pride 
of the Romans, who oppressed them in times past ; sometimes 
to conquere barbarous and Northren nations ; sometimes to 
moderate the furie of the Germans with their owne meeke mild- 
nesse ; sometimes to learne warlike feats and stratagems of the 30 
French ; sometimes for the finding out of fertile ground to suffice 
their huge multitudes ; sometimes againe in derision they say, that 
they intend to goe on pilgrimage to S. lames of Galicia. In regard 
of which sleights and collusions certaine vndiscreet gouernors 
concluding a league with them, haue granted them free passage 35 
thorow their territories, which leagues notwithstanding being 
violated, were an occasion of ruine and destruction vnto the 
foresayd gouernours &c. 


Libellus historicus loannis de Piano Carpini, qui 

missus est Legatus ad Tartaros anno Domini 1246. 

ab Innocentio quarto Pontifice maximo. 

Incipit P^'ologus t?i librimi Tartarorum. 

5 /'^mnibus Christi fidelibus ad quos praesens scriptum per- 
V_y uenerit, frater loannes de Piano Carpini ordinis fratrum 
minorum, Apostolicae sedis Legatus, nuncius ad Tartaros & 
nationes alias Orientis, Dei gratiam in praesenti, «Sr gloriam in 
futuro, & de inimicis suis gloriam triumphalem. Cum ex mandato 

10 sedis Apostolice iremus ad Tartaros & nationes alias Orientis, & 
sciremus Domini Papse & venerabilium Cardinalium voluntatem, 
elegimus prius ad Tartaros proficisci. Timebamus enim ne per 
eos in proximo ecclesise Dei periculum immineret. Et quamuis a 
Tartaris & alijs nationibus timeremus occidi, vel perpetuo capti- 

15 uari, vel fame, siti, | algore, sestu, contumelia, & laboribus nimijs, [p- 22] 
& quasi vltra vires affligi (quae omnia multo plusquam prius credi- 
dimus, excepta morte vel captiuitate perpetua nobis multipliciter 
euenerunt) non tamen pepercimus nobis ipsis, vt voluntatem Dei 
secundum Domini papae mandatum adimplere possemus, & vt 

20 proficeremus in aliquo Christianis, vt saltem scita veraciter volun- 
tate «&: intentione ipsorum, possemus illam patefacere Christianis, 
ne forte subito irruentes inuenirent eos imparatos, sicut peccatis 
hominum exigentibus alia vice contigit : & fecerunt magnam 
stragem in populo Christiano. Vnde qusecunque pro vestra vtili- 

25 tate vobis scribimus ad cautelam, tanto securius credere debetis, 

quanto nos cuncta vel ipsi vidimus oculis nostris, qui per annum Annus & 4. 

^ 1 , • • o • • menses & 

& quatuor menses & amplms ambulauimus per ipsos & cum ipsis, ampiius. 
ac fuimus inter eos, vel audiuimus a Christianis qui sunt inter eos 
captiui, & vt credimus fide dignis. Mandatum etiam a supremo Frater Bene- 
30 pontifice habebamus, vt cuncta perscrutaremur & videremus omnia nus comes 
diligenter. Quod tam nos quam frater Benedictus eiusdem ordinis p^no'ci 
qui nostrse tribulationis fuit socius & interpres fecimus studiose. p'"'- 



Oceanus ab 


Syn orda, 
curia maior 

niues in 
sestate in 

De terra Tartarorunt, situ, qualitate et 
dispositione aeris in eadem. Cap. i. 

Volentes igitur facta scribere Tartarorum, vt lectores facilius 
valeant inuenire, hoc niodo per capitula describemus. 
Primo quidem dicemus de terra. Secundo de hominibus. Tertio 5 
de ritu. Quarto de moribus. Quinto de ipsorum imperio. Sexto 
de bellis. Septimo de terris quas eorum dominio subiugauerunt. 
Octauo quomodo Bello occurratur eisdem. De terra possumus 
hoc modo tractare. In principio quidem dicemus de situ ipsius : 
secundo de qualitate: tertio de dispositione aeris in eadem. Terra 10 
vero praedicta est in ea posita parte Orientis in qua oriens sicut 
credimus coniungitur Aquiloni. Ab Oriente autem est terra 
posita Kytaiorum & etiam *Solangor(i: a meridie sunt terrae 
Saracenorum : inter Occidentem & Meridiem Huyrorum. Ab 
Occidente prouincia Naymanorum ; ab Aquilone mari oceano 15 
circundatur. Haec vero in parte aliqua est nimium montuosa, & 
in aliqua est campestris, sed fere tota admixta glarea, raro argillosa, 
plurimum est arenosa. In aliqua parte terne sunt aliquae modicae 
sylu£e : alia vero est sine lignis omnino. Cibaria autem sua 
decoquunt & sedent tam imperator quam principes & alij ad 20 
ignem factum de boum stercoribus & equorum. Terra autem 
prsedicta non est in parte centesima fructuosa : nee etiam protest 
fructum portare nisi aquis fluuialibus irrigetur. Sed aqua & riui 
ibidem sunt pauci : flumina vero rarissima vnde ibidem villae sunt 
paucae ; nee aliquae ciuitates excepta vna, quae esse dicitur satis 25 
bona ; nos autem non vidimus illam, sed fuimus prope ad dimi- 
dium diem, cum apud Syram ordam essemus, quae curia est maior 
imperatoris eorum. Et licet alias infructuosa sit, quamuis non 
multum, tamen competenter est alendis pecoribus apta. Aer in 
ipsa est mirabiliter inordinatus. In media etiam gstate quando in 30 
alijs partibus solet calor maximus abundare ; ibi sunt tonitrua 
magna & fulgura, ex quibus homines qu^m plurimi occiduntur. 
Cadunt etiam ibi eodem tempore maximae niues. Ibi sunt etiam 
frigidissimorum ventorum tam maximae tempestates, quod cum 
labore vix possunt homines aliquando equitare. Vnde cum 35 
essemus apud ordam (sic enim stationes imperatoris apud eos & 
principum appellantur) iacebamus in terra prae magnitudine venti 
prostrati, & propter pulueris multitudinem videre minime pote- 
ramus. In ea etiam in hyeme nusquam pluit, sed in gstate : & 

Al. Sclangorum. 

ex subita 

The Tartars. NAVIGATIONS, ETC. 45 

tam modicum, quod vix potest aliquando puluerem & radices 
graminum madidare. Grando etiam ibi saepe maxima cadit. Grando 
Vnde eo tempore quando fuit electus, & in sede regni poni debuit """"""*■ 
imperator, nobis in curia existentibus, tanta cecidit grando, quod 
5 ex subita resolutione, sicut plenius intelleximus, plusquam centum Ma 
& quadraginta homines in eadem curia fuerunt submersi. Res 
autem & habitacula plura deducta fuerunt. Ibi est etiam in gstate fe^iuu"* 
subito magnus calor, & repente maximum frigus. In hyeme vero 
in aliqua parte cadunt maximae niues, in alia autem paruae. Et vt 
10 breuiter de terra concludam, magna est, sed aliter, sicut vidimus 

oculis nostris, (quia per ipsam circuendam quinque mensibus & iterquinq; 
dimidium ambulauimus) multo vilior est, quam dicere valeamus. dl^dij!" 

De formis Tartaroruni, de coniugio, vestibus 
et habitaculis eorum. Cap. 2. 

15 l~\icto de terra, de hominibus est dicendum. Primb quidem 
I J formas describemus personarum. Secund6 de ipsorum 
coniugio supponemus. Tertio de vestibus. Quarto de habi- 
taculis. Quinto de rebus eorum. Forma personarum ab hominibus 
alijs est remota. Inter ocu|los enim & genas plusquam alij [p. 23] 

20 homines sunt lati. Gense etiam satis prominent a maxillis. Gra- 
ciles sunt generaliter in cingulo exceptis quibusdam paucis. Pene 
omnes sunt mediocris staturae. Barba fere omnibus minime 
crescit. Aliqui tamen in inferiori labio & in barba modicos habent 
crines, quos minime tondent. Super verticem capitis in modum 

25 clericorum habent coronas, & ab aure vna vsque ad aliam, ad 
latitudinem trium digitorum similiter omnes radunt. Quae rasurg 
coronae predictae iunguntur. Super frontem etiam ad latitudinem 
duorum digitorum similiter omnes radunt. Illos autem capillos 
qui sunt inter coronam & praetaxatam rasuram crescere vsque ad 

30 supercilia sinunt. Et ex vtraque parte frontis tondendo plusquam 
in medio crines faciunt longos : reliquos vero crines permittunt 
crescere vt mulieres. De quibus faciunt duas cordas, & ligant 
vnamquamque post aurem. Pedes etiam modicos habent. Vxores 
vero habet vnusquisque quot potest tenere. Aliquis centum, 

35 aliquis quinquaginta, aliquis decem, aliquis plures vel pauciores : 
& omnibus parentibus generaliter iunguntur, excepta matre, filia, 
vel sorore ex eadem matre, sororibus etiam ex patre : tamen & 
vxores patris post mortem ducere possunt. Vxorem etiam fratris 
alter frater iunior post mortem vel alius de parentela iunior ducere 

40 tenetur. Reliquas mulieres omnes sine vlla differentia ducunt in 


vxores, & emunt eas valde pretiose a parentibus suis. Post mortem 
maritorum de facili ad secunda coniugia non migrant, nisi quis 

Vestes. velit suam nouercam ducere in vxorem. Vestes autem tarn 
vircrum qukm mulierum sunt vno modo formatas. Pallijs, cappis 
vel capputijs vel pellibus non vtuntur. Tunicas vero portant de s 
Bukeramo, purpura, vel Baldaquino in hunc modum formatas. A 
supremo vsque deorsum sunt scissas, quia ante pectus duplicantur. 
A latere vero sinistro vna, & in dextris tribus ligaturis nectuntur, 
& in latere & in sinistro vsque ad brachiale sunt scissae. Pellicia 
cuiuscunque sunt generis in eundem modum formantur : superius lo 
tamen pellicium exterius habet pilum, sed a posterioribus est 
apertum. Habet autem caudulam vnam vsque ad genua retro. 
Mulieres vero quae sunt maritatae habent tunicam valde amplam & 
vsq; ad terram ante scissam. Super caput vero habent vnum 
quid rotundum de viminibus vel de cortice factum, quod in longu 15 
protenditur ad vnam vlnam, & in summitate desinit in quadrum : 
& ab imo vsque ad summum in amplitudine semper crescit, & in 
summitate habet virgulam vnam longam & gracilem de auro vel 
de argento seu de ligno, vel etiam pennam : & est assutum super 
vnum pileolum, quod protenditur vsque ad humeros. Instru- 20 
mentum predictum est tectum de buccaramo, siue purpura vel 
baldaquino : sine quo instrumento coram hominibus nunquam 
vadunt, & per hoc ab alijs mulieribus cognoscuntur. Virgines 
autem & iuuenes mulieres cum magna difficultate a viris suis 
possunt discerni : quum per omnia vestiuntur ut viri. Pileola 25 
habent alia quim aliae nationes, quorum formam intelligibiliter 

Tabernacu- describcre non valemus. Stationes rotundas habent in modum 

la. .. ... 

tentorij praeparata.s, de virgis & baculis subtiliter factas. Supra 
vero in medio rotundam habent fenestra vnde lumen ingreditur, & 
ut f)ossit fumus exire : quia semper in medio ignem faciunt. 30 
Parietes autem & tecta filtro sunt cooperta, Ostia etiam de filtro 
sunt facta. Quasdam stationes sunt magnae, quaedam paruae, se- 
cundum dignitatem & hominum paruitatem, Quaedam soluuntur 
subito & reparantur, & super somarios deferuntur. Quaedam dis- 
solui non possunt, sed in curribus deferuntur. Minoribus autem 35 
in curru ad deferendum vnus bos ; maioribus tres vel quatuor, vel 
etiam plures, vel quod est magis, sufficiunt ad portandum. Quo- 
cunque vadunt siue ad bellum, siue aliks, semper illas deferunt 
Opes in secum. In animalibus sunt diuites valde : in camelis, bobus, 

ouibus, capris, & equis. lumentorum tantam habent multitudi- 40 
nem, quantam non credimus habere totum mundum. Porcos & 
alias bestias minime habent. 


The Tartars. NAVIGATIONS, ETC. 47 

De cultu & de hijs quae credunt esse peccata, 

& de diuinationibus & ritu funeris eorum, & de 

purgationibus s«orum peccatorum. Cap. 3. 

Dicto de hominibus, dicendum est de ritu : de quo tractabimus 
in hunc modum. Primo de cultu : secundo de hijs quae credunt 
esse peccata : tertio de diuinationibus, & purgationibus peccatorum : 
quarto de ritu funeris. Vnum Deum credunt, quern credunt esse 
factorem omnium visibilium & inuisibilium. Et credunt eum tarn 
bonorum in hoc mundo quam pcenarum esse factorem : non tamen 

10 orationibus vel laudibus, aut ritu aliquo ipsum colunt. Nihilominus 
habent idola qugedam de filtro ad imaginem hominis facta ; & ilia 
ponunt ex vtraque parte ostij stationis, & subtus ilia ponunt quid- 
dam de filtro in modum vberis factum, & ilia credunt esse pecorum 
custodes, & eis beneficium lactis & puUorum praestare. Alia vero 

15 faciunt de pannis sericis, & ilia multum honorant. Quidam ponunt 
ilia in pulchro curru tecto ante ostium stationis : & quicunq ; 
aliquid de illo curru furatur, sine vUa miseratione occiditur. | Duces, [p. 24] 
millenarij, & centenarij vnum semper habent in medio stationis. 
Praedictis idolis offerunt primum lac omnis pecoris & iumenti. 

20 Et cum primo comedere & bibere incipiunt, primo offerunt eis de 
cibarijs & potu. Et cum bestiam aliquam occidunt, offerunt cor 
Idolo quod est in curru in aliquo cypho, & dimittunt vsque mane, 
& tunc auferunt de praesentia eius, & decoquunt & manducant. 
Primo etiam imperatori faciunt idolum, quod ponunt in curru, 

25 ante quam stationem honorifice, sicut vidimus ante ordam impera- 
toris istius, offerunt munera multa. Equos etiam offerunt ei, quos 
nuUus audet ascendere vsque ad mortem. Alia etiam animalia 
eidem offerunt. Quae vero occidunt ad manducandum, nullum os 
ex eis confringunt, sed igni comburunt. Et etiam ad meridiem 

30 tanquam Deo inclinant, & inclinare faciunt alios nobiles, qui se 
reddunt eisdem. Vnde nuper contigit quod Michael, qui fuit 
vnus de magnis ducibus Russiae, cum iuisset ad se reddendum 
Bati, fecerunt eum prius inter duos ignes transire : Post hoc 
dixerunt, quod ad meridiem Cyngis can inclinaret. Qui re- 

35 spondit, quod Bati & seruis suis inclinaret libenter, sed imagini 
hominis mortui non inclinaret, quia non licet hoc facere 
Christianis. Et cum saepe diceretur, quod inclinaret, & noUet, 
mandauit ei praedictus per filium leroslai, quod occideretur si 
non inclinaret. Qui respondit, quod potius vellet mori, quam Martynum 

40 hoc faceret, quia non liceret. At ille satellitem vnum misit, qui duds 

tam diu contra cor eum in ventre calce percussit, quousque 




De super- 
stitiosis tra- 


deficeret. Tunc quidam de suis militibus qui astabat confortans 
eum dixit : Esto robustos quia haec poena non diu tibi durabit, & 
statim sequetur gaudium sempiternum : post hoc fuit caput eius 
cultello praecisum. Militi vero praedicto fuit caput etiam cultello 
amputatura. Solem igitur lumina & ignem venerantur &: adorant, 5 
& aquam & terrain, eis ciborum & potus primitias offerentes, 
& mane potissime antequam comedant & bibant : quia de cultu 
Dei nuUam legem obseruant. Neminem cogunt suam fidem vel 
legem negare. Accidit tamen dum adhuc nuper essemus in terra 
quod Andreas dux de *Saruogle quae est in Russia fuit apud Bati 10 
accusatus, quod educeret equos Tartarorum de terra & venderet 
aliks. Et cum tamen non esset probatum fuit occisus : quod 
audiens iunior frater eius, venit cum vxore occisi ad ducem 
prsedictum Bati, volens supplicare, ne terra toUeretur eisdem. 
Qui dixit par esse, quod vxorem fratis carnalis praedicti duceret 15 
in vxore : & mulieri pnecepit ducere ilium in virum secundum 
consuetudinem Tartarorum. Qui respondit, quod prius vellet 
occidi, quam faceret contra legem. At ille nihilominus tradidit 
earn illi, quamuis renuerat quantum posset : & duxerunt ambo in 
lecto, & posuerunt puerum super illam plorantem & clamantem, 20 
& cogerunt eos commisceri coactione non conditionali, sed ab- 
soluta. Quamuis de iustitia facienda, vel peccato cauendo nullam 
habeant legem, nihilominus tamen habent aliquas traditiones, quas 
dicunt esse f>eccata : quas confinxerunt ipsi & patres eorum. 
Vnum est, cultellum figere in igne, vel etiam quocunque modo 25 
tangere cum cultello : vel cum cultello extrahere carnes de caldario : 
iuxta ignem etiam incidere cum securi. Credunt etiam quod sic 
auferri caput debeat igni. Item appodiare se ad flagellum, cum 
quo percutitur equus : Ipsi enim calcaribus non vtuntur. Item 
tangere flagellis sagittas. Item iuuenes aues occidere, vel accipere: 30 
cum froeno equum percutere. Item os cum osse alio frangere. 
Item lac vel aliquem potum vel cibum super terram effundere. In 
statione mingere, sed si voluntarie facit occiditur : si autem aliter, 
oportet quod pecunia soluatur incantatori, qui purificet eos : faciat 
etiam stationem & ea quae in ipsa sunt inter duos ignes transire. 35 
Sed antequam sic purificetur nullus audet intrare vel aliquid de 
ipsa portare. Item si alicui morsus imponitur, & deglutire non 
potest, & de ore suo eijcit eum, fit foramen sub statione, & extra- 
hunt per illud foramen, & sine vlla misericordia occiditur. Item 
si aliquis calcat limen stationis alicuius ducis interficitur eodem 40 
modo. Et multa habent similia, de quibus longum est narrare. 

* Vel Sciruogle. Andreas dux Russig. 

The Tartars. NAVIGATIONS, ETC. 49 

Sed homines occidere, aliorum terras inuadere, res aliorum ac- 
cipere, quocunque iniusto modo fornicari, alijs hominibus iniuriari, 
facere contra Dei prohibitiones & Dei praecepta, nullum est 
peccatum apud eos. De vita gterna & damnatione perpetua, 
5 nihil sciunt. Credunt tamen quod post mortem in alio seculo 
viuant, greges multiplicent, comedant, bibant, & alia faciant, quae 
in hoc seculo a viuentibus hominibus fiunt, Diuinationibus, 
augurijs, aruspicijs, veneficijs, incantationibus multum intendunt. 
Et cum a daemonibus ipsis respondetur, credunt quod Deus ipsis 

10 loquatur, quem Deum vocant Itoga : sed Comani Cham, id est, 
imperatorem ipsum appellant, quem mirabiliter timent & reue- 
rentur : ac oblationes offerunt multas, & primitias cibi & potus. 
Secundum autem responsa ipsius faciunt vniuersa. In principio CuUusiun?^ 
etiam lunationis vel plenilunio incipiunt quicquid noui agere 

15 volunt. Vnde illam magnum imperatorem appellant, eique genua 
flectunt et deprecantur. Solem dicunt esse matrem lunas, eo quod 
lumen a sole recipiat. Et vt breuiter dicam per ignem credunt 
omnia purificari. Vnde cum nuncij veniunt ad eos, vel principes, 
vel qualescunq ; personafe, oportet ipsos & munera que portant per 

20 duos ignes transire, vt purificentur. Item si cadit ignis de coelo 

super pecora, vel super homines, quod ibidem | saepe contingit, siue [p. 25] 
aliquid talium euenerit eis, per quod immundos seu infortunatos 
se reputant, oportet similiter per incantatores mundari. Et quasi 
omnem spem suam in talibus posuerunt. Quando aliquis eorum Ritus 

25 infirmatur, ponitur in statione eius vna hasta, & contra illam *^'^"^''"*- 
filtrum circumuoluitur nigrum : & ex tunc nuUus audet alienus 
postes stationum intrare. Et quando incipit agonizare, omnes 
recedunt ab eo ; quoniam nuUus de ijs qui morti eius assistunt, 
potest ordam alicuius ducis vel imperatoris vsq ; ad nouam 

30 lunationem intrare. Cum autem mortuus est, si est de maioribus, 
sepelitur occulte in campo vbi placuerit : sepelitur autem cum 
statione sedendo in medio eius, & ponunt mensam ante eum, 
& alueum carnibus plenum, & cyphum lactis iumentini : Sepelitur 
autem cum eo vnum iumentum cum puUo, & equus cum fraeno & 

35 sella : & alium equum comedunt & stramine corium implent, & 
super duo vel quatuor ligna altius ponunt, vt habeat in alio mundo 
stationem vbi moretur, & iumentum de quo lac habeat, & possit 
sibi equos multiplicare, & equos etiam in quibus valeat equitare. 
Aurum & argentum sepeliunt eodem modo cum ipso. Currus in 

40 quo ducitur frangitur, & statio sua destruitur, nee nomen proprium 
eius vsque ad tertiam generationem audet aliquis nominare. Alius 
etiam est modus sepeliendi quosdam maiores. Vaditur in campo 
occulte, & ibi gramina remouent cum radicibus, & faciunt foueam 

H. 4 


magnam, & in latere illius foueoe faciunt vnam sub terra, &: ilium 
seruum quern habet dilectum ponunt sub eo, qui iacet tarn diu 
sub eo donee incipit agonizare, deinde extrahunt eum vt valeat 
respirare, & sic faciunt ter. Et si euadet, postea est liber, & facit 
quicquid ei placuerit, & est magnus in statione, ac inter parentes 5 
illius. Mortuum autem ponunt in foueam, quae est in latere facta 
idemmos cuHi his quae superius dicta sunt. Deinde replent foueam quae est 

sepeliendi . o j • r ■ 

fere in. ante foueam suam, cs: desuper gramma ponunt, vt fuerant prms, ad 
hoc, ne locus vlterius valeat inueniri. Alia faciunt vt dictum est. 
In terra eorum sunt coemeteria duo. Vnum in quo sepeliuntur 10 
imperatores, duces & nobiles omnes : & vbicunque moriuntur, si 
congrue fieri potest, illuc deferuntur. Sepelitur autem cum eis 
aurum & argentum multum. Aliud est in quo sepeliuntur illi qui 
in Hungaria interfecti fuerunt : multi enim ibidem occisi fuerunt. 
Ad ilia coemeteria nuUus audet accedere praeter custodes, qui ad 15 
custodiendum positi sunt ibidem. Et si aliquis accesserit, capitur, 
spoliatur & verberatur, & valde male tractatur. Vnde nos ipsi 
nescientes intrauimus terminos coemeterij eorum qui in Hungaria 
occisi fuerunt, & venerunt super nos sagittse volantes : sed quia 
eramus nuncij consuetudinem terrae nescientes, nos liberos 20 

Lustrauonis dimiscrunt abire. Parentes autem & omnes alij qui morantur 
in stationibus suis oportet purificari per ignem : quae purificatio 
fit hoc modo. Faciunt duos ignes, & duas hastas ponunt iuxta 
ignes, & vnam cordam in summitate hastarum : & ligant super 
cordam illam quasdam scissuras de buccharamo : sub qua corda 25 
& ligaturis inter illos duos ignes transeunt homines, bestiae & 
stationes : Et sunt duae mulieres, vna hinc, & alia inde aquam 
proijcientes, & qufdam carmina recitantes. Et si aliqui currus 
ibi franguntur, vel etiam res ibi cadunt aliquae, incantatores 
accipiunt. Et si aliquis occiditur ^ tonitruo, omnes illos homines 30 
qui morantur in stationibus illis, oportet praedicto modo ignes 
transire. Statio, lectus, filtra, currus, vestes, & quicquid talium 
habuerint, a nullo tanguntur, sed tanquam immunda ab omnibus 


De consuetudinibus bonis & malis et cibis 35 
eorum. Cap. 4. 

^icto de ritu, dicendum est de moribus : de quibus tracta- 

bimus hoc modo. Primo dicemus de bonis, secundo de 

malis : tertio de consuetudinibus : quarto de cibis. Prgdicti 

Obcdientia. homincs, scilicet Tartari sunt magis obedientes Dominis suis, 40 

qukm aliqui homines in hoc mundo, siue religiosi, siue seculares : 




et magis reuerentur eosdem : neq ; de facili mentiuntur eis. 
Verbis ad inuicem rarb aut nunquam contendunt, factis vero 
nunquam. Bella, rix£e, vulnera, homicidia inter eos non con- 
tingunt. Predones & fures magnarum rerum non inueniuntur 
5 inter eos. Vnde stationes & currus eorum, vbi habent thesaurum 
suum seris aut vectibus non firmantur. Si aliquae bestiae perduntur, 
quicunque inuenerit eas vel dimittit sic esse, vel ducit eas ad 
homines illos, qui positi sunt ad hoc. Homines autem quorum 
sunt bestiae apud eosdem illas requirunt, & absque vlla difficultate 

10 recipiunt illas. Vnus alium satis honorat : & ad inuicem sunt 
satis familiares : Et cibaria quamuis inter illos sint pauca, tamen 
inter se satis competenter communicant ilia ; & satis sunt suffer- 
entes. Vnde quum ieiunant vno die vel duobus diebus nihil 
comedentes omnind de facili non videntur impatientes, sed 

15 cantant & ludunt quasi comederunt bene. In equitando multum 
sustinent frigus, & calorem nimium patiuntur. Non sunt homines 
delicati. Inuidi ad inuicem non videntur. Inter eos quasi nulla 
placita sunt : nuUus alium spernit, sed iuuat & promouet quantum 
congrue potest. Mulieres eorum sunt castae : nee de im|pudicitia 

20 earum inter eas aliquid auditur. Verba tamen quaedam ex eis in 
ioco satis habent turpia & impudica. Seditiones verb inter eas 
rar6 vel nunquam audiuntur. Et quamuis multum inebrientur, in 
ebrietate sua tamen verbis vel facto nunquam contendunt. Nunc 
de malis moribus eorum est supponendum. Superbissimi alijs 

25 hominibus sunt, & despiciunt omnes : ide6 quasi pro nihilo 
reputant, siue nobiles sint, siue ignobiles. Vidimus enim in 
curia Imperatoris nobilem virum leroslaum, magnum Ducem 
Russiae, filium etiam Regis & Reginae Georgiae, & Soldanos 
multos, duces etiam Soldanorum nullum honorem debitum 

30 recipere inter eos. Sed Tartari qui erant eis assignati, quantum- 
cunq; erant viles, antecedebant eos, & semper primum locum 
& summum tenebant : immo saepe oportebat eos post eorum 
posteriora sedere. Iracundi multum & indignantis naturae sunt : 
& etiam alijs hominibus plus sunt mendaces, & fere nulla Veritas 

35 inuenitur in eis. In principio quidem sunt blandi, sed in sine 
pungunt vt Scorpio. Subdoli sunt & fraudulenti, & si possunt 
astutia circumueniunt omnes. Homines sunt immundi, sumendo 
cibum & potum, & alijs factis suis. Qui cum volunt aliquid mali 
facere alijs hominibus, miro modo occultant, vt prdeuidere non 

40 possint, vel contra eorum astutias remedium inuenire. Ebrietas 
honorabilis est apud eos : & quum multum quis bibit, ibidem 
reijcit, nee propter hoc dimittit quin iterum bibat. Valde sunt 
cupidi & auari, exactores maximi ad petendum : tenacissimi 




[p. 26] 






tia. Sordes. 




CrudeUtas. retcntores, & parcissimi donatores. Alionim hominum occisio 
pro nihilo est apud illos. Et, vt breuiter dicam, omnes niali 
mores eorum propter prolixitate in scripto redigi non possunt. 

Cibi. Cibi eorum sunt omnia quae mandi possunt. Comedunt canes, 

lupos, vulpes, & equos ; & in necessitate carnes humanas. Vnde 5 
quando pugnauerunt contra quandam ciuitatem Kytaorum, vbi 
morabatur imperator ipsorum ; earn obsederunt tarn diu, quod 
defecerunt ipsis Tartaris omninb expensae. Et quia non habebant 
quod manducarent omnin6, tunc accipiebatur de decern hominibus 
vnus ad manducandum. Abluuiones etiam quse egrediuntur de 10 
iumentis cum puUis manducant. Im6 vidimus etiam eos pedicu- 
los manducare : vidimus etiam eos comedere mures. Mensalibus 
& manutergijs non vtuntur: pane non habent, nee olera, nee 
legumina, nee aliquid aliud nisi cames : & tam paucas habent, 
qu6d aliae nationes vix inde viuere possent. Cum pinguedine 15 
camium multum polluunt manus : quando ver6 comederunt, tunc 
manus ad ocreas suas, vel ad gramina, vel ad aliquid talium 
tergunt Solent etia honestiores habere aliquos panniculos paruos, 
cum quibus vltimo tergunt manus, quando carnes manducarunt. 
Cibum vnus eorum incidit, & alius accipit cum puncto cultclli 20 
morsellos, & vnicuiq; prebet, quibusda plus, quibusdam minus, 
secundum quod plus vel minus volunt eos honorare. Scutellas 
non lauant, & si aliquando cum brodio lauant camium, iterum 
cum carnibus in olla reponunt. Ollas etia vel caldaria, vel alia 
vasa ad hoc deputata si abluunt, simili modo lauant. Apud eos 25 
est magnum peccatum, si de cibo vel potu perire permittatur 
aliquid. Vnde ossa, nisi prius extrahatur medulla, dari canibus 
non permittunt. Vestes etiam non lauant, nee lauari permittunt, 
& maxime quo tonitrua ab ilia hora incipiunt donee desinant. 
Lac iumentinum bibunt in maxima quantitate si habent : bibunt 30 
etiam ouinum, caprinum, vaccinum, & camelorum. Vinum, 
ceruisiam, & medonem non habent, nisi ab alijs nationibus 
mktatur, vel donetur eisdem. In hyeme, nisi diuites sint, lac 
iumentinum non habent. Milliu cum aqua decoquunt, quod ta 
tenue faciunt, qu6d non comedere sed bibere possunt. Et vnus 35 
quisq ; ex eis bibit cyphum vnum vel duos in mane, & nil plus in 
die maducant. In sero vnicuique ; parum de carnibus datur, & 
brodium de carnibus bibunt. In restate autem, quia tunc habent 
satis de lacte iumentino carnes rar6 maducant, nisi forte donentur 

Poena eis, aut vcnatione aliquam bestiam ceperint, siue auem. Legem 40 

a utenj. gj^^j^j gj^g consuctudinc habent occidendi virum & mulierem 
quos in adulterio inuenerint manifeste. Similiter & virginem si 
fornicata fuerit, muliere occidunt & virum. Si aliquis inuenitur 

The Tartars. NAVIGATIONS, ETC. 53 

in praeda vel in furto manifesto in terra potestatis eoru sine FuhL 
vlla miseratione occiditur. Item si aliquis eorum deundat co- Arcani^ 

. CUUlgAtl. 

sihum, maxime quando volunt ire ad bellum, centu plagg dantur 
super posteriora, quanto maiores dare cum baculo magno vnus 

5 rusticus potest. Item quando aliqui de minoribus offendunt in 
aliquo k fuis maioribus non parcitur eis, sed verberibus grauiter 
affliguntur. Item inter filium concubinae & vxoris nulla est 
differentia, sed dat pater vnicuiq; eorum quod vult, & si est 
de genere ducum, ita est dux filius concubinae, sicut filius 

10 legitimus. Et cum vnus Tartarus habet multas vxores, vnaquaeq ; noxuya^ia. 
per se suam stationem, & familiam habet : & cum vna comedit, & 
bibit, «Sc dormit vna die, & altera die cum alia. Vna tamen ex 
ipsis maior est inter alias, & frequentius cum ilia quam cum alijs 
commoratur. Et cum tam multae sint inter se tamen de facili non 

15 contendunt. Viri nihil operantur omnin6 exceptis sagittis : & 
etiam de gregibus aliquantulam habent curam, sed venantur, & 
exercent se ad sagittandum : Omnes enim k paruo vsque ad 
magnum sagittarij sunt & boni. Et statim pueri eorum, cum 
sunt duorum annorum vel trium, incipiunt equitare. Equos 

20 eorum regunt & currunt in eis : & dantur eis arcus secundum 
suam aetatem, «& instruunt ad sagittandum. Agiles enim sunt 
& audaces valde. Vir|gines & mulieres equitant, & agiliter in [p. 27] 
equis currunt vt viri. Vidimus enim eas arcus & pharetras 
portare. Et tam viri quam mulieres diu in equitando possunt 

25 durare. Breuissimas habent strepas : equos valde custodiunt : 
imo rerum omnium sunt magni conseruarores. Mulieres eorum 
omnia operantur. Pellicia, vestes, calceos, ocreas, & omnia 
opera quae de corio fiunt. Currus etiam ducunt & reparant, fceminae 

^ ^ . . . *^ . Metj incog- 

camelos onerant, & velocissimae sunt & strenuae in omnibus nitaeeodem. 
30 operibus suis : foemoralibus omnes vtuntur : aliquae, sicut viri, tiuntur. 


De ipsorum Imperio. Cap. 5. 

Dicto de eorum consuetudinibus, dicendum est de eorum 
imperio. Et prim6 de ipsius principio. Secund6 de 
35 principibus eius. Tertio de dominio Imperatoris & principum. 
Terra quaedam est in partibus Orientis, de qua dictum est supra, 
quae Mongol nominatur. Hasc terra quondam quatuor populos 
habuit. Et vnus Yeka-Mongol, id est, magni Mongali vocabatur. 
Secundus Sumongol, id est Aquatici Mongali. Ipsi autem seipsos 
40 Tartaros appellabant, a quodam fluuio, qui currit per terram Tartarix 
eorum, qui Tartar nominatur. Alius appellatur Merkat, quartus 


Tartar Mctrit. Hi] DopuU omncs vnam formam personarum, & vnam 
fluuius. ,. , , , • • . . „ . . 

hnguam habebant : quamuis inter se per pnncipes & proumcias 

essent diuisi. In terra Yeka-Mongol fuit qui vocabatur Cyngis. 

Iste incepit esse robustus venator coram Domino. Didicit enim 

Cyngis ortus homines furari, rapere, praedari. Ibat autem ad alias terras, & 5 
quoscunque potuit capere, & sibi associare non demittebat : 
homines verb suae gentis ad se inclinabat, qui tanquam ducem 
ipsum sequebantur ad omnia malefacta. Hie autem incepit 
pugnare cum Sumongal, siue Tartaris, postquam homines aggre- 
gauerat sibi, & interfecit ducem eorum, & multo bello omnes 10 
Tartaros sibi subiugauit & in suam seruitutem redegit. Post haec 
cum omnibus his pugnauit, cum Merkat, qui erant positi iuxta 
terram Tartarorum, quos etiam bello sibi subiecit : Inde procedens 
pugnauit contra Metritas, & etiam illos deuicit. Audientes itaque 
Naymani, quod Cyngis erat taliter eleuatus, indignati fuerunt. 15 
Ipsi enim habuerunt Imperatorem, qui fuerat strenuus vald^, cui 

Naymani. dabant tributum omnes nationes pnedictae. Qui debitum vniuersae 
carnis exsoluens, filij eius successerunt loco eius ; sed iuuenes 
erant & stulti, & populum nesciebant tenere : sed inuicem diuisi 

Fntres erant & scissi : vnde medio tempore Cyngis erat taliter exaltatus, 20 

discordantet ... 

oppr«*sL nihilommus msultum faciebant m terras supenus annotatas, viros 

& mulieres, & puerQs occidebant, & capiebant praedam eorum. 

Cyngis hoc audiens, omnes sibi subiectos homines aggregauit. 

Kan Kitai. Naymani & Kara Kitai, id est, nigri Kitai, ex aduerso in quandam 

vallem strictam inter montes duos, per quam nos euntes ad impe- 25 

ratorem eorum transiuimus, similiter conueniunt : & commissum 

est pnelium, in quo Naymani & Kara Kitai a Mongallis sunt 

deuicti, & maior pars eorum occisa : & alij qui euadere non 

potuerunt in seruitutem redacti sunt. In terra autem praedictorum 

Occoday Kara Kytaorum Occaday can filius Cyngis can, postquam positus 30 

*^* fuit imperator, quandam ciuitatem aedificauit, quam *Omyl appel- 

lauit. Prop^ quam ad meridiem est quoddam desertum magnum, 

Homines in quo syluestres homines pro certo habitare dicuntur, qui nullo 

syuestres. j^q^jq loquuntur, nec in cruribus habent iuncturas : & si quando 

cadunt, per se surgere sine adiutorio aliorum minimfe possunt, 35 
aliquantam tamen habent discretionem. Mongali autem in terram 
eorum reuertentes se contra Kytaos in praelium praeparauerunt, 
De mutua qui castra mouentes terram eorum intrauerunt. Imperator autem 
Mon^iorum Kytaorum hoc audiens venit contra eos cum exercitu suo ; & 
Kytaorum. commissum est praelium durum ; in quo praelio Mongali fuerunt 40 
Kv^ainT"" deuicti : & omnes nobiles Mongallorum qui erant in praedicto 


♦ Vel Chanyl. 

The Tartars. NAVIGATIONS, ETC 55 

exercitu fuerunt occisi vsque ad septem. Cyngis ver6 & alij qui 
remanserunt in terram suam fugerunt Et quum aliquantulum 
quieuisset Cyngis, praeparauit se rursus ad praelium & contra 
terram Huyrorum processit ad bellum. Isti homines Christiani 
5 de secta Nestorianorum erant, quos etiam bello deuicit, & eorum 
literas acceperunt. Nam prius scripturam aliquam non habebant. Nous 
Nunc autem eandem literam Mongallorum appellant. Inde pro- ulere"* 
cessit contra terram Saruiuorum, & contra terram Karauitarum, & Veisaruiur. 
contra terram Voyrat, & contra terram Comana, quas terras omnes ^r!im.^""'" 

10 deuicit. Inde est in terram suam reuersus. Et cum aliquantulum ^^' '^"'*"'** 
quieuisset, conuocatis omnibus gentibus supradictis, contra Kytaos 
ad bellum processit, & cum diu contra eos pugnasset magnam 
partem terrae Kytaorum vicerunt : Imperatorem autem eorum 
concluserunt in sua ciuitate maiori : quam cum tam diu obside- 

15 runt, quod exercitui defecerunt expensae, & cum non haberent 
quod manducarent, prsecepit illis Cyngis can, quod de decem 
hominibus vnum darent ad manducandum. lUi autem de ciuitate 
pugnabant viriliter contra illos sagittis & machinis : Et cum 
deficerent lapides, pro lapidibus proiecerunt argentum, & maxime 

20 liquefactum. Ciuitas enim haec multis diuitijs erat plena. Et Argentum 

. . . loco lapidum 

cum diu pugnassent, & eam bello vmcere mmime possent, fece- in hostem 

, , . ... proiectum. 

runt vnam magnam viam sub terra ab exercitu vsque ad mediam 
ciuitatem, & aperientes subit6 ter|ram, eis nescientibus profilierunt [p. 28] 
in medio ciuitatis, & pugnabant cum hominibus ciuitatis, & illi Kytaivicti. 

25 qui erant extra simili modo pugnabant, & concidentes portas 
intrauerunt ciuitatem : & occidentes Imperatorem & homines 
plures, ciuitatem possidebant : & aurum & argentum, & omnes 
diuitias abstulerunt. Et cum terrae predicts Kytaorum suos 
homines praefecissent, in terram propriam sunt reuersi. Et tunc Cyngis 

30 Imperatore Kytaorum deuicto factus est Imperator. Quandam imperator. 
autem partem terrae Kytaorum, quae posita est in mari, vsque in in marl* ^""^ 
hodiernum diem nullatenus deuicerunt. Kytai autem, de quibus kytaorum 
superius diximus, homines sunt Pagani, qui habent literam specia- ["fj^o* 
lem ; & habent nouum & vetus Testamentum ; & habent vitas 

35 patrum, & Eremitas & domos quasi Ecclesias factas, in quibus 
orant temporibus suis : Et dicunt se quosdam sanctos habere. 
Vnum Deum colunt : Dominum nostrum lesum Christum hono- 
rant, & credunt vitam aeternam, sed minime baptizantur. Scriptu- 
ram nostram honorant «&: reuerentur : Christianos diligunt, & 

40 Ecclesias faciunt plures. Homines benigni & humani satis 
videntur : barbam non habent, & in dispositione saciei satis 
concordant cum Mongalis, non tamen sunt in facie ita lati. 
Linguam propriam habent: meliores artifices non inueniuntur ^pJ^"""""" 



can Cyngis 

India minor 


Victoria de 


& ouiibus 



in toto mundo in omnibus operibus, in quibus solent homines 
exercitari. Terra eorum est opulenta valde in frumento, vino, 
auro, argento, & serico, & omnibus rebus in quibus solet sustentari 
humana natura. Et cum aliquantulum quieuissent, suos exercitus 
diuiserunt. Vnum de filijs Tossuch nomine, quem etiam Can ap- c 
pellabant, id est Imperatorem, misit cum exercitu contra Comanos, 
quos multo bello deuicit : & postquam vicerat eos in terram suam 
reuertebatur. Alium etiam filium misit cum exercitu contra Indos; 
qui minorem Indiam deuicerunt. Hij autem nigri sunt Saraceni, 
qui .^thiopes nuncupantur. Hie autem exercitus contra Christia- lo 
nos, qui sint in India maiori in pugnam processit. Quod audiens 
rex terrae illius, qui vulgb Praesbyter lohannes appellatur, venit 
contra eos exercitu congregate. Et faciens imagines cupreas 
hominum in sella posuit super equos, ponens ignem interius, 
& posuit hominem cum folle post imaginem cupream super 15 
equum : & cum multis imaginibus, & equis taliter praeparatis 
venerunt contra prsedictos ad pugnandum. Et cum ad locum 
praelij peruenissent, istos equos vnum iuxta vnum premiserunt. 
Viri autem, qui erant retro, posuerunt nescio quid super ignem 
qui erat in praedicta imagine, & cum follibus fortiter sufflauerunt. 20 
Vnde factum est, quod de fumo illo aer est denigratus. Et tunc 
super Tartaros iecerunt sagittas, ex quibus multi interfecti & 
vulnerati fuerunt Et sic cum confusione eos de finibus suis 
eiecerunt : Et nunquam audiuimus, quod vltra ad eos redierunt. 
Cum autem per deserta redirent, in quandam terram venerunt in 25 
qua quaedam monstra foemineas imagines habentia reperierunt. 
Et cum interrogassent eas per multos interpretes vbi essent viri 
terrae illius, responderunt quod in ilia terra qugcunque fceminae 
nascebantur, habebant formam humanam : Masculi ver6 formam 
caninam. Et dum moram protraherent in terra praedicta, Canes 30 
in alia parte conuenerunt in vnum : Et dum esset hyems asperrima, 
se omnes proiecerunt in aquam : & post haec incontinenti in 
pulucrem mouebantur, & ita puluis admixtus aquae super eos 
congelauit : & dum saepe hoc fecissent, glacies densa facta est 
super eos : Vnde cum magno impetu cum Tartaris conuenerunt 35 
ad pugnam. At illi quum sagittas super eos iactabant, ac si super 
lapides sagitassent, retro sagittae redibant : Alia etiam arma eorum 
in nullo eos laedere potuerunt. Canes ver6 insultum facientes in 
eos morsibus vulnerauerunt, multos etiam occiderunt, & ita eiece- 
runt eos de finibus suis. Et dum reuerteretur exercitus ille, venit 40 
ad terram Burutabeth, quos bello vicerunt : qui sunt Pagani. Qui 
consuetudinem mirabilem imo potius miserabilem habent. Quia 
cum aliquis patrum suorum humanae naturae debitum exsoluit, 



omnem congregant parentelam, & comedunt euni. Isti pilos in 
barba non habent : immo quoddam ferrum in manibus portant, 
cum quo barbam semper depilant, si forte aliquis crinis crescit in 
ipsa : tS: multum etiam deformes sunt. Inde exercitus ille reuerte- 
5 batur in terram suam. Cyngis can etiam eo tempore quo diuisit 
exercitus illos, misit in expeditione contra Orientem per terram 
Kergis, quos bello non vicit : & vsque ad Caspios montes per- 
uenit, montes autem illi sunt de lapide adamantino. Vnde eorum 
sagittas & arma ferrea ad se traxerunt. Homines inter Caspios 

lo montes conclusos viderunt, qui iam montem fregerunt : sed nubes 
quEedam erat posita ante ipsos, ad quam accedere non poterant 
vllo modo, quia statim moriebantur, cum perueniebant ad illam. 
Sed antequam peruenirent ad praedictum montem plusquam per 
mensem vastam solitudinem transierunt. Inde procedentes adhuc 

15 contra Orientem plusquam per mensem per magnum desertum 
iuerunt. Et peruenerunt ad quandam terram, vbi viderunt vias 
tritas, sed nullum hominem poterant inuenire. Sed tantum quaesi- 
uerunt per terram, quod inuenerunt hominem cum vxore sua; 
quos ante Cyngis can adduxerunt. Et cum interrogasset, vbi 

20 essent homines terrae illius, responderunt quod in terra sub monti- 
bus habitarent. At Cyngis can retenta vxore misit virum | ilium 
cum nuncijs suis mandans hominibus illis vt venirent ad mandatum 
ipsius. Illi ver6 euntes ad eos, narrauerunt omnia qu^e Cyngis 
can mandauerat. Qui responderunt quod tali die venirent ad 

25 mandatum suum faciendum. Medio vero tempore congregauerunt 
se per vias occultas sub terra, & venerunt contra istos ad pugnan- 
dum : & irruentes subito super eos plurimos occiderunt. At illi, 
Cyngis can videlicet & sui fugam ineuntes, terram exierunt prae- 
dictam. Illos tamen homines, virum scilicet & mulierem secum 

30 duxerunt, qui vsque ad mortem in terra Tartarorum fuerunt. 
Interrogati ver6 quare sub terra habitarent, dixerunt quod vno 
tempore anni quum sol oritur, tantus sonitus est, quod homines 
nulla ratione possunt sustinere. Immo etiam tunc percutiebant 
in organis & tympanis, & alijs instrumentis, vt ilium sonitum non 

35 audirent. Et dum Cyngis de terra ilia reuerteretur, defecerunt 
ei victualia, et habebant maximam famem. Et tunc recentia 
interiora vnius bestiae eos contigit inuenire : quae accipientes, 
depositis tamen stercoribus decoxerunt; & coram Cyngis can 
portantes cum suis ilia comedit. Et ex hoc statutum fuit ab eo, 

40 vt liec sanguis, nee interiora, nee aliquid de bestia quod mandu- 
cari potest, exceptis stercoribus, proijciatur. Et deinde in terram 
propriam est reuersus : & ibidem leges & statuta multiplicia fecit, 
quae Tartari non violabiliter obseruant. Ex quibus tantum duo 


Terra Kergis 

Nota iter 







Videtur hie 
sonitus fieri, 
& fragore 
glaciei, & 
niuium de 

Cyngis lex. 







seniile in 
omnes iin> 

dicemus. Vnum est, quod quicunque in superbia erectus, propria 
authoritate sine electione principum esse voluerit imperator, sine 
vlla miseratione debet occidi. Vnde ante electionem ipsius 
Cuynch propter hoc vnus de principibus, nepos ipsius Cyngis 
can fuit occisus. Volebat enim sine electione regnare. Aliud 5 
statutum est, quod sibi debent subiugare omnem terram : nee 
cum aliqua gente debent pacem habere, nisi prius eis subdatur, 
quo vsque veniat tempus occisionis eorum. Debent enini occidi, 
vt prophetatum est eis : Et ilH qui euadere poterunt, vt dicunt, 
debent illam legem tenere quam tenent alij, qui eos bello de- 10 
uincunt. Statuit etiam quod per millenarios, & centenaries & 
Decanos debeat eorum exercitus ordinari. Post hoc ab ictu 
tonitrui est occisus, peractis suis ordinationibus & statutis. Hie 
autem habuit quatuor filios: Vnus vocabatur Occoday, secundus 
Tossuch can, tertius Thaaday : & nomen quarti ignoramus. Isti 15 
quatuor filij cum alijs maioribus qui tunc erant, primum filium 
videlicet Occoday elegerunt imperatorem, filij autem istius Occo- 
day Cuyne, qui nunc est imperator, Cocthen & Cyrenen. Et si 
plures habuerit filios ignoramus. Filij autem Tossuch can Bati : 
iste est ditior & potentior post imperatorem : Ordu, iste est senior 20 
omnium ducum : Syban, Bora, Bercuthanth : aliorum filiorum 
Tossuch can nomina ignoramus. Filij Thaaday sunt Burin & 
Chadan, nomina aliorum filiorum nescimus, Alterius autem filij 
Cyngis can, cuius nomen nescimus, filiorum nomina sunt hjec. 
Vnus vocatur Mengu, cuius mater est Seroctan. Ista domina 25 
inter omnes Tartaros, excepta matre imperatoris, est magis nomi- 
nata : & potentior est omnibus excepto Bati. Alius vocatur Becas. 
Alios filios habuit plures, sed eorum nomina ignoramus. Haec 
sunt ducum nomina. Ordu : iste fuit in Polonia & in Hungaria : 
Bati, Cathan, Syban, Bureth. Omnes isti fuerunt in Hungaria, 30 
Cyrpodan, iste est adhuc vltra mare contra Soldanum Damasci. 
Isti remanserunt in terra : Mangu, Cuthen, Syrennen, Hybilay, 
Seremum, Synocur, Thuatamur, Cyragay, Sybedey, senex quidam 
miles inter eos. Bora, Berca, Mauci, Choranca : sed iste inter alios 
est minimus. Alij verb duces sunt plures, sed eorum nomina 35 

Imperator aute Tartarorum habet mirabile dominium super 
omnes. Nullus audet in aliqua parte morari, nisi ipse assignet ei. 
Ipse autem assignat vbi maneant duces : millenarij centenarijs. 
Centenarij decanis. In super quicquid precipitur in quocunq ; 40 
tempore, quocunq ; loco, siue ad bellum, siue ad mortem, siue ad 
vitam, siue vlla contradictione obediunt. Etiam si petit filiam 
virginem vel sororem, sine contradictione dant ei. Aut singulis 

The Tartars. NAVIGATIONS, etc. 


annis, aut intermissis aliquibus annis virgines colligit ex omnibus 
finibus Tartarorum. Si ipse vult sibi retinere aliquas retinet : 
alias dat suis hominibus, sicut videtur ei expedire. Nuncios 
quoscunq;, quotcunq; & vbicunq; transmittit, oportet quod dent 
5 ei sine mora equos subdititios & expensas. Vndecunq; venerint 
ei tributa vel nuncij, oportet quod equi, currus, & expense similiter 
dentur eis. Nuncij qui veniunt aliunde in magna miseria sunt in 
victu pariter & vestitu : quia expense viles sunt & paucae : & 
maxime cum veniunt ad principes, et ibi debent mora contrahere. 

lo Tunc ita parum datur decern hominibus, quod inde vix possint 
viuere duo. Nee etiam in curijs principum, nee in via datur eis 
comedere, nisi semel in die, & satis parum. Insuper si aliquae 
iniuriae sibi fiunt, conqueri de facili minime posssunt. Vnde eos 
oportet ilia patienter portare. Insuper multa ta k principibus, 

15 quam ab alijs nationibus & minoribus ab eis exiguntur : & si non 
daretur, vili pendunt eos, immo quasi pro nihilo habent eos. Et 
si k magnis viris mittuntur, nolunt ab eis modicum munus habere: 
sed dicunt : A magno homine venistis, & cur modicum datis ? & 
accipere dedignantur. Et si nuncij bene volunt facere facta sua, 

20 oportet eos dare maiora. Idcirco magnam partem rerum, quae 
nobis a fidelibus erant datae, oportuit nos de necessitate muneribus 
dare. Et | sciendum, quod ita omnia sunt in manu Imperatoris 
prsedicti, quod nemo audet dicere, hoc est meum vel illius ; sed 
omnia sunt Imperatoris, res, iumenta, & homines. Et super hoc 

25 etiam nuper emanauit Imperatoris statutum. Idem dominium per 
omnia habent duces super homines suos. Diuisi enim sunt 
homines Tartari, videlicet etiam alij inter duces. Nuncij etiam 
ducum, quocunque eos transmittunt, & homines tarn Imperatoris 
quam alij omnes equos subdititios & expensas, & qui equos cus- 

30 todiant, & etiam nuncijs seruiant sine contradictione dare tenentur. 
Imperatori autem iumenta vt habeat ex eis lac ad annum vel ad 
duos, vel ad tres, sicut placuerit ei, tam duces qukm alij pro 
redditu dare tenentur. Et homines ducum idem facere tenentur 
dominis suis. Inter eos enim nuUus est liber. Et vt breuiter 

35 dicam, Quicquid Imperator & Duces volunt, & quanta volunt de 
rebus suis accipiunt. De personis etiam eorum disponunt per 
omnia, sicut volunt. Mortuo Imperatore, sicut superius dictum 
est, conuenerunt Duces & elegerunt Occoday filium Cyngis can 
praedicti Imperatorem. Qui habito consilio principum diuisit 

40 exercitus. Bati, qui in secundo gradu attinebat ei, misit contra 
Altisoldanum, & contra terram Biserminorum. Hij erant Sara- 
ceni, & Comanicum loquebantur. Et cum intrasset terram illorum 
pugnauit contra eos, & bello eos sibi subiecit. Quaedam autem 

erga Lega- 

[P- 30] 




Oma super 

Kiouia ciui- 

rum terra. 



ciuitas quae *Barthra dicitur, diu restitit ei, fecerant enim foueas 
multas in circuitu ciuitatis & operuerant illas ; & quando illi 
veniebant cadebant in foueas. Vnde non potuerunt capere ciui- 
tatem, donee illas foueas replessent. Homines autem de quadam 
ciuitate quae vocatur tiakint hjec audientes exierunt obuiam eis, 5 
se sponte in manus eorum tradentes : vnde ciuitas eorum non erat 
destructa, sed plures eorum occiderunt, & alios transtulerunt. Et 
accepto spolio ciuitatis, ipsam alijs hominibus repleuerunt. Et 
venerunt contra ciuitatem quae vocatur Oma. Ista ciuitas erat 
nimium populosa : Christiani ibi erant plures ; Gazari videlicet, 10 
Rutheni, & Alani, & alij : nee non & Saraceni. Saracenorum 
enim erat dominium ciuitatis. Haec autem ciuitas erat diuitijs 
multum plena. Est enim posita super fluuium qui vocatur Don, 
qui intrat in mare. Vnde est quasi portus : & forum maximum 
habebant de ilia ciuitate alij Saraceni. Et cum non possent aliter 15 
deuincere, praeciderunt fluuium, qui currebat per ciuitatem, & 
illam cum rebus omnibus submerserunt. Quo facto : postea in- 
trauerunt terram Tortorum, qui similiter sunt Pagani : quam 
deuincentes, iuerunt contra Russiam, &: fecerunt magnam stragem 
in terra Russiae, ciuitates & castra destruxerunt, & homines occi- 20 
derunt : etiam Kiouiam quae erat Metropolis Russiae obsederunt : 
& cum diu obsedissent, illam ceperunt, & occiderunt homines 
ciuitatis. Inde procedentes pugnando destru.xerunt totam Russiam. 
De Russia autem & Comania processerunt duces praedicti, & 
pugnauerunt contra Hungaros & Polonos. Ex quibus Tartaris in 25 
Polonia & in Hungaria plures interfecti fuerunt. Et si non 
fugissent, sed viriliter restitissent Hungari exiuissent Tartari de 
finibus suis : quia tunc habuerunt timorem, quod omnes fugere 
attentabant. Sed Bati vaginato gladio in faciem eis restitit, dicens: 
Nolite fugere : quia si fugitis nuUus euadet : Et si debemus mori, 30 
moriamur omnes : quia futurum est, vt Cyngis can praedixit, quod 
interfici debeamus : Et si nunc est tempus, sustineamus. Et sic 
animati sunt & remanserunt, & Hungariam destruxerunt. Inde 
reuertentes iuerunt in terram Morduanorum, qui sunt Pagani, & 
bello deuicerunt. Inde procedentes contra Bileros, id est, Bui- 35 
gariam magnam, & ipsam destruxerunt omnino. Inde procedentes 
ad Aquilonem adhuc contra Bascart, id est, Hungariam magnam, 
& eos etiam deuicerunt. Inde egredientes iuerunt ad Aquilonem, 
& venerunt ad Parossitas qui habent paruos stomachos & os 
paruulum, nee manducant, sed decoquunt carnes : quibus decoctis 40 
ponunt se inter fumum & ollam, & recipiunt fumum, & de hoc 

Barthra ciuitas vel Barchin. 

t Vel Sarguit. 



solo reficiuntur : Sed etiamsi aliquid manducant, hoc valde modi- 
cum est. Inde procedentes venerunt ad Samogedos. Hij autem 
homines tantCim de venationibus viuunt : tabernacula & vestes 
habent tantummodo de bestiarum pellibus. Inde vltra proce- 
5 denies venerunt ad quandam terram super Oceanum, vbi in- 
uenerunt quaedam monstra quae per omnia formam humanam 
habebant, sed pedes desinebant in pedes bouinos, & faciem per 
omnia habebant vt canis : duo verba loquebantur more humano 
& tertio latrabant vt canis : & sic per interualla temporum latra- 

lo tum interponebant : tum ad naturam suam redibant : & sic 
intelligi poterat quod dicebant: Inde redierunt in Comaniam, 
& vsq; nunc quidam ex eis morantur ibidem. Cyrpodan vero 
eodem tempore misit Occoday can cum exercitu ad meridiem 
contra Kergis, quos etiam bello deuicit. Hij autem homines sunt 

15 pagani, qui pilos in barba non habent. Quorum consuetudo est 
talis. Cum pater moritur alicuius, prae dolore quasi vnam cor- 
rigiam in signum lamenti ab aure vsq; ad aurem de facie sua 
leuant. Quibus deuictis, ad meridiem iuit contra Armenos. Sed 
cum per deserta transiret, etiam quaedam monstra effigiem huma- 

20 nam habentia inuenerunt : sed non nisi vnum brachium cum 
manu in medio pectoris, & vnum pedem habebant : & duo sagit- 
I tarunt cum vno arcu, & isti ita fortiter currebant, quod equi eos 
inuestigare non poterant. Currebant enim saltando super ilium 
vnum pedem, & cum essent fessi taliter eundo, ibant super manum 

25 & pedem, remouendo se quasi rota ; & sic cum essent fessi iterum 
currebant secundum modum priorem : aliquos tamen occidebant 
ex eis. Inde procedentes venerunt in Armeniam, quam bello 
vicerunt, & partem Georgiae : & alia pars venit ad mandatum 
eorum; & quadraginta millia yperperorum singulis annis dederunt, 

30 & adhuc faciunt idem. Inde procedentes ad terram Soldani 
Deurum, qui erat satis magnus & potens, cum eo pugnauerunt & 
deuicerunt. . Inde procedentes vltra debellando & vincendo vsq; 
ad terram Soldani Halapiae & nunc terram illam impugnant : nee 
postea vsque in hodiernum diem in terram suam fuerunt reuersi. 

35 Alius exercitus iuit contra terra Calif de Baldach, quam sibi etia 
subdiderunt : Et quadraginta bisantia exceptis Baldachinis & alijs 
muneribus omni die dant pro tributo : Et omni anno pro Calif, 
vt ad eos veniat, nuncios mittunt : qui cum tributo munera magna 
mittit, rogans vt eu supportent. Ipse vero imperator munera 

40 accipit, & nihilominus vt veniat mittit pro eo. 








Cyrpodan is. 


Hij videntur 



[P- 31] 


Terra Sol- 

Terra Sol- 


Qualiter Tartar! se habent in pr^lijs. Cap. 6. 

DIcto de imperio, dicendum est hoc modo de bello. Primo 
de ordinatione acierum. Secundo de armis. Tertio de 
astutijs in congressione, quarto de crudelitate quam faciunt in 
captiuos. Quinto de oppugnatione castrorum & ciuitatum. Sexto 5 
de perfidia quam exercent cum hijs qui se reddunt eisdem. De 
ordinatione acierum dicemus hoc modo. Cyngis can ordinauit, 
vt decem hominibus pneponeretur vnus : & ille secundum nos 
appellatur Decanus. Decem autem Decanis preponeretur vnus, 
qui centenarius nuncupatur : Decem vero Centenarijs pneponeretur 10 
vnus qui millenarius nuncupatur : decem millenarijs praeponeretur 
vnus, & ille numerus vocatur tenebre apud eos. Cuncto vero 
expercitui praeponuntur duo duces vel tres, ita tamen quod habeant 
respectum ad vnum. Cum autem omnes sunt in bello si de decem 
hominibus fugit vnus vel duo, vel tres, vel etiam plures, omnes 15 
occiduntur. Et vt breuiter dicam, nisi communiter cedant, omnes 
qui fugiunt occiduntur. Item si vnus vel duo aut plures audacter 
ad pugnam accedunt, & decem alij non sequuntur, etiam oc- 
ciduntur. Item si vnus de decem vel plures capiuntur, & alij 
socij sui non liberant eos, etiam occiduntur. Duo arcus vel tres, 20 
vel vnum bonum ad minus, & tres pharetras magnas plenas de 
sagittis & vnam securim, & funes ad machinas trahendas habere 
debet vnusquisque. Diuites autem habent gladios acutos in fine, 
ex vna tantum parte incidentes, & aliquantulum curuos : & habent 
equum armatum, crura etiam tecta. Galeas & loricas quidam 25 
habent de corio in hunc modum formatas. Habent quasdam 
corrigias de boue ad latitudinem vnius manus, & bituminant tres 
vel quatuor simul, & ligant illas corrigiolis vel cordis. In corrigia 
superiori ponunt cordulas in fine ; in inferiori ponunt in medio, & 
sic faciunt vsque ad finem. Vnde quum se inclinant in inferiores, 30 
corrigiae superiores ascendunt & sic duplicantur super corpus, 
vel triplicantur. De coopertura equi faciunt quinque partes : ex 
vna parte faciunt vnam, ex alia parte faciunt aliam, quam partem 
ducunt ^ Cauda vsq; ad caput : quae ligantur ad sellam, & post 
sellam in dorso & etiam in collo, super renes etiam parte aliam 35 
ponunt, vbi duae partium ligaturae iunguntur : in qua pecia faciunt 
vnum foramen, per quod caudas exponunt : & ante pectus ponunt 
etiam vnam : quae omnes protenduntur vsque ad crurium iuncturas. 
Et ante frontem laminam ferream ponunt, quae ex vtraque parte 
colli partibus praedictis ligatur. Lorica vero etiam quatuor partes 40 
habet, vna pars protenditur k foemore vsque ad collum ; sed est 

The Tartars. NAVIGATIONS, ETC. 63 

facta secundum dispositionem humani corporis : quia ante pectus 
est stricta : in rotundum obuoluitur circa corpus k brachijs in- 
ferius : Super humeros autem retro ad renes habent aliam peciam, 
quae protenditur a collo vsque ad aliam peciam, qujs reuoluitur 
S circa corpus : Super humeros autem istae duae peciae anterior 
videlicet & posterior, ad duas laminas ferreas quae sunt in vtroque 
humero fibulis connectuntur. Et in vtroque brachio vnam habent 
peciam, quae ab humero protenduntur vsque ad manus, quae etiam 
inferius sunt apte. Et in vtroque crure vnam habent peciam: 

10 quae peciae omnes fibulis coniunguntur. Galea autem superius est 
ferrea. Sed illud quod protegit in circuitu collum & gulam de 
corio fit. Et omnes istae peciae de corio sunt formatae secundum 
modum superius annotatum. Quidam autem omnia quae superius 
diximus habent de ferro in hunc modum formata. Vnam laminam 

15 tenuem ad latitudinem vnius digiti faciunt, & ad longitudinem 
palmae vnius. Et in hunc modum faciunt laminas multas : & in 
vnaquaque lamina octo foramina paruula faciunt, & interius tres 
corrigias strictas & fortes ponunt, & laminas vnam super aliam 
ponut, quasi ascendendo per gradus : & ligant laminas pr^dictas 

20 ad corrigias tenuibus corrigiolis, quas mit|tunt per foramina superius [p. 32] 
annotata : Et in superiori patre consuunt corrigiolam vnam, vt 
laminae praedictae bene & firmiter cohaereant sibi. Et faciunt ex 
laminis quasi corrigiam vnam, & postea ligant per pecias per 
omnia, sicut superius dictum est. Et ista faciunt tarn ad equorum 

25 quam ad hominum armaturas. Et faciunt ilia ita lucere, quod 
potest homo in eis faciem suam videre. Aliqui eoru lanceas 
habent : & in fine ferri lanceg vnum habent vncu, cum quo trahunt 
hominem de sella si possunt. Longitudo sagittarum est duorum 
pedum & vnius palmae, & duorum digitorum. Et quia diuersi sunt 

30 pedes, mensura pedum geometries ponimus. Duodecem grana 
hordei poUicis transuersio est. Sexdecem pollices transuersi 
faciunt vnum geometricum pedem. Ferramenta sagittarum sunt 
acutissima, & ex utraq; parte incidentia quasi gladius biceps, & 
semper portant limas iuxta pharetram ad acuendum sagittas. 

35 Ferramenta praedicta caudam habent acutam ad longitudinem 
vnius digiti, quam imponunt in lignum. Scutum habent de 
viminibus vel de virgulis factum. Sagittas habent alias ad sagittan- 
dum aues bestias & homines inermes ad trium digitorum latitu- 
dinem. Sagittas alias habent diuersimodas ad aues & bestias 

40 sagittandas. Quum ad bellum procedere volunt praecursores prae- 
mittunt, qui nihil secum portant praeter filtra sua, equos & arma. 
Isti nihil rapiunt, domos non comburunt, bestias non occidunt : 
Sed tamen homines vulnerant & mortificant, & si non possunt 


aliud, mittunt in fugam ; multo libentius tamen occidunt, quam 
fugant, post istos sequitur exercitus, qui cuncta que inuenit accipit, 
& homines etiam, si inueniri possunt, accipiunt & occidunt. 
Mos Quum autem ad flumina perueniunt, hoc modo transeunt ilia 

flumina. ctiamsi sunt magna. Maiores vnum rotundum & leue corium 5 
habent, in quo in summitate per circuitum crebras faciunt ansas, 
in quibus funem imponunt, & stringunt ita quod in circuitu faciunt 
quendam ventrem, quem replent vestibus, & alijs rebus, & 
fortissime comprimunt ad inuicem : post hoc in medio ponunt 
sellas & alias res duriores : homines autem in medio sedent : «S: 10 
ligant ad caudam equi nauem hanc taliter praeparatam, & vnum 
hominum qui equum regat faciunt pariter cum equo ante natare : 
vel habent aliquando duos remos, & cum illis remigant vltra 
aquam, & sic transeunt fiuuium. Equos vero pellunt in aqua, & 
vnus homo iuxta vnum equum, que regit, natat : & alij equi ilium 15 
sequuntur. Et sic transeunt aquas & flumina magna. Alij vero 
pauperiores vnam bursam de corio bene consutam vnusquisq; 
tenetur habere : in qua bursa vel in quo sacco vestes & omnes res 
suas imponunt ; & in summitate saccu fortissime Hgant, & suspen- 
dunt ad caudam equi, & transeunt, vt supradictum est. Sciendum 20 
est, quod cum vident hostes tunc vadunt ad eos, & vnusquisq; 
iacit tres sagittas vel quatuor contra aduersarios : Et si vident 
quod eos superare non possunt, retro gradiuntur ad suos : Et hoc 
faciunt in fraudem, vt aduersarij eos sequantur ad loca vbi insidias 
parauerunt : Et si inimici eorum sequuntur ad prgedictas insidias, 25 
circundant eos & sic vulnerant & occidunt. Item si vident quod 
magnus exercitus est contra eos, aliquando diuertunt ab eo per 
vnam dietam vel duas, & alia partem terrge inuadunt & spoliant : 
& interficiunt homines, & terra destruunt & deuastant. Et si 
vident quod hoc etia facere non possunt, cedunt retro ad decem 30 
vel duodecem dietas : aliquando etia morantur in loco tuto, 
quousq; aduersarioru exercitus separetur, & tunc furtim veniunt, 
& depopulantur tota terram. In bellis etiam astutissimi sunt : quia 
iam per quadraginta annos & amplius cum alijs gentibus dimicarunt. 
Cum autem volunt ad pugnam accedere, omnes acies ordinant 35 
sicut deberet pugnare. Duces siue principes exercitus bellu non 
intrant, sed stant k longe cotra inimicoru exercitum, & iuxta se 
habent pueros in equis & mulieres & equos. Et faciunt aliquando 
imagines hominum, & ponunt super equos. Hoc ideo faciunt, vt 
multitudo magna bellantium esse credantur. Contra faciem 40 
equorum vnam aciem captiuorum & aliarum gentium quae sunt 
inter eos transmittunt : & forsitan aliqui Tartari vadunt cum eis. 
Alias acies fortiorum hominum longe mittunt k dextris & k sinistris, 

The Tartars. NAVIGATIONS, ETC. 65 

vt non videantur ab aduersarij suis : & sic circundant aduersarios 
& colligunt in medium, & pugnare incipiunt ex omni parte. Et 
cum sunt aliquando pauci, putantur ab aduersarijs qui circundati 
sunt, esse multi. Et maxime cum videant illos, qui sunt cum 
5 duce vel principe exercitus pueros & mulieres & equos, & homines 
fictos, vt dictum est supra : quos credunt esse pugnatores : & per 
hoc terrentur & confunduntur. Et si forte aduersarij bene pug- 
nant, faciunt eis viam vt fugiant : & statim cum fugere incipiunt, 
ab inuicem separati insequuntur eos, & plures tunc occidunt fuga, 

10 quam mortificare possent in bello. Sciendum tamen est, quod 
si aliud possunt, non libeter cogrediuntur, sed homines & equos 
sagittis vulnerant & occidunt. Munitiones in hunc modum ex- 
pugnant. Si est talis munitio ipsam circundant, immo aliquando Quaiher 
ita sepiunt, vt nullus ingredi vel exire possit. Expugnant fortissime X?den".** 

15 machinis & sagittis : & nee die nee nocte cessant a praelio, vt illi 
qui sunt in munitionibus non quiescant. Ipsi Tartari quiescunt : 
quia acies diuidunt <Sc vna succedit alteri in pugna vt non nimiu 
fatigentur. Et si earn taliter habere non possunt grsecu proijciunt 
ignem. Imo solent aliquando accipere aruina hominum quos 

20 occidunt, & liquefactum proijciunt | super domos : Et vbicunque [p. 33] 
venit ignis super pinguedinem illam, quasi inextinguibiliter ardet. 
Et si ita non praeualent, & si ciuitas ilia vel castrum habeat 
flumen, obstruunt illud, vel faciunt alium alueum & submergunt 
illam munitionem si possunt. Si autem non possunt suffodiunt 

25 illam, & sub terra arraati in ipsam ingrediuntur. Et cum iam 
intrauerunt, vna pars ignem imponit vt comburatur : & alia pars 
cum illius munitionis hominibus pugnat. Si autem nee sic illam 
vincere possunt, castrum vel munitionem suam faciunt contra 
illam, vt ab inimicorum iaculis non grauentur, & contra illam 

30 multo tempore iacent : nisi forte exterius adiutorium exercitus qui 
pugnat cum eis adhibeat, & vi remoueant ipsos. Sed cum iacent 
ante munitionem blande eis loquuntur, & multa promittunt, ad Punica fides, 
hoc vt se in eorum manus tradant : Et si illi se eis tradiderint, 
dicunt : Exite, vt secundum morem nostrum vos muneremus. Et 

35 cum illi ad eos exeunt, quserunt qui sunt artifices inter eos, & illos 
reseruant : alios autem, exceptis illis quos volunt habere pro seruis 
cum securi occidunt. Et si aliquibus alijs parcunt, vt dictum est, 
nobilibus & honestis nunquam parcunt. Et si forte aliquo casu 
contingente reseruant aliquos nobiles ; nee prece nee precio vltra 

40 de captiuitate possunt exire. In bellis autem quoscunque capiunt 

occidunt, nisi forte velint aliquos reseruare vt habeant eos pro 

seruis. Occidendos autem diuidunt per centenarios, vt cum 

bipenni interficiantur ab eis. Ipsi vero post hoc diuidunt captiuos, 

H. 5 


& vnicuique seruo ad interficiendum dant decern aut plures vel 
pauciores, secundum quod maioribus placet. 

De terris quas eorum dominio subiugarunt. Cap. 7. 


Cripto quomodo pugnant, dicendum est de terris, quas eorum 
dominio subiugarunt. De quo isto modo scribemus. Primo 5 
dicemus quomodo faciunt cum hominibus pacem. Secundo de 
terrarum nominibus quas sibi subdiderunt. Tertio de tyrannide 
quam exercent in eis. Quarto de terris quae viriliter restiterunt. 
Sciendum est quod cum nullis hominibus faciunt pacem, nisi sub- 
dentur eis : quia, vt dictum est supra, Cyngis can habent manda- 10 
tum, vt cunctas si possunt sibi subijciant nationes. Et hnec sunt 
ilia quae petunt ab eis, vt vadant cum eis in exercitu contra omnem 
hominem quando placet, & vt dent decimam de omnibus tam de 
hominibus, qukm de rebus. Computant enim decern, & vnum 
accipiunt. De puellis faciunt illud idem, quos in terram eorum 15 
deducunt & tenent eos pro semis : reliquos numerant & ordinant 
secundum morem. Sed quando plene habent dominium super 
eos, si aliquid promiserunt eis nihil obseruant : sed quascunque 
possunt congrue occasiones inueniunt contra eos. Nam cum 
essemus in Russia, missus fuit Saracenorum ex parte Cuynthcan 20 
vt dicebatur & Bati : & praefectus ille a quolibet homine qui 
habebat tres pueros vnum accipiebat : & quicunque viri non 
habebant vxores, illos deducebant, & faciebant de mulieribus 
etiam illud idem qu? viros legitimos non habebant. Pauperes 
etiam qui mendicando suum victum quasrebant similiter deporta- 25 
bunt Reliquos autem secundum eorum consuetudinem nume- 
rauit, praecipiens vt vnusquisq; tam paruus quam magnus, & 
infans vnius diei, siue pauper siue diues esset, tale tributu 

Vrsi aibi. praebcrct : vt scilicet daret vnu pellem albi vrsi, & vnum nigrum 

castore, & vnum Zabulum, & vnam nigram pellem cuiusdam 30 
animalis quod in terra latibulum habet, cuius nomen nescio in 
latinum transferre, sed Tentonice dicitur *illit ; Poloni autem & 

Dochon. Rutheni appellant illam Dochon : & vnam nigram pellem vulpinam. 
Et quicunque ista non dat, inter Tartaros debet duci, & in eorum 
redigi seruitutem. Mitunt etiam pro principibus terrarum, vt ad 35 
eos veniant sine mora: & cum venerint, debitum honorem nullum 
recipiunt, sed habentur vt aliae viles personae : & oportet vt eis 
munera magna praesentent, tam ducibus quim vxoribus eorum, & 

* Vel illic. 

The Tartars. NAVIGATIONS, ETC. 67 

ofificialibus, millenarijs tS: centenarijs. Imo omnes generaliter, & 
ipsi etiam serui ab eis cum magna importunitatc munera qusrunt: 
Et non solum ab ipsis, sed etiam i nuncijs eorum cum mittuntur. 
Aliquibus etiam inueniunt occasiones vt eos occidant. Sicut de 
5 Michaele & alijs actum est. Aliquos vero alliciunt, quos per- 
mittunt redire. Aliquos ettam potionibus perimunt vel veneno. 
Eorum enim intentio est, vt ipsi soli dominetur in terra. Idcirco 
quaerunt occasiones contra nobiles, vt eos occidant. Ab illis vero 
quos redire permittunt petunt eorum filios aut fratres, quos vlterius 

10 nunquam dimittunt. Sicut factum est de filio leroslai, & de 
quodam duce Alanorum, & alijs plurimis. Et si moritur pater vel 
frater siue haeres, filium vel fratrem nunquam dimittunt: immo 
illius principatum totaliter accipiunt sibi. Sicut de quodam 
Solangorum vidimus esse factum. Baschathos suos ponunt in soUngi. 

15 terris eorum quos redire permittunt, quibus oportet vt ad nutum ia^rlca"* 
tam duces quam alij debeant obedire. Et si homines alicuius quavtunt'ur 
ciuitatis vel terrae non faciunt quod volunt, isti Baschathi imponunt 
eis, quod sunt Tartaris infideles : & sic ciuitatem illam vel terram 
destruunt, & homines qui sunt in ea occidunt, per manum validam 

20 Tartarorum, qui ex mandato principis illius cui obedit terra ilia 
veniunt eis nescientibus, & subito irruunt super eos : sicut nuper 
contigit cum in terra | Tartarorum essemus de quadam ciuitate. [p. 34] 
Quod ipsummet de Ruthenis fecerunt in terra Comanorum. Et 
non solum princeps Tartarorum qui terram vsurpauit, sed prae- 

25 fectus ipsius, & quicunque Tartarus per ciuitatem illam siue terram 
transit quasi dominatur eidem, & maxime qui maior est apud eos. 
Insuper aurum & argentu, & alia quae volunt & quando libet ad 
imperatore vadant Tartarorum ad placitandum. Sicut nuper con- 
tigit de duobus filijs regis Georgiae. Vnus enim erat legitimus, & 

30 alter de adulterio natus, qui vocabatur Dauid : legitimus autem 
Melic vocabatur. Filio adulterae terrae partem relinquebat pater. 
Alius vero, qui iunior erat, veniebat cum matre ad Tartarorum 
imperatorem, pro eo quod Dauid praedictus ad ipsum iter arripuerat 
veniendi. Mater alterius scilicet Melic regina Georgiae, per quam 

35 maritus tenebat regnum, quia per fceminas illud regnum tenebatur, 
mortua fuit in via. Illi autem cum venerunt dederunt maxima 
munera : & maxime legitimus filius, qui repetebat terram quam 
reliquerat pater filio suo Dauid, cum non deberet habere, quia 
adulterae filius erat. Ille vero respondit : Licet sim filius concu- 

40 binae, peto tamen vt fiat mihi iustitia secundum legem Tartarorum, 
qui nuUam differentiam faciunt inter filios legitimae & ancillas : 
vnde fuit data sententia contra filium legitimum, vt ille Dauidi qui 
maior erat subesset, & terram haberet quiete & pacifice, quam 






dederat ei pater: & sic donaria quae dederat, & causam quam 
contra fratrem suum Dauid habuerat, amisit. Ab illis etiam 
nationibus quas longe sunt ab eis, & coniunctje sunt alijs nationibus 
quas aliquo modo timent, quaj non sunt eis subiectie, tributu 
accipiunt &: quasi misericorditer agunt cum eis, vt non adducant 5 
exercitum super eos, vel etiam vt alij non terreantur, se tradere 
eis. Sicut factum est de Obesis siue Georgianis, a quibus quin- 
quaginta vel quadraginta millia, vt dictum est, yperperorum siue 
Bysantioru accipiunt pro tributo : alias ad hoc in pace esse 
permittunt. Tamen, secundum quod intelleximus ab eis, rebellare 10 

Terrarum nomina quas vicerunt sunt hoec. Kytai, Naymani, 
Solangi, Kara Kytai, siue nigri Kytai, Comania, Tumat, Voyrat, 
Caraniti, Huyur, Soboal, Merkiti, Meniti, Baryhryur, Gosmit, 
Saraceni, Bisermini, Turcomani, Byleri, magna Bulgaria, Baschare, 15 
magna Hungaria, Kergis, Colona, Thorati, Buritabeth, Parossiti, 
Sassi, lacobiti, Alani, siue Assi, Obesi siue Georgiani, Nestoriani, 
Armeni, Cangiti, Comani Brutachi, qui sunt ludaei, Mordui, Torci, 
Gazari, Samogedi, Perses, Thoas, India minor siue .-Kthiopia, 
Yrchasi, Rutheni, Baldach, Sarthi : Aliae terrae sunt plures, sed 20 
earum nomina ignoramus. Vidimus etiam viros & mulieres fere 
de omnibus terris supra nominatis. Heec autem sunt nomina 
Terrarum quae eis viriliter restiterunt, nee sunt adhuc subditae eis, 
India magna, Mangia ; Quaedam pars Alanorum : Quaedam pars 
Kytaorum, Sayi. Quandam enim ciuitatem Sayorum praedictorum 25 
obsedederunt & debellare tentauerunt. At ipsi fecerunt machinas 
contra machinas eorum, & Tartarorum machinas omnes fregerunt, 
nee ciuitati appropinquare poterant ad pugnam contra machinas 
& balistas. Tandem vna viam sub terra fecerunt, & prosiluerut in 
ciuitate, & alij tentabant incendere ciuitate, alij pugnabant, 30 
Homines autem ciuitatis vnam partem populi ad extinguendu 
ignem posuerunt, & alia pars fortiter pugnabat cum hijs qui 
intrauerunt ciuitatem, & multos occiderunt ex eis, & alios vulnera- 
uerunt, copellentes eos ad suos redire. At ipsi videntes quod 
nihil possent facere, & multi homines morerentur, recesserunt ab 35 
eis. In terra Saracenoru & aliorQ vbi sunt quasi inter eos domini, 
accipiQt omnes artifices meliores, & in omnibus operibus suis 
ponunt. Alij aute artifices dant eis de opere suo tributum. 
Segetes omnes condunt in horreis dominorum : & vnicuique vnum 
pondus satis modicum dant in die : nihil aliud nisi ter in septimana 40 
modicum quid de camibus eis prebent. Et illi hoc tantum 
artificibus faciunt qui in ciuitatibus commorantur. Item quando 
dominis placet iuuenes omnes accipiunt, & post se cum omnibus 

TJie Tartars. NAVIGATIONS, ETC. 69 

famulis suis ire cogunt : qui de caetero certo sunt numero 
TartarorQ, immo potius de numero captiuortl : quia etsi inter 
ipsos sunt numerati, non tamen habentur in reuerentia sicut 
Tartari ; sed habentur pro seruis, & ad omnia pericula vt alij 
5 captiui mittuntur. Ipsi enim in bello sunt primi : Etiam si debet 
palus vel aqua periculosa transiri, eos oportet primo vadum 
tentare. Ipsos est etiam necesse operari omnia quae sunt facienda. 
Ipsi etiam si in aliquo offendunt, vel si non obediunt ad nutum, 
vt asini verberantur. Et vt breuiter dicam, modicum quid man- 

10 ducant, & etiam modicum bibunt, & pessime induuntur; nisi forte 
aliquid possunt lucrari, nisi sunt aurifabri & alij artifices boni. 
Sed aliqui tarn malos dominos habent, quod nihil eis dimittunt, 
nee habent tempus prae multitudine operum dominorum, vt sibi 
aliquid operentur, nisi furentur sibi tempus, quando forsitan 

IS debent quiescere vel dormire. Et hoc si vxores vel propriam 
stationem permittuntur habere. Alij autem qui tenentur in domo 
pro seruis omni miseria sunt repleti. Vidi enim eos ire in bracis 
ssepissime, & toto corpore nudos in maximo solis ardore. Et in 
hyeme patiuntur maximum frigus. Vidimus etiam aliquos pedicas 

20 & digitos manuum de magno frigore perdidisse. Audiuimus etiam 
alios esse mortuos, vel etiam de magno algore quasi in omnibus 
membris inutiles esse factos. 

I Quomodo bello occurratur Tartaris. Cap. 8. [p. 35] 

DIcto de terris, quae obediunt eis, supponendum est quomodo 
bello occurratur eisdem. Quod videtur nobis hoc modo 
dicedum. Primo scribendum est quid intendunt. Secundo de 
armis & ordinatione acieru. Tertio quomodo occurratur astutijs 
eorum in congressione. Quarto de munitione castrorum & ciui- 
tatu. Quinto quid faciendum sit de captiuis eorum. Intentio 

30 Tartarorum est subijcere sibi totum mundum si possunt. Et de 

hoc Cyngischan habent mandatum, sicut superius dictum est. 

Idcirco eorum imperator sic in Uteris suis scribit. Dei fortitude, 

Omnium Imperator. Et in superscriptione sigilli sui hoc habet. 

Dominus in coelo, & Cuynch Chan super terram. Dei forti- 

35 tudo, omnium hominum imperatoris sigillum. Et ideo cum nuUis 
hominibus faciunt pacem, vt dictum est, nisi forte se in eorum mani- 
bus tradunt. Et quia excepta Christianitate nulla est terra in orbe 
quam timent, idcirco se ad pugnam praepararunt contra nos. 
Vnde nouerint vniuersi quod nobis existentibus in terra eorum in 

40 solenni curia, quae iam ex pluribus annis indicta erat, fuimus, vbi 


elegerunt Cuynch imperatorem in pnesentia nostra, qui in lingua 
eorum dicitur Chan. Qui Cuynch Chan pnedictus erexit cum 
omnibus principibus vexillum contra ecclesiam dei & Romanum 
imperium, & contra omnia regna Christianorum & populos occi- 
dentis, nisi forsan facerent ea, quje mandat Domino Papas, & 5 
potentibus ac omnibus Christianoru populis Occidentis: quod 
nulla ratione faciendum est: tum propter nimiam seruitutem & 
intolerabilem, quae est hactenus inaudita, quam vidimus oculis 
nostris, in quam redigunt omnes gentes sibi subiectas : tum 
propterea quod nulla in eis est fides: nee potest aliqua gens con- 10 
fidere in verbis eorum : quia quicquid promittunt non obseruant, 
quando vident sibi tempora fauere : & subdoli sunt in omnibus factis 
& promissis eoru. Intendunt etiam delere omnes principes, omnes 
nobiles, omnes milites de terra, vt superius dictum est: sed hoc 
faciunt subdole & artificiose in subditos suos: Tum etiam quia 15 
indignum est quod Christiani subdantur eisdem, propter abomina- 
tiones eorum, & quia in nihilum redigitur cultus dei, & animse 
pereunt, & corpora vltra qua credi possit multitudine affliguntur. 
In primo quidem sunt blandi, sed postea vt scorpio cruciant & 
affligunt. Tum quia pauciores sunt numero, & corpore debiliores 20 
qua populi Christiani. In pnedicta autem curia sunt bellatores & 
principes & exercitus assignati. De dece hominibus mittuntur 
tres cum familijs eoru, de omni terra potestatis eoru. Vnus exer- 
citus debet intrare per Hungariam : secundus per Poloniam. 
Veniunt autem pugnaturi continue octodecem annis. Tepus est 25 
etiam eis assignatum, In Martio An. Dom. 1247, si de terra sua 
mouebunt. Venient autem in tribus vel in quatuor *annis vsq; 
ad Comania. De Comania aute insultum facient in terras su- 
perius annotatas. Haec omnia firma sunt & vera, nisi Dominus 
aliquod impedimentu pro sua gratia faciat eis. Sicut fecit quando 30 
venerunt in Hungaria & Polonia. Debebat enim procedere tunc 
pro certo triginta annis. Sed interfectus fuit tunc imperator eoru 
veneno: & propter hoc quieuerunt ^ prelijs vsq; nunc. Sed 
modo, quia positus est imperator de nouo, iterum se de nouo ad 
pugnam incipiunt praeparare. Adhoc sciendum est, quod impe- 35 
Tmruripro- rator dixit ore suo, quod vellet mittere exercitum in Liuoniam & 
uadm Prussiam. Et quoniam omnem terram volunt delere vel in serui- 
Prolsia^ tutem redigcre, quae seruitus est intolerabilis nostrae genti, vt 
superius dictum est : Occurrendum est igitur eis in bello. Sed si 
vna prouincia non vult alteri opem ferre, terra ilia delebitur contra 40 
quam pugnant, & cum illis hominibus quos capiunt pugnabunt 

* Forte mensibus. 

The Tartars. NAVIGATIONS, ETC. 71 

contra aliam terram ; & in acie erunt primi. Si male pugnant occi- 
dentur ab eis : Si autem bene, ipsos cum promissis adulationibus 
tenent : & etiam vt ab ipsis non fugiant promittunt eis quod facient 
eos dominos magnos : & post hoc quando securi esse possunt de 
5 ipsis, vt non redeant, faciunt eos infcelicissimos seruos, Ac de 
mulieribus quas volunt in concubinas tenere pro seruitijs faciunt 
illud idem. Et ita cum hominibus deuictae prouinciae destruunt 
aliam terram. Nee est aliqua prouincia quae per se possit resistere 
eis: quia de omni terra potestatis eorum, vt dictum est, homines 

10 congregant ad bellum. Vnde si Christiani seipsos & sua terram, 
& Christianitatem volunt seruare, oportet quod in vnum conue- 
niant reges, principes & barones, & terrarum rectores, & mittant 
de comuni consilio homines contra eos ad pugna, antequam ipsi 
incipiant in terras diffundi. Quoniam postquam incipiunt spargi 

15 per terras, vridiq; homines quaerunt, & nullus congrue auxilium 
alteri potest prsebere: quoniam ipsi cateruatim vndiq; quaerunt 
homines & occidunt. Et si claudunt se in castris, ponunt tria 
millia vel quatuor millia hominum contra castrum vel ciuitatem, 
qui obsideant eam; & ipsi nihilominus diffunduntur per terras 

20 homines occidentes. Quicunq; autem volunt pugnare cum eis, 
haec arma debent habere. Arcus bonos & fortes, & balistas, quas 
multu timent, & sagittas sufificientes : & bonum dolabru de bono 
ferro, & scutu cu longo manubrio. Ferramenta sagittaru de arcu 
vel de balista debent, | vt Tartari, quando sunt calida, temperari [p. 36] 

25 in aqua cum sale mixta, vt fortia sint ad penetrandum arma Tempera- 
eorum. Gladios & etiam lanceas cum vnco, qui valeant ad tra- fem. 
hendum eos de sellis : quia de eis facillime cadunt: ac cultellos ac 
loricas duplicatas; quia illos eorum sagittae non penetrant: & 
galea & arma alia ad protegendum corpus & equum ab armis 

30 & sagittis eorum. Et si aliqui non sunt ita bene armati, vt dixi; 
debent ire post alios vt faciunt Tartari: & trahere contra eos de 
armis & sagittis. Nee debent parcere pecuniae, quoniam comparent 
arma, vt possint animas & corpora, libertatem & res alias con- 
seruare. Acies debent ordinari, vt ipsi, per millenarios, cente- 

35 narios, & decanos & duces exercitus : qui duces nequaquam debent 
prjelium intrare, sicut nee duces eorum, sed debent exercitus videre 
& ordinare: legemque debent ponere vt simul incedant ad bellum, 
siue alias, sicut sunt ordinati. Et quicunque relinquit alium siue 
ad bellum procedentem, siue pugnantem, vel quicunque fugerit, 

40 nisi omnes comuniter cedant, grauissime puniatur: quia tunc pars 
bellantium sequitur fugientes, & sagittis eorum occidunt, & pars 
cum hijs qui remanet pugnant, & sic confundutur & occiduntur 
remanentes & fugientes. Similiter quicunq; conuersus fuerit ad 



prgedam tollendam, antequam omnino sit exercitus contrarioru 
deuictus, maxima poena mulctetur. Talis enim apud Tartaros 
sine vlla miseratione occiditur. Locus' ad prseliandum est eli- 
gendus, si fieri potest vt campus sit planus, & possint vndique 
videre: & si possunt habeant syluam magnam a tergo vel a latere, s 
ita tamen quod non possunt intrare inter ipsos & syluam : nee 
debent simul omnes conuenire in vnum, sed facere acies multas, 
& diuersas ab inuicem, nee tamen multum distantes. Et con- 
tra illos qui post veniunt debent vnam aciem mittere qui eis 
occurrat. Et si Tartari simulant fugam, non multum vadant post 10 
eos, nisi forte quantum possunt videre, ne forte ipsos ad paratas 
insidias trahant, sicut facere solent : Et alia sit parata ad iuuandum 
Specula- aciem illam, si fuerit opportununi. Insuper habeant speculatores 
ex omni parte, vt videant quando veniant aliae acies Tartarorum 
retro, ^ dextris & h. sinistris: «S: semper debent mittere aciem 15 
contra aciem quae eis occurrat. Ipsi enim semper nituntur con- 
cludere aduersarios eorum in medio, vnde magnam cautelii debent 
habere ne hoc facere possint, quia sic exercitus facillime de- 
bellatur. Omnes acies hoc debent cauere, ne diu currant post 
eos, propter insidias quas solent praeparare: plus enim fraudulentia 20 
qukm fortitudine pugnant. Duces exercitus semper debent esse 
parati ad mittendum adiutorium, si necesse est, illis qui sunt in 
pugna, & propter hoc etiam debent vitare nimium cursum post 
eos: ne forte fatigentur equi eorum; quoniam nostri multitudinem 
equorum non habent. Sed Tartari ilium quem equitant vna die, 25 
ilium non ascendunt in tribus vel in quatuor diebus post hoc. 
Vnde non curant si fatigentur equi eoru propter multitudinem 
quam habent. Et si Tartari cedunt, non tamen nostri debent 
recedere, vel ^b inuicem separari : quia simulando hoc faciunt, vt 
exercitus diuidatur, & post hoc terram libere ingrediantur, & earn 30 
destruant. Debent etiam cauere vt non faciant nimias expensas, 
vt solent; ne propter penuriam redire compellantur, & dent 
Tartans viam, vt ipsos & alios occidant, & destruant omnem 
terram; & propter eorum superfluitatem nomen Domini blasphe- 
metur. Et hoc debent facere diligenter: vt si contingat aliquos 35 
pugnatores recedere, quod alij loco eorum succedant. Duces 
etiam nostri debent die nocteque facere exercitum custodiri, ne 
repente & subito irruant super ipsos: quia Tartari vt daemones, 
multas excogitant iniquitates & artes nocendi: Immo tam de die 
quam de nocte semper debent esse parati: sed nee spoliati debent 40 
iacere nee deliciose ad mensam sedere, ne imparati inueniantur, 
quia Tartari semper vigilant, vt possint nocere. Homines vero 
terrse qui Tartaros expectant, vel super se timent venire, occultas 

The Tartars. NAVIGATIONS, ETC. 73 

foueas debent habere, in quibus sagittas, & alia debent reponere, 
propter duo: vt videlicet Tartari non possint ea habere; & si 
propitius fuerit eis Deus, valeant ea postea inuenire; Eis fugi- 
entibus de terra, debent fcenum & stramina comburere, vt equi 
5 Tartarorum ad comedendum minus inueniant. Ciuitates autem 
& castra si volunt munire, videant prius qualia sint in situ. Situs 
enim talis debet esse in castris, quod machinis & sagittis ex- 
pugnari no possit; & aqua habeant sufficientem & lignu, & si fieri 
potest, quod introitus & exitus eis toUi non possit: & quod 

10 habeant homines sufficientes qui possint vicissim pugnare. Et 
debent vigilare diligenter ne aliqua astutia possint castrum furari 
Expensas ad multos annos debent habere sufificientes : custodiant 
tamen diligenter illas, & in mensura manducent, quia nesciunt 
quanto tempore eos in castris oportet esse inclusos. Quum enim 

15 incipiunt, tunc multis annis obsident vnum castrum. Sic fit Obsidio la. 
hodierna die in terra Alanorum de quodam monte, quem, vt 
credo, iam obsederunt per duodecem annos; qui viriliter resti- 
terunt, & multos Tartaros & nobiles occiderunt. Alia autem 
castra & ciuitates, quae talem situm non habent debent fortiter 

20 vallari foueis profundis munitis, & muris bene praeparatis; &arcus 
& sagittas sufficientes: & lapides ac fundas debent habere, Et 
debent diligenter cauere, quod non permittant Tartaros ponere 
machinas suas; & suis machinis debent eos repellere. Et si forte 
aliquo ingenio vel arte erigunt | Tartari machinas suas, debent eas [p- 37] 

25 destruere machinis suis si possunt. Balistis etiam, fundis & 
machinis debent resistere ne ciuitati appropinquent. Alias etiam 
debent esse parati, vt superius dictum est. De castris & ciuita- 
tibus, quae sunt in fluminibus positae, diligenter debent videre ne 
possint submergi. Sed ad hoc sciendu est, quod Tartari plus 

30 diligunt, quod homines claudant se in ciuitatibus, quam quod 
pugnent cia eis in campo. Dicunt enim eos esse suos porcellos in 
hara conclusos. Vnde ponunt eis custodes, vt supradictu est. 
Si aute aliqui Tartari de equis suis in bello proijciuntur, statim 
sunt capiendi: quia cum sunt in terra fortiter sagittant, & equos & 

35 homines vulnerant & occidunt. Et si seruantur tales, potest esse, 
quod habeatur pro eis pax perpetua, aut pecunia magna redi- 
mantur: quonia se adinuicem satis diligunt. Sed quomodo Tar- 
tari cognoscantur, superius dictum est vbi forma eorum fuit 
expressa. Tamen quando capiuntur, si debent seruari, ne fugiant 

40 diligens est custodia adhibenda. Sunt etia aliae multe gentes cu 
eis, quas per forma superius annotata possunt ab ipsis cognosci. 
Est etiam hoc sciendum, quod multi in exercitu eorum sunt, qui 
si viderent tempus, & haberet fiduciam, quod nostri non occi- 


derent eos, ex omni parte exercitus, sicut ipsimet nobis dixerunt, 
pugnarent cu eis, «S: plura mala facerent ipsis, qu^m alij, qui sunt 
eorum aduersarij manifesti. 


He long and wonderful voyage of Frier lohn de Piano 
Carpini, sent ambassadour by Pope Innocentius the iiii. An. 5 
Do. 1246. to the great CAN of Tartaria; wherin he passed 
through Bohemia, Polonia, Russia, and so to the citie of 
Kiow vpon Boristhenes, and from thence rode continually 
post for the space of sixe moneths through Comania, ouer 
the mighty and famous riuers of Tanais, Volga, and laic, & 10 
through the countries of the people called Kangittae, Biser- 
mini, Kara-Kitay, Naimani, & so to the natiue countrie of the 
Mongals or Tartars, situate in the extreme Northeasteme 
partes of all Asia : and thence backe againe the same way to 
Russia, and Polonia, and so to Rome ; spending in the whole 15 
voyage among the sayd Tartars one whole yeere & aboue 
foure moneths : Taken out of the 32. booke of Vincentius 
Beluacensis his Speculum historiale. 


De prima missione Fratrum Pradicatorum & Mi- 20 
norum ad Tartaros. Cap. 2, 

,0c etiam tepore misit Innocentius IIII. Papa Fr. 

'AMeiinns. ^ fe^^f^ K Ascelinu de ordine Praedicatoru cQ tribus alijs 
Fratribus, auctoritate, qua fungebantur, de diuersis 
ordinis sui conuentibus sibi associatis, cum Uteris 25 
Apostolicis ad exercitQ TartarorCi, in quibus horta- 
batur eos, vt ab hominQ strage desisterent, & fidei 
veritate reciperent. Et ego quide ab vno Fratrum 

Simon San- PraedicatorO, videlicet a Fr. Simone de S. Quintino, iam ab illo 

qutntintanus. . . ,^ . ... , 

itmere regresso, gesta 1 artarorQ accepi, ilia duntaxat, quae supenus 30 
per diuersa loca iuxta congruentia temporQ huic operi inserui. 
Siquide & eo tempore quida Frater ordinis MinorQ, videlicet Fr. 
loannesde lohanncs de Piano carpini, cum quibusdam alijs missus fuit ad 

Piano Car- ... 

pini. Tartaros, qui etiam, vt ipse testatur, per annum & quatuor menses 

& amplius cum eis mansit, & inter eos ambulauit. A summo 35 
namq; Pontifice mandatQ, vt omnia, quae apud eos erant, dili- 

* Vide MechouiQ lib. i. cap. 5. 

The Tartars. NAVIGATIONS, etc. 75 

Renter scrutaretur, acceperat, tam ipse, quam Fr. Benedictus Benedicws 

° , . , , . . ^ . ..^ , . ^. . „ . Polonus. 

Polonus eiusdem ordinis, qui suae tribulationis particeps & socius 
erat. Et hie ergo Fr. loannes de his, quae apud Tartaros vel 
oculis proprijs vidit, vel a Christianis fide dignis, qui inter illos 
5 captiui erant, audiuit, libellum historialem conscripsit, qui & ipse i-j^eiius 
ad manus nostras peruenit. De quo etiam hie quasi per epilogum loannis de 
inserere libet aliqua, videlicet ad supplementum eorum, quse desunt Carpini. 
in prsedicta Fr. Simonis historia. 

De situ (2f qualitate terrce Tartarorum. Cap. 
Johannes de Piano Carpini. 


St in partibus Onentis terra, quae Mongal siue Tartana Tartan* 

,. . . ... . . y-w . . •, . descnptio. 

dicitur, in ea scilicet parte sita, in qua Oriens Aquiloni 
coniungi creditur. Ab Oriente quidem habet terram Kythaorum 
& etiam Solangorum, a meridie ver6 terra Sarracenorum. Inter 

15 * Oriente & meridiem terram Huynorum, & ab Occidente pro- 
uinciam Naymanorum, ab Aquilone ver6 circundatur Oceano. 
In parte aliqua nimium est montuosa, & in aliqua campestris, sed 
tota fere admixta glarea plurimum arenosa, nee est in centesima 
parte fructuosa. Nee enim potest fructum portare, nisi aquis 

20 fluuialibus irrigetur, que ibi sunt rarissime. Vnde nee ville nee 

alique ciuitates ibide reperiuntur, | excepta vna, quae Cracurim [p. 38] 
appellatur, & satis bona esse dicitur. Nos quidem illam non 
vidimus, sed ad dimidiam dietam prope fuimus, cfim apud Syram Syraorda. 
ordam, quae curia maior Imperatoris eorum est, essemus. Licet 

25 autem alias infructifera sit ilia terra, tamen alendis pecoribus est 
apta. In aliqua eius parte sunt alique syluae modicae, alia ver6 
sine lignis est omnin6. Itaque tam Imperator quam Principes, & 
omnes alij sedent, & cibaria sua decoquunt ad focum, de boum 
& equorum stercoribus factum. Ipse quoq; aer inordinatus est Aerisin- 

30 ibidem mirabiliter. In media siquidem aestate ibi tonitrua magna '^""p*"**' 
& fulgura fiunt, ex quibus plurimi occiduntur homines, & eodem 
quoq; tempore cadunt ibidem maxime niues. Sunt & ibi vento- 
rum frigidissimorum tam maximg tempestates, qu6d aliquando vix 
possunt equitare homines. Vnde cum ante ordam essemus (sic Ordaquid. 

35 enim apud eos stationes Imperatoris & Principum appellantur) 
prae venti magnitudine in terra prostrati iacebamus, & videre 
propter pulueris magnitudine minime poteramus. Nunquam ibi 
pluit in hyeme, sed frequenter in aestate, & tam modicum, vt 

* Vel Occidentem. 

76 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, T/ie Tartars. 

vix posset aliquando puluerem & radicem graminum madefacere. 
Ibi quoq; maxima grando cadit saepe. Vnde cfim Imperator 
electus in sede regni debuit poni, nobis in curia tunc existentibus, 
tanta cecidit grando, quod ex subita resolutione plusquam CLX. 
homines in eadem curia fuerunt submersi. Res etiam & habi- s 
tacula plura fuerunt deducta. Ibi etiam est in aestate subit6 calor 
magnus, & repente maximum frigus. 

De forma dr* habitu & victu eorunt. Cap. 4. 

Tartoronira TV If Ongalorum autem siue Tartarorum forma ab omnibus alijs 

species. J Y J^ hominibus est remota. Inter oculos enim, & inter genas, 10 
lati sunt plus cateris, genae quoq; satis prominent k maxillis. 
Nasum habent planum & modicum, oculos etiam paruos, & palpe- 
bras vsqj ad supercilia eleuatas, ac super verticem in modum 

Tonsura. Clcricorum coronas. Ex vtraq; parte frontis tondendo, plus- 
quam in medio crines longos faciunt, reliquos autem sicut mulieres 15 
crescere permittunt De quibus duas cordas faciunt, & vnam- 

Habita<(. quamq; post aurem ligant. Pedes quoq; modicos habent. Vestes 
tarn virorum qu^m mulierum vno modo formatae sunt. Pallijs 
vel cappis vel caputijs non vtuntur. Tunicas ver6 miro modo 
formatas portant de buccaramo, vel purpurato, vel baldaquino. 20 
Pellicium habet pilos exterius, sed apertum est b. posterioribus. 

Vesten retro Habet tamcn caudulam vnam vsq; ad genua retr6. Vestes suas 
non lauant, nee lauan permittunt, & maxime a tempore, quo 

TabemacuU. tonitrua incipiunt, vsquequo desinat illud tempus. Stationes 

habent rotundas in modum tentorij de virgulis & baculis sub- 25 
tilibus pneparatas. Supra vero in medio rotundam habent fe- 
nestram, vnde ingrediatur lumen, & fumus exire possit : quia 
semper in medio faciunt ignem: parietes autem & tecta filtro sunt 
operta. Ostia quoq; de filtro sunt facta. Harum qugdam subit6 
soluuntur, & reparantur, & super summaries deferuntur: quaedam 30 
ver6 dissolui non possunt sed in curribus portantur, Et quocunq; 
siue ad bellum siue alias vadunt, semper illas secum deferunt. 

Ope» in In animalibus valde diuites sunt, vt in Camelis & bobus, capris & 

'^*'°'^'' ouibus. lumenta & equos habent in tanta multitudine, quan- 

tam non credimus totum mundi residuum habere. Porcos aute 35 
& alias bestias non habent. Imperator ac Duces atq; alij mag- 

Victufc nates in auro & argento ac serico & gemmis abundant. Cibi 
eortt sunt omnia, quae mandi possunt. Vidimus eos etia man- 
ducare pediculos. Lac bibQt animaliQ, & in maxima quantitate, 
si habent, iumentinQ. Porro in hyeme, quia nisi diuites sint, lac 40 



iumentinfl non habent, millium cum aqua decoquunt, quod tarn 
tenue faciunt, vt illud bibere valeant. Vnde quilibet eorQ scy- 
phum bibit vnO vel duos in mane, & quandoq; nihil amplius 
manducant in die. In sero autem vnicuiq; datur de camibus 
5 modicfi, & bibunt ex eis brodium. Porr6 in aestate quando satis 
habent de lacte iumentino, carnes comedunt rar6, nisi forte done- 
tur eisde, aut venatione bestia aliquam ceperint vel auem. 

De moribus eorum bonis (2f malis. Cap. 5. 

HAbent autem mores quosdam quidem commendabiles, &: ir^Oapxio. 
quosdam detestabiles. Magis quippe sunt obedientes 
Dominis suis, quam aliqui qui in mundo sint homines, siue reli- 
giosi siue seculares. Nam eos maxime reuerentur, nee illis de 
facili mentiuntur verbis factisue: rar6 vel nunquam ad inuicem 
contendunt, bellaq; vel rixse, vulnera vel homicidia nunquam inter 

15 eos contingunt. Predones etiam ac fures rerum magnarQ ibi ne- Abstinentia. 
quaqua inueniuntur, ideoq; stationes & currus eoru, vbi thesauros 
habent, seris aut vectibus non firmantur. Si aliqua bestia perdita 
fuerit, quicunq; inuenit eam vel dimittit, vel ad illos, qui ad 
hoc positi sunt, eam ducit. Apud quos ille, cuius est bestia, illam 

20 requirit, &absq; vUa difficultate recipit. Vnus alium satis honorat, 
& familiaritate ac cibaria, quamuis apud eos sint pauca, liberaliter 
satis communicat. Satis etia sunt sufferentes, nee cum ieiunauerint 
vno die, vel duobus, omnin6 sine cibo, videntur | impatientes, sed 
cantant & ludunt, ac si bene comedissent. In equitando multum 

25 sustinent frigus, calorem quoq; nimium patiuntur. Inter eos 
quasi nulla placita sunt, «& quamuis multum inebrientur, tamen in 
ebrietate sua nunquam contendunt. Nullus alium spernit, sed 
iuuat & promouet, quantum congrue potest. Castas sunt eorum Castitas. 
mulieres, nee aliquid inter eos auditur de ipsarum impudicitia. 

30 Qusedam tamen ex ijs verba turpia satis habent & impudica. Porr6 
erga caeteros homines ijdem Tartari superbissimi sunt, omnesq; 
nobiles & ignobiles quasi pro nihilo reputantes despiciunt. Vnde 
vidimus in curia Imperatoris magnum Russie ducem, & filium regis 
Georgianorum, ac Soldanos multos & magnos nullum honorem 

35 debitum recipere apud eos. Quinetiam Tartari eisdem assignati, 
quantumcunq; viles essent illos antecedebant, semperq; primum 
locum & summum tenebant, im6 etiam saepe oportebat illos post 
eoru posteriora sedere. Prseterea iracundi sunt, & indignantis iracundia. 
naturae multum erga caeteros homines, & vltra modum erga 

40 eosdem meridaces. In principio quide blandi sunt, sed post- 



[p. 39] 






Frauduien- modum vt Scorpioncs pungunt. Subdoli enim & fraudulenti sunt, 
& omnes homines si possunt astutia circumueniunt. Quicquid 
mali volunt eis facere, miro modo occultant, vt sibi non possint 

Sordes. prouidcre, vel contra eorum astutias remedium inuenire. Im- 

Temuientia. mundi quoq; sunt in cibo & potu sumendis, & in ceteris factis 5 
suis. Ebrietas apud illos est honorabilis: cumq; multum aliquis 
biberit, ibidemq; reijcit, non ideo cessat, quin iterum bibat. 
Ad petendum maximi sunt exactores, tenacissimi retentores, par- 

awpoAoKio. cissimi donatores. Aliorum hominum occisio apud illos est pro 

nihilo. ic 




Leges matri' 

* Andreas 
Dux Ruiisi;. 

De legibus <2f consueiudinibus eorum. Cap. 6. 

HOc autem habent in lege siue consuetudine, vt occidant viros 
& mulieres, si quando inueniantur in adulterio manifest^. 
Similiter etiam virginem, si fornicata fuerit cum aliquo, occidunt 
earn cum eo. Prseterea si aliquis in praeda vel furto manifesto 15 
inuenitur, sine vlla miseratione occiditur. Item si quis denudauit 
consilia, maximi quando volunt ad bellum procedere, dantur ei 
super posteriora centum plagje, quanto maiores vnus rusticus cum 
magno baculo potest dare. Similiter clim aliqui de minoribus 
offendunt in aliquo, non eis i maioribus suis parcitur, sed ver- 20 
beribus grauiter affliguntur. Matrimonio autem generaliter con- 
iunguntur omnibus, etiam propinquis came, excepta matre & filia 
& sorore ex eadem matre. Nam sororem tantiim ex patre, & 
vxorem quoq; patris, post eius mortem solent ducere. Vxore 
etiam fratris alius frater iunior, post eius mortem, vel alius de 25 
parentela, tenetur ducere. Vnde dum adhuc essemus in terra. 
Dux quidam Russiae, Andreas nomine, apud Baty, qu6d equos 
Tartarorum de terra educeret, & alijs venderet, accusatus est : 
quod licet non esset probatum, occisus est. Hoc audiens iunior 
frater, & vxor occisi, pariter venerunt ad praefatum Ducem, 30 
supplicare volentes, ne terra auferretur eisdem. At ille paruo 
praecepit, vt fratris defuncti duceret vxorem, mulieri quoq; vt ilium 
in virum duceret, secundum Tartarorum consuetudine. Quae 
respondit, se potius occidi velle, qu^m sic contra legem facere. 
At ille nihilominus earn illi tradidit quamuis ambo renuerent, 35 
quantum possent. Itaq; ducentes eos in lectum, clamantem 
puerum & plorante super illam posuerunt, ipsosq; commisceri . 
pariter coegerunt. Deniq; post mortem maritorum, vxores Tar- 
tarorum non de facili solent ad secunda coniugia transire, nisi 

Vide Herbersteinium de rebus Moschoui. pug. 8. b. 

The Tartars. NAVIGATIONS, ETC. 79 

forte quis velit sororiam aut nouercam suam ducere. Nulla ver6 
differentia est apud eos inter filiil vxoris & concubinae, sed dat 
pater quod vult vnicuiq;. Itaq; si sunt etiam ex Ducum genera, 
ita fit Dux filius concubinas, sicut filius vxoris legitimae. Vnde 
5 c^m rex Georgiae duos filios nuper, vnum scilicet nomine Melich Meiich & 
legitimum, alterum verb Dauid ex adulterio natum haberet, g^x^^^ 
moriensq; terrae partem adulteras filio reliquisset, Melich, cui 
etiam ex parte matris regnum obuenerat, quia per foeminas tene- 
batur, perrexit ad Imperatorem Tartarorum, eo qu6d & Dauid iter 

10 arripuerat ad ilium. Ambobus igitur ad curiam venientibus, 
datisq; maximis muneribus, petebat adulter^e filius, vt fieret ei 
iustitia secundum morem Tartarorum. Dataq; est sententia 
contra Melich, vt Dauid, qui maior erat natu, subesset, ac terra ^ 
patre sibi concessam quiete ac pacifice possideret. Cumq; Tar- 

15 tarorum vnus habet vxorum multitudinem, vnaquaeq; per se suam ToAvyofn'o. 
habet familiam & stationem. Et vna die Tartarus comedit & bibit 
& dormit cum vna, altera die cum alia. Vna tamen inter caeteras 
maior habetur, cum qua fi-equentius qua cum alijs commoratur. 
Et licet, vt dictum est, sint multae, nunquam tamen de facili con- 

20 tendunt inter se. 

De superstitiosis traditionibus ipsorum. Cap. 7. 

QVibusdam ver6 traditionibus indifferentia queda esse peccata eeexoflpij- 
dicunt, quas vel ipsi vel antecessores eorum confinxerunt. 
Vnum est, cultellum in ignem figere, vel quocunq; modo ignem 

25 cultello tangere, vel etiam de caldaria cum cultello carnes ex- 

trahere, vel cum securi ] iuxta ignem incidere. Credunt enim, qu6d [p. 40] 
sic auferri debeat caput igni. Aliud est appodiare se ad flagellum, 
quo percutitur equus : ipsi enim non vtuntur calcaribus. Item 
flagello sagittas tangere, iunenes aues capere vel occidere, cum 

30 fi-fno equum percutere, os cum osse alio frangere. Itemq; lac, 
vel aliquem potum aut cibum super terram effundere, in statione 
mingere. Quod si voluntarie facit, occiditur, si autem aliter, 
oportet quod pecuniam multa incantatori soluat, k quo purificetur. 
Qui etiam faciat, vt statio cum omnibus, quae in ipsa sunt, inter 

35 duos ignes transeat. Antequam sic purificetur, nullus audet 
intrare, nee aliquid de ilia exportare. Praeterea si alicui morsellus 
imponitur, quem deglutire non possit, & ilium de ore suo eijcit, 
foramen sub statione fit, per quod extrahitur, ac sine vUa misera- 
tione occiditur. Iterum si quis calcat super limen stationis Ducis 

40 alicuius, interficitur. Multa etiam habent his similia, quae repu- ieeonj?. 


tant peccata. At homines occidere, aliorum terras inuadere, ac 
res illorum diripere, & contra Dei pnecepta vel prohibitiones 
facere, nullum apud eos est peccatum. De vita astema & damna- 
tione perpetua nihil sciunt. Credunt tamen, qu6d post mortem in 
alio seculo viuant, gregesque multiplicent, comedant (S: bibant, ^' 5 

Cuitushnue. csetera faciant, quae hie \ viuentibus fiunt. In principio lunationis 
vel in plenilunio incipiunt, quicquid noui agere volant, ipsam^; 
Lunam Imperatorem magnum appellant, eamq; deprecantes 
genua flectunt. Omnes, qui morantur in stationibus suis, oportet 

Lustnttionis per ignem purificari. Quas scilicet purificatio fit hoc modo. Duos 10 
quidem ignes faciunt, & duas hastas iuxta eos, vnamq; cordam in 
summitate hastarum ponunt. Ligantq; super cordam illam quas- 
dam de Bucaramo scissiones, sub {]ua scilicet corda & ligaturis 
inter illos ignes transeunt homines, ac bestiae ac stationes. Sunt 
etiam duae mulieres, vna hinc, & alia inde aquam proijcientes, ac 15 
quaedam carmina recitantes. Caeterum si aliquis \ fulgure occiditur, 
oportet praedicto modo per ignes transire omnes illos, qui in illis 
stationibus morantur. Static siquidem ac lectus & currus, filtra 
& vestes, & quicquid talium habent, \ nullo tanguntur, sed ab 
hominibus tanquam immunda respuuntur. Et vt breuiter dicam, 20 

ignb ^ omnia purificari credunt per ignem. Vnde quando veniunt ad eos 
nuncij, vel Principes, aut qualescunq; personae, oportet ipsos & 
munera sua per duos ignes, vt purificentur, transire, ne fort^ 
veneficia fecerint, aut venenum seu aliquid mali attulerint. 

De initio imperij sine Principatus eorum. Cap. 8. 25 

Tartarisc 'HT^Erra quidcm ilia Orientalis, de qua dictum est suprh, quae 

'*°'*" J. Mongal nominatur, quatuor quondam habuisse populos 

memoratur. Vnus eorum Yeka Mongal, id est, magni Mongali 

vocabantur. Secundus Sumongal, id est, aquatici Mongali, qui 

seipsos appellabant Tartaros, a quodam fluuio per eorum terram 30 

currente, qui Tartar nominatur. Tertius appellabatur Merkat. 

Quartus verb Metrit. Omnes vnam personarum formam & vnam 

linguam habebant hi populi, quamuis inter se per Principes ac 

Chiiigisortus prouincias essent diuisi. In terra Yeka Mongal quidam fuit, qui 

res gesuc. yQ^^jj^^y^ Chingis. Iste coepit robustus venator esse : didicit 35 

enim homines furari, & praedam capere. Ad alias terras ibat, & 

quoscunque poterat, captiuabat, sibiq; associabat. Homines quo- 

que suae gentis inclinauit ad se, qui tanquam Ducem sequebantur 

ipsum ad male agendum. Coepit autem pugnare cum Sumongal, 

siue cum Tartaris, & Ducem eorum interfecit, multoq; bello sibi 40 

The Tartars. NAVIGATIONS, ETC. 8l 

Tartaros omnes subiecit, & in seruitutem redegit. Post h§c cum 
istis omnibus contra Merkatas, iuxta terram positos Tartarorum 
pugnauit, quos etiam bello sibi subiecit. Inde procedens contra 
Metritas pugna exercuit, & illos etiam obtinuit. Audientes Nay- * Naymani. 
5 mani, quod Chingis taliter eleuatus esset, indignati sunt. Ipsi 
enim habuerant Imperatorem strenuum valde, cui dabant tributum 
cuncte nationes przedictse. Qui ciim esset mortuus, filij eius 
successerunt loco ipsius. Sed quia iuuenes ac stulti erant, populum Fratres 
tenere nesciebant, sed ad inuicem diuisi ac scissi erant. Vnde oppressiT"* 

lo Chingi prgedicto modo iam exaltato, nihilominus in terras prae- 
dictas faciebant insultum, & habitatores occidebant, ac diripiebant 
praedam eorum. Quod audiens Chingis, omnes sibi subiectos 
congregauit. Naymani & Karakytay ex aduerso similiter in 
quandam vallem strictam conuenerunt, & commissum est praelium, 

15 in quo Naymani & Karakytay a Mongalis deuicti sunt. Qui etiam 
pro maiori parte occisi fuerunt, & alij, qui euadere non potuerunt, 
in seruitutem redacti sunt. In terra praedictoru Karakytaorum 
Occoday Cham, filius Chingischam, postqua imperator fuit positus, Occoday 
quanda ciuitatem gedificauit, qua Chanyl appellauit. Prope quam ^^'"' 

20 ad Meridiem est quodda desertum magnu, in quo pro certo 

syluestres homines habitare dicuntur, qui nullatenus loquuntur. Homines 
nee iuncturas in cruribus habent, & si quando cadunt, per se ^^ """"**• 
surgere non valent. Sed tamen discretionem tantam habent, 
quod filtra de lana Camelorum, quibus vestiuntur, faciunt & contra 

25 ventum ponunt. Et si quando Tartari pergentes ad eos vulnerant 
eos sagittis, gramina in vulneribus ponunt, & fortiter ante ipsos 

De mutua victoria ipsorum & Kythaorum. Cap. 9. [p. 41] 

MOngali autem in terram suam reuertentes, se contra tKythaos Tartarorum 
ad praelium parauerunt, & castra mouentes, eorum terram ciades. 
intrauerunt. Quod audiens eorum Imperator, venit cum exercitu 
suo contra illos, & commissum est prglium duru, in quo Mongali 
sunt deuicti, omnesq; nobiles eorum, qui erant in exercitu, praeter 
septem occis: sunt. Vnde cum illis volentibus aliquam impugnare 
35 regions, minatur aliquis stragem, adhuc respondent : Olim etiam 
occisi non nisi septem remansimus, & tamen rnodo creuimus in 
multitudinem magnam, ideoq; non terremur de talibus. Chingis 
autem & alij, qui remanserunt, in terram suam fugerunt. Cumq; 

* Infra cap. 2 5. f Haythono &" Paulo Veneto sunt Cathay. 

H. 6 





loco lapidum 
in hostem 




rum litene 
& religio. 


quieuisset aliquantulum, praeparauit se rursus ad praelium, & 
processit contra terram Huyrorum. Isti sunt homines Christiani 
de secta Nestorianorum. Et hos etiani Mongali deuicerunt, eorumq; 
literam acceperunt ; prius enim scripturam non habebant, nunc 
autem eandem Mongalorum literam appellant. Inde contra 5 
terram Saruyur, & contra terram Karanitarum, & contra terram 
Hudirat processit, quos omnes hello deuicit. Inde in terram suam 
redijt, & aliquantulum quieuit. Deinde conuocatis omnibus 
hominibus suis, contra Kythaos pariter processerunt, diu^; contra 
illos pugnantes, magnam partem terne illorum vicerunt, eorumt\; 10 
Imperatorem in ciuitatem suam maiorem concluserunt. Quam 
& tarn longo tempore obsederunt, quod exercitus expensie omninb 
defecerunt. Cumq; iam quod manducarent, penitus non haherent, 
precipit Chingischam suis, vt de dece hominibus vnQ ad mandu- 
candum darent Illi ver6 de ciuitate machinis & sagittis viriliter 15 
contra istos pugnabat, & cCim deficerent lapides, argentd & maxime 
liquefactum proijciebant. Ciuitas siquide ilia multis erat diuitijs 
plena. Cumq; diu Mongali pugnassent, & eam hello vincere non 
possent, vnam magna sub terra viam ah exercitu vsq; ad medifl 
ciuitatis fecerunt, & prosilientes in medici eius, contra ciues 20 
pugnauerunt. Illi quoque, qui extra remanserant, eodem modo 
contra illos pugnabant. Deniq; concidentes portas ciuitatis in- 
trauenint, & imperatorem cum plurihus occidentes vrbem pos- 
sederunt, aurumq; & argentum, & omnes eius diuitias abstulerunt. 
Et ciim illi terrg suos homines praefecissent, in terra propriam 25 
reuersi sunt. Tunc primum Imperatore Kythaorum deuicto, 
factus est Chingischam imperator. Quandam tamen parte illius 
terne, quia posita erat in mari, nuUatenus deuicerunt vsq; hodie. 
Sunt autem Kytai homines pagani, habentes literam specialem, & 
etiam, vt dicitur, veteris & noui Testamenti scripturam. Habent 30 
etiam vitas patrQ & eremitas & domos, in quibus orant temporibus 
suis, ad modum Ecclesiarum factas. Quosdam etiam sanctos 
habere se dicunt, & vnum Deum colunt. Christum Iesvm 
Dominum venerantur, & credunt vita aeternam, sed non baptizantur. 
Scripturam nostram honorant ac reuerentur. Christianos diligunt, 35 
& eleemosynas plures faciunt, homines benigni satis & humani 
videntur. Barbam non habent, & in dispositione faciei cum 
Mongalis in parte concordant. Meliores attifices in mundo non 
inueniuntur in omnibus operibus, in quibus homines exercentur. 
Terra eorum est opulenta nimis in frumento & vino, auro & serico 40 
ac rebus caeteris. 

The Tartars. NAVIGATIONS, ETC. 83 

De pugna ipsorum contra Indiam minorem 
& maiorem. Cap. 10. 

CVm autem Mongali cum Imperatore suo Chingischam post 
prgfatam victoria aliquantulum quieuissent, exercitus suos 
5 diuiserunt. Imperator siquidetn vnum de filijs suis nomine Thosut, ThossutCan, 
quern etiam Can, id est, Imperatore appellabant, cum exercitu ^^""k***"- 
contra Comanos misit, quos ille multo bello deuicit, & postmodum 
in terram suam redijt. Alium verb filiu cum exercitu contra 
Indos misit, qui & minorem Indiam subiecit. Hi sunt nigri India minor 

10 Sarraceni, qui -^thipes sunt vocati. Hie autem exercitus ad '*'*"*'*• 
pugnam contra Christianos, qui sunt in India maiori, processit. 
Quod audiens Rex illius terrae, qui vulgb * Presbyter lohannes Regis 
appellatur, contra illos venit exercitu congregato. Et faciens \nA^^ 
imagines cupreas hominum, vnamquanq; posuit in sella super "'^'^^f*"**- 

15 equum. Posuit & interius ignem, & hominem cum folle super 
equum post imaginem. Itaq; cum multis equis & imaginibus, 
taliter praeparatis, ad pugnam contra Mongalos seu Tartaros 
processerunt. Et cum ad locum praelij peruenissent, equos istos 
vnum iuxta alium premiserunt. Viri autem, qui erant retro, nescio 

20 quid super ignem, qui erat intra imagines, posuerunt, & cum 
follibus fortiter sufflauerunt. Vnde factum est, vt ex Graeco igne 
homines & equi comburerentur, & etiam aer ex fumo denigraretur. 
Tumque super Tartaros sagittas iecerunt Indi, ex quibus multi 
vulnerati fuerunt & interfecti. Sfcq; eiecerunt illos cum magna Victoria. 

25 confusione de suis finibus, nee vnquam, quod ad ipsos vltra 
redierint audiuimus. 

I Qualiter ab hominibus caninis repulsi, Buri- [p. 42] 
thabethinos vicerunt. Cap. 11. 

CVm autem per deserta redirent, in quandam terram venerunt, 
in qua, sicut nobis apud Imperatoris curiam per clericos 
Ruthenos, & alios, qui diu fuerant inter ipsos, firmiter asserendo 
referebatur, monstra quaedam, imaginem foemineam habentia, Demonstro- 

. . , . sis mulieri- 

repererunt. Quas cum per multos mterpretes mterrogassent, vbi bus&canibus 
viri terrae illius essent, responderunt, quod in ilia terra quaecunq; ^a°rrati^.^ 
35 fceming nascebatur, habebant forma humanam, masculi vero specie 

* Vide scolion in lib. i. cap. i\. M. Pauli Veneti. 



caninam. Dumq; morani in terra ilia protraherent, * Canes in alia 
fluuij parte conuenerunt. Et cCim esset hyems asperrima omnes 
se in aquam proiecerunt. Post haec incontinenti sponte in 
puluere voluebantur, sicq; puluis admixtus aque super eos con- 
gelabatur, & vt ita pluries fecerunt, glacie super eos depressata, 5 
cum impetu magno contra Tartaros ad pugnam conuenerunt. At 
verb cum illi sagittas suf)er eos iaciebant, ac si super lapides 
sagittassent, retr6 sagittae redibant. Alia quoq; arma eoril in nullo 
eos laedere poterant Ipsi verb Canes insultum in Tartaros 
facientes, morsibus vulnerauerunt multos, & occiderunt, sicq; illos 10 
de suis finibus eiecerunt. Vnde adhuc inter illos est prouerbium 
de hoc facto, quod dicunt ad inuicem ridendo : Pater meus vel 
frater meus \ Canibus fuit occisus. Mulieres auteni illorQ, quas 
ceperant, ad terra sua duxerunt, & vsq; ad die mortis eorQ ibide 
fuerunt. Cum aute exercitus ille Mongalorum rediret, venit ad 15 
Burithabeth terram Burithabeth, cuius habitatores pagani sunt, & hos Tartari 

regio. . . . r o i 

lacoUram bello viceruHt Hi consuetudmem habent mirabileni, imb potius 
'"***^ miserabilem. Cbm enim alicuius pater humana; naturje soluit 

debitum, congregant omne parentelam, & comedunt eum. Hi 
pilos in barba non habent, imb ferrum quoddam in manibus, sicut 20 
vidimus, portant, cum quo semper barbam, si forte crinis aliquis in 
ea crescit, depilant. Multum etiam deformes sunt. Inde verb 
ille Tartarorum exercitus in terram suam est reuersus. 

Qualiter 4 montibus Caspijs, & ab hominibus 

subterraneis repuisi sunt. Cap. 12. 25 

AiiaChingii /'^^ Hingischam etia illo tepore, quo dimisit alios exercitus contra 
expedmo. ^^^ Oriente, per terram Kergis cum expeditione perrexit, quos 
tamen tunc bello non vicit, & vt nobis dicebatur, ibide vsq; ad 
montes Caspios peruenit. At illi montes in ea parte, ad quam 
applicauerunt, de lapide Adamantino sunt : idebq; sagittas & 30 
arma ferrea illoru ad se traxerunt. Homines aute inter Caspios 
montes conclusi clamorem exercitus, vt creditur, audientes, montem 
frangere coeperunt, & cum alio tempore post decem annos redirent 
Tartari, montem confractum inuenerunt. Cumq; ad illos accedere 
attentassent, minime potuerunt : quia nubes quedam erat posita 35 
ante ipsos, vltra quam ire nullatenus poterant. t Omninb quippe 
visum amittebant, statim vt ad illam perueniebant Illi autem ex 

* Forsan autem videri allegorica allusio |x>ssit ad Canibales de quibus Petnis 
Martyr Mediolan. de rebus Oceanicis. 
+ Vide an Hamsem regionem dicat: de qua Haythonus cap. 10. 

The Tartars. NAVIGATIONS, ETC. 85 

aduerso credentes, qubd Tartari ad illos accedere formidarent, in- 
sultum contra eos fecerunt, sed statim vt peruenerunt ad nubem 
propter causam praedictam, procedere non potuerunt. Ac verb 
antequam ad montes praedictos peruenirent Tartari, plusquam per 
5 mensem per vastam solitudinem transierunt, & inde procedentes 
adhuc contra Orientem, plusqukm per mensem per magnum 
desertum perrexerunt. Itaq; peruenerunt ad quandam terram, in 
qua vias quidem tritas videbant, sed neminem inuenire poterant. 
Tandem querentes, vnu hominem cum vxore sua repererunt, quos 

10 in presentiam Chingischam adduxerunt. Qui cum interrogasset 
illos, vbi homines illius terras essent, responderunt, quod in terra 
sub montibus habitarent. Tunc Chingischam retenta vxore, misit Trogiodytae. 
ad eos virum ilium, mandans illis, vt venirent ad ipsius mandatum. 
Qui pergens ad illos, omnia narrauit, quae Chingischam eis man- 

15 dauit. Illi verb respondentes dixerunt, quod die tali venirent ad 
ipsum, vt facerent eius mandatum. Ac ipsi medio tempore per 
vias occultas sub terra se congregantes, ad pugnam contra illos 
venerunt, & subitb super eos irruentes, plurimos occiderunt. 
Solis quoque sonitus in ortu suo sustinere non poterant, imb Fabuiosus 

Solis orientis 

20 temp>ore, quo oriebatur, oportebat eos vnam aurem ad terram sonitus. 
ponere, & superiorem fortiter obturare, ne sonum ilium terribilem 
audirent. Nee sic tamen cauere poterant, quin hac de causa 
plurimi ex eis interirent. Videns ergo Chingischam & sui, qubd 
nihil proficerent, sed potius homines suos perderent, fugerunt, ac 

25 terra ilia exierunt. Ilium tamen virum cum vxore sua secum 
deduxerunt, qui etiam vsque ad mortem in terra eorum fuerunt. 
Interrogati verb, cur in regione sua sub terra soleant habitare, 
dixerunt, qubd ibi quodam tempore anni, cum oritur Sol, tantus 
fit sonitus, vt homines nulla ratione valeant sustinere. Quin " 

30 etiam tunc in organis & tympanis caeterisque musicis instrumentis 
percutere solent, vt sonitum ilium non audiant. 

I De statutis Chingischam, et morte ipsius, et filijs [p. 43] 
ac Ducibus. Cap. 13. 

CVm autem de terra ilia reuerteretur Chingischam, defecerunt 
eis victualia, famemq; patiebantur maximam. Tunc inte- 
riora vnius bestiae recentia casu inuenerunt : quae accipientes, 
depositis tantum stercoribus, decoxerunt, & coram Chingischam Chingisiex. 
deportata pariter comederunt. Ideoq; statuit Chingischam, vt 
nee sanguis, nee interiora, nee aliquid de bestia, quae manducari 
40 potest, proijciatur, exceptis stercoribus. Inde ergb in terram 


propriam reuersus est, ibi^; leges & statuta edidit, quae Tartari 
inuiolabiliter obseruant, de quibus scilicet iam alias superiiis 
intcritus. dictum est. Post hoc ab ictu tonitrui occisus est. Habuit autem 
^'*"- quatuor filios: Occoday vocabatur primus, Thossut Can secundus, 
Nepotes. Thiaday tertius, quarti nomen ignoramus. Ab his iiij. descende- 5 
runt omnes Duces Mongalorum. Primus filiorum Occoday est 
Cuyne, qui nunc est Imperator. Huius fratres Cocten & Chyre- 
nen. Ex filijs autem Thossut Can sunt Bathy, Ordu, Siba, Bora. 
Bathy post Imperatorem omnibus ditior est ac potentior. Ordu 
ver6 omnium Ducum senior. Filij Thiaday, sunt Hurin & Cadan. lo 
Filij autem alterius filij Chingischam, cuius ignoramus nomen, 
sunt, Mengu & Bithat & alij plures. Huius Mengu mater Se- 
roctan est, Domina magna inter Tartaros, excepta Imperatoris 
matre plus nominata, omnibusq; potentior, excepto Bathy. Haec 
Ehices. autem sunt nomina Ducum: Ordu, qui fuit in Polonia, & Hunga- 15 
ria, Bathy quoq; & Huryn & Cadan & Syban & Ouygat, qui 
omnes fuerunt in Hungaria. Sed & Cyrpodan, qui adhuc est 
vltra mare contra quosdam Soldanos Sarracenorum, & alios habi- 
tatores terrae transmarinae. Alij ver6 remanserunt in terra, 
scilicet Mengu, Chyrenen, Hubilai, Sinocur, Cara, Gay, Sybedey, 20 
Bora, Berca, Corrensa. Alij quoq; Duces eorum plures sunt, 
quorum nomina nobis ignota sunt. 

De potestate Imperatoris & Ducum eius. Cap. 14. 

Imperatoris T)0rr6 Impcrator eorum, scilicet Tartarorum, super omnes 

i!era"ri™'" -t habet mirabile dominium. Nullus enim audet in aliqua 25 

omnes morari parte, nisi vbi assignauerit ipse. Et ipse quidem assignat 

Ducibus vbi maneant. Duces autem loca Millenarijs assignant, 

Millenarij ver6 Centenarijs, & Centenarij Decanis. Quicquid 

autem eis praecipitur, quocunq; tempore, quocunq; loco, siue ad 

bellum, siue ad mortem, vel vbicunque, sine vlla obediunt con- 30 

tradictione. Nam etsi petit ali cuius filiam virginem,vel sororem, 

mox ei sine contradictione exponunt eam, im6 frequenter colligit 

virgines ex omnibus Tartarorum finibus, & si vult aliquas 

retinere, sibi retinet, alias ver6 dat suis hominibus. Nuncios 

etiam quoscunq; & vbicunq; transmittal, oportet qu6d dent ei 35 

sine mora equos & expensas. Similiter vndecunque veniant ei 

tributa vel nuncij, oportet equos & currus & expensas tribui. 

inhumanitas Ac ver6 nuncij, qui aliunde veniunt, in magna miseria, & victus 

L^tos. ^ vestitus penuria sunt. Maximeq; quando veniunt ad Princi- 

pes, & ibi debent moram contrahere. Tunc ade6 parum datur 40 

The Tartars. NAVIGATIONS, ETC. 87 

decern hominibus, qubd vix inde possent duo viuere. Insuper 
& si aliquae illis iniuriae fiunt, minime conqueri facile possunt. 
Multa quoque munera tarn k principibus quam k caeteris ab 
illis petuntur: quae si non dederint, vilipenduntur, & quasi pro 
5 nihilo reputantur. Hinc & nos magnam partem rerum, quae 
nobis pro expensis a fidelibus erant datae, de necessitate opor- 
tuit in muneribus dare. Denique sic omnia sunt in manu Impe- 
ratoris, quod nemo audet dicere, Hoc meum est vel illius, sed 
omnia, scilicet res & iumenta ac homines, sunt ipsius. Super 
10 hoc etiam nuper emanauit statutum eiusdem. Idem quoq; per 
omnia dominium habent Duces super sibi subditos homines. 

De electione Imperatoris Occoday, & legatione 
Ducis Bathy. Cap. 15. 

MOrtuo, vt supra dictum est, Cyngischam, conuenerunt 
Duces, & elegerunt Occoday, filium eius Imperatorem. Occoday 

" ^-\ • 1 1 • •!• T-T- • 1- • • • •»«■••/ -r. 1 surrogatur 

Qui habito consiho Pnncipum, dmisit exercitus. Misitq; Bathy, patn. 
qui in secundo gradu attingebat eum, contra terram Altissodan & fxi^jit^o'**^' 
contra terram Bisminorum, qui Sarraceni erant, sed loquebantur 
Comanicum. Qui terram illorum ingressus, cum eis pugnauit, 
20 eosq; sibi bello subiecit. Qugdam autem ciuitas, nomine Barchin, Barchin 
diu restitit eis. Ciues enim in circuitu ciuitatis foueas multas 
fecerant, propter quas non poterant a Tartaris capi, donee illas 
repleuissent. Ciues autem vrbis Sarguit hoc audientes, exierunt Sarguit 

. . ciuitas. 

obuiam eis, sponte in manus eorum se tradentes. Vnde cmitas 
25 eorum destructa non fuit, sed plures eorum occiderunt, & alios 
transtulerunt, acceptisq; spolijs, vrbem alijs hominibus repleuerunt, 
& contra ciuitatem Orna perrexerunt. Haec erat nimium populosa Oma duitas. 
& diuitijs copiosa. Erant enim | ibi plures Christiani, videlicet [p. 44] 
Gasari & Rutheni, & Alani, & alij nee non & Sarraceni. Eratq; 
30 Sarracenorum ciuitatis dominium. Est etiam posita super quendam 
magnum fluuium, & est quasi portus, habens forum maximum. 
Cumq; Tartari non possent eos aliter vincere, fluuium, qui per 
vrbem currebat, praeciderunt, & illam cum rebus & hominibus 
submerserunt. Quo facto, contra Russiam perrexerunt, & mag 
35 nam stragem in ea fecerunt, ciuitates & castra destruxerunt, & 
homines occiderunt. Kiouiam, Russiae metropolin, diu obsederunt, 
& tandem ceperunt, ac ciues inter fecerunt. *Vnde quando per 
illam terram ibamus, innumerabilia capita & ossa hominum 

* Vide Mechouium, lib. i. ca. 3. 









mortuorum, iacentia super campum, inueniebamus. Fuerat enim 
vrbs valde magna & populosa, nunc quasi ad nihilum est redacta: 
vix enim domus ibi remanserunt ducente, quarum etiam habita- 
tores tenentur in maxima seruitute. Porr6 de Russia &: de Co- 
mania Tartari contra Hungaros & Polonos processerunt, ibiq; s 
plures ex ipsis interfecti fuerunt, & vt iam superius dictum est, si 
Hungari viriliter restitissent, Tartari ab eis confusi recessissent. 
Inde reuertentes in terram Morduanorum, qui sunt Pagani, vene- 
runt, eosq; bello vicerunt. Inde contra Byleros, id est, contra 
Bulgariam magnam profecti sunt, & ipsam omninb destruxerunt. lo 
Hinc ad Aquilonem adhuc contra Bastarcos, id est Hungariam 
magnam processerunt, & illos etiam deuicerunt. Hinc ampliCis 
ad Aquilonem pergentes, ad Parossitas venerunt, qui paruos ha- 
bentes stomachos & os paruum, non manducant, sed carnes 
decoquunt, quibus decoctis, se super oUam ponunt, & fumum 15 
recipiunt, & de hoc solo reficiuntur, vel si aliquid manducant, 
hoc vald^ modicum est. Hinc & ad Samogetas venerunt, qui 
tantiim de venationibus viuunt, & tabernacula vestesq; tantum 
habent de pellibus bestiarum. Inde ad quandam terram super 
Oceanum peruenerunt, vbi monstra quaedam inuenerunt, qua; per 20 
omnia formam humanam habebant, sed pedes bouinos, «Sc caput 
quidem humanum, sed faciem vt canis. Duo verba loquebantur 
vt homines, terti6 latrabant vt canes. Hinc redierunt in Coma- 
niam, & vsq; nunc ibi morantur ex eis quidam. 

t De his regionibus Herbersteinitis pag. 8. b dr* gi. 6. Paret 2$ 
enim hodie vtraq; Moschorum Principi. Item de Bulgaria 
Guaguinus pag. io6. b. 


De legatione Cyrpodan Ducts. Cap. 16. 

EO tempore misit Occoday Can Cyrpodan Ducem cum exercitu 
ad meridiem contra Kergis, qui & illos bello superauit. Hi 30 
homines sunt Pagani, qui pilos in barba non habent. Quorum 
consuetude talis est, vt cbm alicuius pater moritur, prae dolore 
quasi vnam corrigiam in signum lamenti ab aure vsq; aurem de 
facie sua leuet. His autem deuictis, Dux Cyrpodan contra Arme- 
nios iuit ad meridiem cum suis. Qui cCim transirent per deserta 35 
quaedam, monstra inuenerunt, effigiem humanam habentia, quae 
non nisi vnum brachium cum manu in medio pectoris, & vnum 
pedem habebant, & duo cum vno arcu sagittabant, adeoq; fortiter 
currebant, qu6d equi eos inuestigare non poterant. Currebant 
autem super vnum pedem ilium saltando, & cum essent fatigati, 40 



& Georgia 

taliter eundo ibant super manum & pedem, se tanquam in circulo 
reuoluendo. Cumq; sic etiam fessi essent, iterum secundfim 
priorem modum currebant, Hos Isidorus Cyclopedes appellat. Cyciopede». 
Et ex eis Tartari nonnuUos occiderunt. Et sicut nobis i Ruthenis 
5 Clericis in curia dicebatur, qui morantur cum Imperatore prae- 
dicto, plures ex eis nuncij venerunt in legatione ad curiam Impe- 
ratoris, superilis annotati, vt possent habere pacem cum illo. Inde 
procedentes venerunt in Armeniam, quam bello deuicerunt, & 
etiam Georgise partem. Alia ver6 pars venit ad mandatum 

10 eorum, & singulis annis dederunt, & adhuc dant ei pro tributo 
XX. millia Yperperarum. Hinc ad terram Soldani Deurum, po- 
tentis & magni, processerunt, cum quo etiam pugnantes, ipsum 
deuicerunt. Denique processerunt vlterius debellando ac vin- 
cendo vsque ad terram Soldani Halapiae, & nunc etiam terram 

15 obtinent, alias quoque terras vltra illas proponentes impugnare : 
nee postea reuersi sunt in terram suam vsq; hodie. Idemq; 
exercitus contra terram Caliphi Baldach perrexit, quam etiam sibi Caiipha 
subdidit, & vt CCCC. Byzantios, exceptis Baldekinis caeterisq; 
muneribus, ei quotidie pro tributo daret, obtinuit. Sed & quo- 

20 libet anno mittunt nuncios ad Caliphum, vt ad eos veniat. Qui 
cum tributo munera magna trasmittens, vt eum supportent, rogat. 
Ipse autem Imperator Tartarorum munera quidem accipit, & nihi- 
lominus vt veniat, pro eo mittit. 



[p- 45] 

Qualiter Tartari se habent in prcelijs. Cap. 1 7. 

25 /^ Rdinauit Chingischam Tartaros per Decanos & centenarios Tartarorum 
V_y & millenaries. Decem quoque millenarijs praeponunt vnum, dlsclpHna. 
cunctoq; nihilominus exercitui duos aut tres Duces, ita tamen vt 
ad vnum habeant respectum. Cumq; in bello contra aliquos 
congrediuntur, nisi | communiter cedant, omnes qui fugiunt, occi- 

30 duntur. Et si vnus aut duo, vel plures ex decem audacter acce- 
dunt ad pugnam, alij ver6 ex illo Denario non sequuntur, similiter 
occiduntur. Sed etiam si vnus ex decem vel plures capiuntur, 
socij eorum si non eos liberant, ipsi etiam occiduntur. Porr6 
arma debent habere talia. Duos arcus vel vnum bonum ad 

35 minus. Tresq; pharetras sagittis plenas, & vnam securim & 
funes ad machinas trahendas. Diuites autem habent gladios in 
fine acutos, ex vna parte tantiim incidentes, & aliquantulum 
curuos. Habent & equos armatos, crura etiam tecta, galeas & 
loricas. Verfim loricas & equorum cooperturas quidam habent 

40 de corio, super corpus artificiose duplicate vel etiam triplicate. 


90 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, Tlie Tartars. 

Galea verb superius est de chalybe, vel de ferro: sed illud, quod in 
circuitu protegit collum & gulam, est de corio. Quidam auteni 
de ferro habent omnia supradicta, in hunc modum formata. 
Laminas multas tenues ad vnius digiti latitudinem & palmje longi- 
tudine faciunt, & in qualibet octo foramina paruula facientes, 5 
interius tres corrigias strictas & fortes ponunt, Sicq; laminas, 
vnam alij quasi per gradus ascendendo, supponunt. Itaq; laminas 
ad corrigias, tenuibus corrigiolis per foramina praedicta immissis, 
ligant, & in superiori parte corrigiolam vnam ex vtraque parte 
duplicatam cum alia corrigiola consuunt, vt laminas simul bene 10 
firmiterq; cohaereant. Haec faciunt tam ad cooperturas equorum, 
quam ad armaturas hominum. Adeoq; faciunt ilia lucere, quod 
in eis potest homo faciem suam videre. Aliqui ver6 in collo ferri 
lanceae vncum habent, cum quo de sella, si possunt, hominem 
detrahant. Sagittarum eorum ferramenta sunt acutissima, ex 15 
vtraque parte quasi gladius biceps incidentia, semperq; iuxta 
pharetram portant limas ad acuendum sagittas. Habent ver6 
scuta de viminibus, aut de virgulis facta. Sed non credimus, 
qu6d ea soleant portare, nisi ad castra & ad custodiam Impera- 
Vsus ^ toris ac principum, & hoc tantCim de nocte. In bellis astutissimi 20 
Mostranandi sunt: quia per annos xlij. cum caeteris gentibus dimicarunt. CCim 
flumina. autem ad flumina peruenerunt, maiores habent rotundum ac leue 
corium, in cuius summitate per circuitum ansas crebras facientes, 
funem imponunt ac stringunt, ita quod in circuitu quasi ventrem 
efficiunt, quem vestibus ac rebus ceteris replent, fortissime^; ad 25 
inuicem comprimunt. In medio autem ponunt sellas & alias res 
duriores : ibi quoque sedent homines, Huiusmodi nauim ad equi 
caudam ligant, & hominem, qui equum regat, pariter natare 
faciunt, vel habent aliquando duos remos, cum quibus remigant. 
Equo igitur in aquam impulse, omnes alij equi sequuntur ilium, & 3° 
sic transeunt fluuium. Pauperior autem quilibet vnam bursam 
vel saccum de corio bene consutum habet, in quo res suas omnes 
imponit, & in summitate fortiter ligatum, ad equi caudam sus- 
pendit, sicq; modo pr^dicto transit. 

Qualiter resistendum sit eis. Cap. 18. 35 

NVllam aestimo prouinciam esse, quae per se possit eis re- 
sistere : quia de omni terra potestatis suae solent homines 
ad bellum congregare. Et siquidem vicina prouincia non vult eis 
opem ferre, quam impugnant, delentes illam, cum hominibus, 
quos ex ilia capiunt, contra aliam pugnant. Et illos quidem in 40 

The Tartars. NAVIGATIONS, ETC. 91 

acie primos ponunt, & si mal^ pugnant, ipsos occidunt. Itaq; nap<uv.<rif 

si Christiani eis resistere volunt, oportet qu6d Principes ac recto- contra" 

res terrarum in vnum conueniant, ac de communi consilio eis gelCndo* 
resistant. Habeantq; pugnatores arcus fortes & balistas, quas 
5 multum timent, sagittasq; sufficientes, dolabrum quoq; de bono 

ferro, vel securim cum manubrio longo. Ferramenta ver6 sagit- fem tem- 

_, , T , 11. peramentum. 

tarum more Tartarorum, quando sunt cahda, temperare debent in 
aqua, cum sale mixta, vt fortia sint ad penetrandum illorum arma. 
Gladios etiam & lanceas cum vncis habeant, qui volunt, ad detra- 

10 hendu illos de sella, de qua facillime cadunt. Habeant & galeas 
& arma caetera, ad protegendum corpus & equum ab armis & 
sagittis eorum, & si qui non ita sunt armati, debent more illorum 
post alios ire, & contra ipsos arcubus vel balistis traijcere. Et sicut 
dictum est supra de Tartaris, debent acies suas ordinare, ac legem 

15 pugnantibus imponere. Quicunq; conuersus fuerit ad praedam 
ante victoriam, maximam debet poenam subire : talis enim apud 
illos occiditur absq; miseratione. Locus ad praelium, si fieri 
potest, eligendus est planus, vt vndiq; possint videre, nee omnes 
debent in vnum conuenire, sed acies multas & diuisas, nee tamen 

20 nimis distantes ab inuicem, facere. Contra illos, qui prim6 
veniunt, debent vnam aciem mittere, & alia parata sit ad iuuan- 
dum illam opportune tempore. Habeant & speculatores ex omni 
parte, qui videant, quando veniunt acies ceterae. Nam ide6 
semper debent aciem contra aciem, vt ei occurrant, mittere, quo- 

25 niam illi semper nituntur aduersarios in medio concludere. Hoc 
autem acies caueant, ne si etiam illi fugere videantur, diu post 
illos currant, ne forte, sicut facere solent, ipsos ad paratas insidias 
trahant: quia plus fraudulentia quam fortitudine pugnant. Et 
iterum ne fatigentur equi eorum: quia nostri multitudinem non 

30 habent equorum. Tartari vero quos equitant die vna, non ascendunt 
tribus diebus, vel quatuor postea. Praeterea si cedunt Tartari, 
non ide6 debent nostri recedere, vel ab in|uicem separari: quoniam [p. 46] 
hoc simulando faciunt, vt exercitus diuidatur, & sic ad terrae 
destructionem libere ingrediantur. Caeterum Duces nostri die 

35 noctuque facere debent exercitum custodiri : nee iacere spoliati, 
sed semper ad pugnam parati : quia Tartari quasi Daemones sem- 
per vigilant, excogitantes artem nocendi. Porr6 si aliqui Tarta- 
rorum in bello de suis equis proijciuntur, statim capiendi sunt, 
quia quando sunt in terra fortiter sagittant, «Sr equos hominesq; 

40 vulnerant. 


De itinera Fratris lohannis de Piano carpini vsque 
ad primam custodiam Tartarorum. Cap. 19. 

NOs igitur ex mandate sedis Apostolioe cdm iremus ad 
Orientis nationes, elegimus prius ad Tartaros proficisci: 
quia timebamus, ne per illos in proximo Ecclesise Dei periculum 5 
itinerarium immincret. Itaq; pergetes, ad regem BoemorCl peruenimus: qui 
socioriim cum cssct nobis familiaris, consuluit, vt per Poloniam & Russiam 
egatorum. j^^^ agcremus. Habebat enim consanguineos in Polonia, quorum 
auxilio Russiam intrare possemus. Datisq; literis & bono con- 
ductu, fecit & expensas nobis dari per curias & ciuitates eius, quo 10 
BoJesiaus vsquc ad Ducem Slesiae Bolezlaum, nepotem eius, veniremus, qui 

Dux SUewe. ,.-.,..„ _^. , . ,...,. 

etiam erat nobis famihans & notus. Hmc cv ipse nobis similiter 
fecit, donee veniremus ad Conradum, Ducem * I^autisciie, ad quem 
tunc, Dei gratia nobis fauente, venerat Dominus Wasilico, Dux 
Russije, k quo etiam plenius de facto audiuimus Tartarorum: quia 15 
nuncios illuc miserat, qui iam redierant ad ipsum. Audito autem, 
qu6d oporteret nos illis munera dare, quasdam pelles castorum & 
aliorum animalium fecimus emi, de hoc, quod datum nobis fuerat 
in eleemosynam ad subsidio viae. Quod agnoscentes Dux Con- 
radus & tDucissa Cracouiae, & Episcopus & quidam milites, 20 
plures etiam nobis dederunt huiusmodi pelles. Denique Dux 
Wasilico i Duce Cracouiae, & Episcopo atque Baronibus pro nobis 
attente rogatus, secum nos in terram suam duxit, & vt aliquan- 
tulum quiesceremus, aliquot diebus nos in expensis suis detinuit. 
Et cCim rogatus i nobis, fecisset Episcopos suos venire, legimus 25 

LitcrtPapt eis literas Domini Papae, monentis eos, ad sanctas matris Ecclesie 
vnitatem redire. Ad idem quoque nos ipsi monuimus eos, & 
induximus, quantum potuimus, tam Ducem qu^m Episcopos & 

Daniel, alios. Scd quia Dux Daniel, frater Wasiliconis praedicti, praesens 

Buiiij. non erat, quoniam ad Baty profectus erat, non potuerunt eo tem- 30 
pore finaliter respondere. Post haec Dux Wasilico transmisit nos 
vsque in Kiouiam metropolin Russiae, cum seruiente vno. Iba- 

LitnanL mus tamen in periculo capitis semper propter Lituanos, qui saep^ 
faciebant insultum super terram Russiae, & in illis maxime locis, 
per quos debebamus transire. At per praedictum seruientem 35 
eramus securi ^ Ruthenis, quorum etiam maxima pars occisa vel 
captiuata erat \ Tartaris. Porr6 in Danilone vsque ad mortem 
tunc infirmati fuimus. Nihilominus tamen in vehiculo per niuem 
& frigus magnum trahi nos fecimus, CCim erg6 Kiouiam perueni- 

* Mazouie. t Grimislaua, vt Mechouius lib. \. cap. 9. 



mus, habuimus de via nostra consilium cum millenario ac cseteris 
ibidem nobilibus. Qui responderunt nobis, qu6d si duceremus 
equos illos, quos tunc habebamus, ad Tartaros, cdm essent magnse Pabulum 
niues, morerentur omnes: quia nescirent herbam fodere sub niue, t^JS 
5 sicut equi faciunt Tartarorum, nee inueniri posset aliquod pro eis 
ad manducandum, cCim Tartari nee stramina nee foenum habeant, 
nee pabulum. Itaque deereuimus eos illie dimittere cum duobus 
pueris, deputatis eorum custodiae. Ideoq; nos oportuit millenario 
dare munera, vt ipsum haberemus propitium, ad dandum nobis 

lo equos subductitios & eonductum. Secundo igitur die post festum 
Purificationis cepto itinere, venimus ad villam Canouae, qug sub 
Tartaris erat immediate. Cuius praefectus nobis dedit equos & 
eonductum vsque ad aliam, in qua reperimus praefectum Micheam, 
omni malitia plenum. Qui tamen acceptis a nobis muneribus Micheas 

15 secundum velle suum, duxit nos vsq; ad primam eustodiam "">""""'*• 

Qualiter primo cum socijs suis receptus est a 
Tartaris. Cap, 20. 

CVm ergo in prima sexta feria post diem cinerum, Sole ad 
occasum tendente, hospitaremur, Tartari super nos armati 
horribiliter irruerunt, quaerentes cuiusmodi homines essemus: 
cumq; respondissemus, qu6d Domini Papae nuncij essemus, qui- 
busdam cibarijs a nobis acceptis, continu6 diseesserunt. Porr6 
mane facto, cum surgentes aliquantulum proeessissemus, maiores 

25 illorum, qui erant in eustodia, nobis occurrerunt, interrogantes, 
cur ad eos veniremus? & quid negotij haberemus? Quibus re- 
spondimus, Domini Papae nuncij sumus, qui Christianorum pater PapaChns- 
est ac Dominus. Hie nos ideircd tam ad Regem quam ad pat"r'&" 
Principes, omnesq; Tartaros, mittit, quia placet ei, qu6d omnes ^^°""""*- 

30 Christiani Tartaroru sint amici, & paeem habeant | cum ipsis. [p. 47] 
Desiderat insuper, vt apud Deum in ccelo sint magni, & ideircd Legationis 
monet eos tam per nos quam per literas suas, vt effieiantur Christi- 
ani, fidemq; reeipiant Domini nostri lesu Christi, quia non 
possunt aliter saluari. Mandat praeterea, qu6d miratur de tanta 

35 occisione hominu, & maxime Christianorum, ac potissime Hunga- 
rorum, Montanorum, & Polonorum, qui sunt ei subiecti, facta 
per Tartaros, cum in nullo Igsissent, aut laedere attentassent eos. 
Et quia Dominus Deus grauiter est super hoe offensus, monet eos, 
vt a talibus de caetero caueant, & de commissis poenitentiam 

40 agant. Super his etiam rogat, vt ei reseribant, quid facere velint de 



caetetero, & quae sit eorum intentio. Quibus auditis, & intellectis, 
Corrensa. dixerunt Tartari, se velle equos nobis subductitios vsq; ad Cor- 
rensam & ducatum praebere. Statimq; munera petierunt, & k 
nobis acceperunt. Equis igitur acceptis, de quibus descenderant 
ipsi, cum eorum ducatu ad Corrensam arripuimus iter eundi. Ipsi 5 
tamen velociter equitantes, nuncium vnum pnemiserunt ad pne- 
fatum Ducem cum his verbis, que dixeramus eisdem. Est autem 
Diuc limitis Dux iste Dominus omnium, qui positi sunt in custodia contra 
omnes Occidentis populos, ne forte subitd & improuis6 irruant 
aliqui super illos. Et iste dicitur habere sexaginta millia homi- 10 
num armatorum sub se. 

Qualiter recepti sunt apud Corrensam. Cap. 21. 

Mos f^\m erg6 peruenissemus ad eius curiam, fecit nobis long^ k se 

Tartaricos V^/ poni stationem, & misit ad nos procuratores suos, vt quae- 
proceres. rgrgnt h nobis, cum quo ei vellemus inclinare, id est, quae ei 15 
munera inclinando vellemus offerre. Quibus respondimus, qubd 
Dominus Papa non mittebat aliqua munera ; quia non erat certus, 
qubd ad illos peruenire possemus, & insuper veneramus per loca 
valde periculosa. Veruntamen in quantum de his, quae habe- 
bamus ex gratia Dei & Domini Papae ad victum nostrum, sicut 20 
poterimus, honorabimus ipsum. Acceptis^; muneribus duxerunt 
nos ad ordam siue tentorium ipsius, & instructi fuimus, vt ante 
ostium stationis ter cum sinistro genu inclinaremus, & caueremus 
attente, ne pedem super lime ostij poneremus. Et postquam 
intrauimus, oportuit nos coram Duce omnibusq; maioribus, qui ad 25 
hoc erant vocati, dicere flexis genibus ea, quae dixeramus superids. 
Literas etiam Dom. Pap? obtulimus : sed interpres, quem de 
Kyouia, dato pretio, duxeramus, non erat sufficiens ad interpre- 
tandQ, nee aliquis alius habebatur idoneus. Hinc equi nobis dati 
Bathy eiii»- sunt, & tres Tartari, qui nos ducerent festinanter ad ducem Bathy. 30 
quepotentia. j^^ ^^^ apud COS potentior excepto Imperatore, cui tenentur prg 
cunctis principibus obedire. Itaq; iter arripuimus secunda feria 
post prima dominicam •xl. & equitando, quantum equi trotare 
poterant, quoniam habebamus equos recentes fer^ ter aut quater 
omni die, properabamus de mane vsq; ad noctem, imb etiam de 35 
nocte saepissime, nee tamen ante quartam feriam maioris heb- 
domadae potuimus ad ipsum peruenire. Ibamus autem per terram 
Comania. Comanorum, quae tota est plana, & flumina quatuor habet magna. 
Primum appellatur f Neper, iuxta quod ex parte Russiae ambulabat 

* Quadragesimse. t Veteribus Borysthenes. 

The Tartars. NAVIGATIONS, ETC. 95 

Correnza & Montij, qui maior est illo ex altera parte per cam- 
pestria. Secundum appellatur *Don, super quod ambulat quidam 
Princeps, habens in coniugio sororem Baty, qui vocatur Tirbon. 
Tertium dicitur t Volga, quod est magnum valde, super ciuod 

S incedit Bathy. Quartum nominatur \ laec, super quod duo mil- 
lenarij vadunt, vnus ex parte fluminis vna, & alter ex altera. Hi 
omnes in hyeme ad mare descendunt, & in aestate super ripam 
eorundem fluminum ad montes ascendunt. Hoc est mare mag- Pontus 
num, de quo brachium sancti Georgij exit, quod in Constantino- ^"'"""*- 

10 polin vadit. Haec autem flumina sunt piscibus valde plena, 

maxime Volga, intrantq; mare Graeciae, quod dicitur Magnum Volga non 
mare. Super Nepre autem multis diebus iuimus per glaciem. "'*'^*'' 
Super littora quoq; maris Graeciae satis periculose per glaciem 
iuimus in pluribus locis multis diebus. Congelantur enim circa 

15 littora vndas ad tres leucas inferius. Prius autem quam ad Bathy 
perueniremus, duo ex nostris Tartaris praecesserunt, ad indicandum 
ei omnia verba, quae apud Corrensam dixeramus. 

per duos 
ignes trans- 

Qualiter recepti sunt apud Bathy magnum 
PrinCipem. Cap. 22. 

20 T) Orrb cum in finibus terrae Comanorum ad Bathy perueniremus, 
X bene positi fuimus per vnam leucam a stationibus eius. 
Cumq; duci debuimus ad curiam ipsius, dictum fuit nobis, qu6d 
inter duos ignes transire deberemus. Nos autem hoc nulla ratione 
facere volebamus. At illi dixerunt nobis : Ite secure, quia pro 

25 nulla causa volumus hoc facere, nisi tantiim, vt si vos aliquid malum 
cogitatis Domino nostro, vel portatis venenum, ignis auferat omne 
malum. Quibus respondimus : quod propter hoc, ne de tali re 
suspectos redderemus nos, transiremus. Cfim igitur ad Ordam 
peruenissemus, interrogati a pocuratore ipsius Eldegay, cum quo Eidegay. 

30 inclinare vellemus ? idem quod prius apud Corrensam respondi- 
mus, datisq; muneribus & | acceptis, auditis etiam itineris causis, [p, 48] 
introduxerunt nos in stationem Principis, prius facta inclinatione, & 
audita de limine non calcando, sicut prius, admonitione. Ingressi Bathy audit 
autem flexis genibus, verba nostra proposuimus, deinde literas 

35 obtulimus, & vt nobis darentur interpretes ad transferendum eas, 
rogauimus. Qui etiam in die Parasceue dati fuerunt nobis, & eas 
in litera Ruthenica, Sarracenica & in Tartarica diligenter cum 
ipsis transtulimus. Haec interpretatio Bathy praesentata fuit : 
quam & legit, & attent^ notauit. Tandem ad nostram stationem 



t Rha. 

X Rhymnus. 


reducti fuimus, sed nulla cibaria nobis dederunt, nisi semel ali- 
quantulum millij in vna scutella, scilicet in prima nocte quando 

G«nt se venimus. Iste Bathy magnifice se gerit, habens ostiarios & omnes 
officiales ad modum Imperatoris, & sedet in eminenti loco velut 
in throno cum vna de vxoribus suis. Alij verb tam fratres sui & 5 
filij, quam alij maiores inferius sedent in medio super bancum, 
& homines caeteri post eos in terra deorsum, sed viri ^ dextris, & 
foeminae a sinistris. Tentoria quoque de panno lineo habet pulchra 
& magna satis, quae fuerunt Hungariae regis. Nee aliquis ad eius 
tentorium audet accedere praeter familiam, nisi vocatus, quantum- 10 
cunque sit potens & magnus, nisi forte sciatur, qu6d sit voluntas 
ipsius. Nos etiam dicta causa sedimus ^ sinistris : Sic etenim & 
omnes nuncij faciunt in eundo : sed in redeundo ab Imperatore, 
semper ponebamur ^ dextris. In medio ponitur mensa eius prope 
ostium stationis, super quam apponitur potus in aureis & argenteis 15 

Eiusdem vasis. Nec vnquam bibit Bathy, vel aliquis Tartarorum Princeps, 

Symphonia Hiaximc quando in publico sunt, nisi cantetur ei vel cytharizetur. 

cantum mos. j-^ ^^^^ equitat, Semper portatur solinum, vel tentoriolum super caput 
eius in hasta. Sicq; faciunt cuncti maiores Principes Tartarorum, 

Authoritas. & etiam vxores eorum. Idem verb Bathy satis est hominibus suis 20 
benignus, valde tamen ab eis timetur, & in pugna est crudelissi- 
mus, sagax est multum & astutissimus in bello : quia iam pugnauit 
tempore longo. 

Qualiter recedentes a Bathy per terram Comanorum 

& Kangittarum transierunt. Cap. 23. 25 

Legati T N die porrb Sabbathi sancti ad stationem fuimus vocati, & 

CuyneTmpc. A exiuit ad nos procurator Bathy praedictus, dicens ex parte 
rat. pergere. jpsjys^ qubd ad Imperatorcm Cuyne in terram ipsorum iremus, 
retentis quibusdam ex nostris sub hac specie, qubd vellent eos 
remittere ad Dominum Papam, quibus & literas dedimus de omni- 30 
bus factis nostris, quas deferrent eidem. Sed cum rediissent vsq; 
ad Montij Ducem supradictum, ibi retenti fuerunt vsque ad redi- 
tum nostrum. Nos autem in die Pasch^ officio dicto, & facta 
comestione qualicunq; cum duobus Tartaris, qui nobis apud 
Corrensam fuerant assignati, cum multis lacrymis recessimus, 35 
nescientes vtrum ad mortem vel vitam pergeremus. Eramus 
tamen ita infirmi corpore, qubd vix poteramus equitare. In tota 
siquidem ilia quadragesima fuerat cibus noster millium cum aqua 
& sale tantiim, & in aliis similiter diebus ieiuniorum. Nec habe- 
bamus aliquid ad bibendum prgter niuem in caldario liquefactam. 40 



Ibamus autem per Comaniam equitando fortissimo, quoniam 
habebamus equos recentes quinquies aut pluries in die, nisi 
quando per deserta ibamus, «& tunc equos meliores atque fortiores, 
qui possent continuum sustinere laborem, accipiebamus. Et hoc 
5 ab ineunte quadragesima vsque ad octo dies post Pascha. Haec Comanise 
terra Comania ab Aquilone immediate post Russiam habet Mor- '*="p"°- 
duynos, Byleros, id est, magnam Bulgariam, Bastarcos, id est, 
magnam Hungariam, post Bastarcos, Parositas & Samogetas. Post 
Samogetas, illos, qui dicuntur habere faciem caninam in Oceani Oceanussep- 

lo littoribus desertis. A meridie habet Alanos, Circassos, Gazaros, ""'"°"*''*- 
Graeciam & Constantinopolin, ac terram Iberorum, Cathos, Bruta- 
chios, qui dicuntur esse ludaei, caput radentes per totum, terram 
quoq; Cithorum atque Georgianorum & Armeniorum & Turcorum. 
Ab occidente autem Hungariam habet atque Russiam. Et est 

IS Comania terra maxima & longa. Cuius populos, scilicet Co- 
manos, Tartari occiderunt, quidam tamen k facie eorum fugerunt, 
& quidam in eorum seruitutem redacti sunt. Plurimi autem ex 
eis, qui fugerunt, ad ipsos redierunt. Post haec intrauimus terram Terra Kan- 
Kangittarum, quae magnam habet in plurimis locis penuriam ^'"^™'"- 

20 aquarum, in qua etiam homines pauci morantur propter aquae 

defectum. Vnde homines leroslai, Ducis Russiae, cfim ad ipsum lerosiaus, 
in terram Tartarorum perrexerunt, plures eorum in illo deserto prae 
siti mortui sunt. In hac etiam terra & in Comania multa inuenimus 
capita & ossa mortuorum hominum, super terram iacentia tanquam 

25 sterquilinium. Per banc itaq; terram iuimus ab octo diebus post 
Pascha fere vsque ad Ascensionem Dominicam. Huiusq; habita- 
tores Pagani erant, & tarn ipsi quam Comani non laborabant, sed 
tantum de animalibus viuebant, nee domos aedificabant, sed in 
tabernaculis habitabant. Istos etiam Tartari deleuerunt, & habi- 

30 tabant in terris eorum, illiq; qui remanserunt, redacti sunt in 
seruitutem ipsorum. 

Qualiter ad primam Imperatoris futuri curiam 
deuenerunt. Cap. 24. 

[p- 49] 

P0rr6 de terra Kangittarum intrauimus terram Biserminorum, Terra Biser- 
qui loquuntur lingua Comanica, sed legem tenent Sarra- """°™'"- 
cenorum. In hac etiam terra inuenimus vrbes innumeras cum 
castris dirutas, villasq; multas desertas. Huius Dominus dicebatur 
Altisoldanus, qui cum tota sua progenie a Tartaris est destructus. AitisoWanus. 
Habet autem haec terra montes maximos. Et k meridie quidem Monies 
40 habet Hierusalem & Baldach, totamq; Sarracenorum terram. *"**"""• 
H. 7 



Ocean us ab 
Syban, frater 







Prima curia 

Atque in finibus illis propinquis morantur duo fratres carnales, Tar- 
tarorum Duces, scilicit Burin & Cadan, filij Thiaday, qui fuit filius 
Chingischam. Ab Aquilone verb terram habet nigrorum Kytha- 
orum & Oceanum. In ilia verb moratur Syban, frater Bathy, 
Per banc iuimus ^ festo Ascensionis dominicae fere vsque ad viij. 5 
dies ante festum sanct. lohan. Baptists. Deinde ingressi sumus 
terram nigrorum Kythaorum, in qua Imperator aedificauit domum, 
vbi etiam vocati fuimus ad bibendum. Et ille, qui erat ibidem 
ex parte imperatoris, fecit maiores ciuitatis, & etiam duos filios 
eius, plaudere coram nobis. Hinc exeuntes, quoddam mare 10 
paruum inuenimus, in cuius littore quidam existit mons paruus. 
In quo scilicet monte quoddam foramen esse dicitur, vnde in 
hyeme tam maximg tempestates ventorum exeunt, quod homines 
inde vix & cum magno periculo transire possunt. In aestate verb 
semper quidem ibi ventorum sonitus auditur, sed de foramine 15 
tenuiter egreditur. Per huius maris littora plurimis diebus per- 
reximus, quod quidem licet non multum sit magnum, plures 
insulas habet, & illud in sinistris dimisimus. In terra verb ilia 
habitat Ordu, quem omnium Ducum Tartarorum antiquiorem 
diximus, & est orda, siue curia patris ipsius, quam inhabitat, & 20 
regis vna de vxoribus eius. Consuetudo enim est apud Tartaros, 
qubd principum & maiorum curiae non delentur, sed semper 
ordinantur aliquae mulieres, quae illas regant, eisque donariorum 
partes, sicut Dominis earum dari solebant, dantur. Sic tandem ad 
primam Imperatoris curiam venimus, in qua erat vna de vxoribus 25 

Terra Nay- 


Qualiter ad ipsum Cuyne, Imperatorem futurum 
peruenerunt. Cap. 25. 

AT verb quia nondum Imperatorem videramus, noluerunt vocare 
Jr\. nos, nee intromittere ad Ordam ipsius, sed nobis in tentorio 30 
nostro secundum morem Tartarorum valde bene seruiri fecerunt, 
& vt quiesceremus, nos ibidem per vnam diem tenuerunt. Inde 
procedentes in vigilia sanctorum Petri & Pauli, terram Naymano- 
rum intrauimus, qui sunt Pagani. In ipsa verb die Apostolorum 
ibidem cecidit magna nix, & habuimus magnum frigus. Haec 35 
quidem terra montuosa & frigida est supra modum, ibiq; de 
planicie reperitur modicum. Istae quoque duae nationes prsdictae 
non laborabant, sed sicut & Tartari in tentorijs habitabant, quas & 
ipsi deleuerant. per banc etiam multis diebus perreximus. Deinde 
terram Mongalorum intrauimus, quos Tartaros appellamus. Per 40 

The Tartars. NAVIGATIONS, ETC. 99 

has itaque terras, vt credimus, tribus septimanis equitando fortiter 
iuimus, & in die Beatae Marias Magdalenae ad Cuyne Iniperatorem luiij »». 
electum peruenimus. Ideo autem per omnem viam istam valdb k'^'^or^m"" 
festinauimus, quia praeceptum erat Tartaris nostris, vt citb nos '"^'■• 

5 deducerent ad curiam solennem, iam ex annis pluribus indictam, 
propter ipsius Imperatoris electionem. Idcirco de mane surgentes, 
ibamus usque ad noctem sine comestione, & saepius tam tard^ 
veniebamus, qubd non comedebamus in sero, sed quod manducare 
debebamus in vespere, dabatur nobis in mane. Mutatisq; fre- 

10 quentius equis, nullatenus parcebatur eis, sed equitabamus 
velociter ac sine intermissione, quantum poterant equi trotare. 

Qualiter Cuyne Fratres Minores suscepit. Cap. 26. 

CVm autem peruenimus ad Cuyne, fecit nobis dari tentorium Cuyne in 
& expensas, quales Tartaris dare solent, nobis tamen melius bem^^itas. 

15 quam alijs nuncijs faciebant. Ad ipsum autem vocati non fuimus, 
eo quod nondum electus erat, nee adhuc de imperio se intromitte- 
bat. Interpretatio tamen literarum Domini Papae, ac verba etiam 
a nobis dicta, a praedicto Baty erant ei mandata. Cum ergo 
stetissemus ibi per quinque vel sex dies, ad matrem suam nos 

20 transmisit, vbi adunabatur curia solennis. Et cum venissemus 

illuc, tam extensum erat tentorium magnum, de alba purpura Tentorium 
praeparatum, eratq; tam grande nostro iudicio, qubd plusquam '^^^'"™" 
duo millia hominum poterant esse sub illo. Et in circuitu factum 
erat ligneum tabulatum varijs imaginibus depictum. Illuc ergb 

25 perreximus cum Tartaris, nobis ad custodiam assignatis, ibiq; 

conuenerant | omnes duces, & vnusquisq; cum hominibus suis [p- 50] 
equitabat in circuitu per planiciem & colles. In prima die vestiti tiomitia. 
sunt omnes purpuris albis, in secunda verb rubeis. Et tunc venit 
Cuyne ad tentorium illud. Porrb tertia die fuerunt omnes in 

30 blaueis purpuris, & quarta in optimis Baldakinis. In illo autem 
tabulato iuxta tentorium erant duae maiores portae, per quarum 
vnam solus Imperator debebat intrare, & ad illam nulla erat 
custodia, quamuis esset aperta, quia per illam nuUus audebat 
ingredi vel exire : per aliam omnes, qui admittebantur, intrabant, 

35 & ad illam custodes cum gladijs & arcubus & sagittis erant. Itaq; 
si quis tentorio propinquabat vltra terminos, qui positi erant, si 
capiebatur, verberabatur, si fugiebat, sagitta siue ferro sagittabatur. 
Multiq; ibi erant, qui in fraenis, pectoralibus, sellis & huiusmodi, 
iudicio nostro, auri circiter viginti marcas habebant. Sic Duces 

40 infra tentorium colloquebantur, & de Imperatoris electione tracta- 





bant, vt 4 nobis creditur. Alius autem vniuersus populus longe 
extra tabulatum collocabatur, & ita fere vsque ad meridiem mora- 
bantur. Tunc incipiebant lac iumentinum bibere, & vsque ad 
Sytnpaaum vesperas tantum bibebant, quod erat visu mirabile. Nos autem 
vocauerunt interius, & dederunt nobis cereuisiam : quia iumentinO 5 
lac non bibebamus. Et hoc quidem nobis pro magno fecerunt 
honore : sed tamen nos compellebant ad bibendum, quod nulla- 
tenus poteramus propter consuetudinem sustinere. Vnde ostendi- 
mus eis, hoc esse nobis graue, ideoq; nos cessauerunt compellere. 
Foris autem erat Dux leroslaus de Susdal Russiae, pluresq; Duces 10 
Kythaorum & Solangorum. Duo quoq; filij regis Georgiae, nuncius 
etiam Caliphi de Baldach, qui erat Soldanus, & plus quam decem 
alij Soldani Sarracenorum, vt credimus. Et sicut nobis d procura- 
toribus dicebatur, erant ibi nunciorum plus qukm quatuor millia, 
inter illos, qui tributa portabant, & illos, qui deferebant munera, & iS 
Soldanos ac Duces alios, qui ad tradendum seipsos veniebant, & 
illos, pro quibus ipsi miserant, illos^; qui terrarum pnefecti erant. 
Hi omnes simul extra tabulatum ponebantur, eisq; simul bibere 
praebebatur. Nobis autem & Duci lerozlao fer^ semper ab eis 
dabatur superior locus, quando cum eis eramus exterius. 'o 

Dux Rusaae. 


Syra orda. 

Qualiter in imperium sublimatus fuit. Cap. 2 7. 

ET quidem, si ben^ meminimus, ibidem per septimanas circiter 
quatuor fuimus. Credimusq; qu6d ibi fuit electio cele- 
brata, non tamen ibidem fuit publicata. Propter hoc autem id 
maxime credebatur, quia semper, quando Cuyne tentorio exibat, 25 
eidem cantabatur, & cum virgis speciosis, in summitate lanam 
coccineam habentibus, inclinabatur, quod alteri Ducum nuUi 
fiebat, quousq; exterius morabatur. Hgc autem statio siue Curia 
nominatur ab eis Syra orda. Hinc exeuntes, vnanimiter omnes 
equitauimus per tres aut quatuor leucas ad alium locum, vbi erat 30 
in quads pulchra planicie iuxta riuum inter montes aliud tentorium, 

Aureaorda. quod apud ipsos appellatur Orda aurea, praeparatQ. Ibi enim 
Cuyne debebat poni in sede in die Assumptionis Dominae nostrae. 
Sed propter grandinem nimiam, quae tunc, vt suprk dictum est, 

Augusd 15. cecidit, res dilata fuit. Eratq; tentorium in columnis positum, 35 
quae laminis aureis erant tectae, & clauis aureis cum alijs lignis 
fixae. Porr6 de Baldakino erat tectum superius, sed alij erant 
panni exterius. Fuimus autem ibi vsq; ad festum Beati Bartholo- 
maei, in quo maxima multitudo conuenit, & contra meridiem versis 

soiennes. vultibus stetit. Et quidam ad iactum lapidis longe h. caeteris erant, 40 

The Tartars. NAVIGATIONS, ETC. lOi 

semperq; orationes faciendo, ac genua flectendc, contra meridiem 
longius, & longius procedebant. Nos autem vtrum incantationes 
facerent, aut genua Deo vel alteri flecterent, nescientes, nolebamus 
facere genuflexiones. Cumq; diu ita fecissent, ad tentorium re- 
5 uersi sunt, & Cuyne in sede imperiali posuerunt, Ducesq; coram 
eo genua flexerunt. Post hoc idem fecit vniuersus populus, ex- 
ceptis nobis, qui eis subditi non eramus. 

De cetate ac 7noribus ac sigillo ipsius. Cap. 28. 

HIc autem Imperator quando sublimatus est in regnum, vide- Cuynae aetas 
batur esse circiter xl. vel xlv. annorum. Mediocris erat '"°'^"' 
staturae, prudens valde, nimis astutus multumq; seriosus, & grauis 
in moribus. Nee vnquam videbat eum homo de facili ridere, vel 
aliquam leuitatem facere, sicut dicebant Christiani, qui cum ipso 
morabantur continue. Dicebant etiam nobis asserendo firmiter 

15 Christiani, qui erant de familia eius, quod deberet fieri Christianus. 

Cuius signum erat, quod ipse Clericos Christianos tenebat, & studium 
expensas eis dabat. Habebat etiam semper capellam Christiano- mi"* '^"'* 
rum ante maius tentorium suum, vbi cantant Clerici publice & 
aperte, ac pulsant ad horas, vt cgteri Christiani secundum mores 

20 Grecorum, quantacunq; sit ibi multitudo Tartarorum, vel etiam 
aliorum hominum. Hoc tamen non faciunt alij Duces ipsorum. 
Est autem mos Imperatoris ipsius, vt nunquam ore proprio Maiestas. 
loquatur cum extraneo, quan|tumcunq; magnus sit, sed audit & [p. 5^] 
respondet per interpositam personam, & quandocunq; negotium 

25 proponunt, vel Imperatoris responsionem audiunt illi, qui sub eo 
sunt, quantumcunq; sint magni, flexis genibus vsq; ad finem 
verborum persistunt. Nee alicui de consuetudine super aliquo 
negotio loqui licitum est, postquam ab Imperatore definitum est. 
Habet autem Imperator prsedictus procuratorem & proton otarios, 

30 atq; scriptores, omnesq; officiales in negotijs tam publicis qu^m 

priuatis, exceptis Aduocatis. Nam sine litium vel iudiciorum Potestas 
strepitu secundum arbitrium Imperatoris omnia fiunt. Alij quoque 
Principes Tartarorum de his, quae ad illos pertinent, idem faciunt. 
Hoc autem nouerint vniuersi, quia nobis tunc existentibus in 

35 solenni curia, iam ex pluribus annis indicta, idem Cuyne Im- 
perator, de nouo electus, cum omnibus suis Principibus erexit 
vexillum contra Ecclesiam Dei, ac Romanum Imperium, & Beiiumin 
contra omnia regna Christianorum & populos Occidentis, nisi cogitatum. 
fortasse, quod absit, facerent ea, quae mandabat Domino Papae, 

40 atque potentibus, & omnibus Christianorum populis, videlicet vt 


ipsi subdantur eis. Nam excepta Christianitate, nulla est terra in 
orbe, quam timeant, & idcirco contra nos ad pugnam se praeparant. 
Huius siquidem Imperatoris pater, scilicet Occoday, necatus fuerat 
veneno, & ob hoc a bellis quieuerant tempore pauco. Intentio 
autem eorum, vt dictum est supr^ est, sibi totum subijcere s 
mundum, sicut ^ Chingischam habent mandatum. Vnde & ipse 
Imperator in literis suis ita scribit : Dei fortitude, omnium homi- 
num Imperator. In superscriptione quoque sigilli eius est hoc : 
Deus in coelo, & Cuyne Cham super terram, Dei fortitudo : 
omnium hominum Imperatoris sigillum. lo 

t Coutrh Xenophon : hUonov cVn vd/ou/itoc. Et pradarl Ari- 
stoteUs Politic, lib. 3. cap. 12. in hanc sententiam : Qui 
legem prctesse vult, is velle videiur Deft ac leges impcrare: 
qui autem vult hominem, is etiam belluam adiutigit, dim 
prasertim tale quid sit cupiditas 6^ iracundia : &> magi- 15 
stratus &* optimus quisq; h recta via detorqueantur ^c. 
Adde qua i Chrysippo adducuntur ff. li. i. ///. 3. /. 2. 

De admissione Fratrum & nunciorum ad Impera- 
torem. Cap. 29. 

Cuyne audit T N loco illo, vbi positus cst Imperator in throno, vocati fuimus 20 
J. coram ipso. Cumq; Chingay protonotarius eius nomina 
nostra scripsisset, illorQq; ^ quibus missi eramus, & Ducis Solan- 
gorum & aliorum, clamauit alta voce, recitans ilia coram Im- 
peratore ac Ducum vniuersitate. Quo facto, flexit vnusquisq; 
nostrum quater genu sinistrum, & monuerunt, ne tangeremus 25 
limen deorsum. Cum(^; pro cultellis nos diligentissime scrutati 
fuissent, & nullatenus inuenissent, intrauimus ostium ab Orientali 
parte : quia nullus ab Occidente, nisi solus imperator, audet intrare. 
Similiter & Dux ab ilia parte ingreditur solus, si est tentorium 
eius. Minores autem non multum curant de talibus. Tunc erg6 30 
primum in eius praesentia suam intrauimus stationem, videlicet 
postquam factus est Imperator ibidem. Omnes quoque nuncij 
tunc ab eo recepti sunt, sed paucissimi tentorium eius intrauerunt. 

Munera ei- Ibi Verb tanta donaria ab ipsis nuncijs fuerunt ei prsesentata, qu6d 

dem oblata. . . 

quasi videbantur mfinita, videlicet m samitis ac purpureis & 35 
baldakinis ac cingulis sericis cum auro praeparatis, pellibus etiam 
nobilibus, c^terisq; muneribus. Quoddam etiam Solinum, siue 
tentoriolum, quod super caput Imperatoris portatur, fuit eidem 
praesentatum, quod totum erat cum gemmis praeparatum. Quidam 
verb praefectus vnius prouinciae adduxit ei Camelos multos cum 40 

The Tartars. NAVIGATIONS, etc. 103 

Baldakinis tectos. Similiter sellae positae cum instrumentis qui- 
busdam erant, in quibus homines interius sedere valebant. Equos 
etiam multos & mulos adducebant eidem phaleratos & armatos, 
quosdam quidem de corio, & quosdam de ferro. Nos etiam 
5 requisiti fuimus, an ei munera dare vellemus : sed iam facultas 
non erat, quoniam omnia fere nostra consumpseramus. Ibidem Curmse^- 
longe ^ stationibus super montem erant positi currus plusquam '^*"''^*°'**'*" 
quingenti, qui omnes auro & argento ac sericis vestibus erant 
pleni. Cunctiq; inter imperatorem & Duces diuisi fuerunt, 
10 singuliq; Duces inter homines suos partes suas, vt eis placuit, 

De loco diuisionis Imperatoris & matris suae, & morte 
leroslai, Ducis Russiae. 

INde recedentes, venimus ad alium locum, vbi tentorium Tentorium 
mirabile, totum de purpura rufa, quod Kitay dederant, erat p"'^'"'''"'"- 
positum. Illic interius introducti fuimus, & semper ciim intra- 
bamus nobis dabatur ad bibendum cereuisia vel vinum, & etiam 
carnes coctse, si volebamus, ad edendum. Eratque solariolum SoUum 
vnum, de tabulis alte prseparatum, vbi thronus Imperatoris erat ^ "■'"""'• 

20 positus, ex ebore mirabiliter sculptus, in quo etiam erat aurum, 
& lapides preciosi, si bene meminimus, & illuc ascendebatur per 
gradus. Erdtque rotundum superius. Banci | ver6 erant positi in [p. 52] 
circuitu sedis, vbi dominae sedebant a parte sinistra in scamnis, 
a dextris autem nemo sedebat superius, sed Duces sedebant in 

25 Bancis inferius, & hoc in medio. Alij ver6 sedebant post eos, 
& quolibet die veniebat dominarum maxima multitudo. Ista ver6 
tria tentoria, de quibus supra diximus, erant valde magna, aliaq; 
habebant vxores eius de filtro albo satis magna & pulchra. Ibidem 
Imperator diuisus est a matre sua, quae iuit in vnam terrae partem, 

30 & Imperator in aliam ad iudicia facienda. Capta siquidem erat 
arnica Imperatoris istius, quae veneno interfecerat patrem eius, 
eo tempore, quo exercitus eorum in Hungaria fuit. Propter 
quod etiam exercitus eorum, qui erat in partibus illis, recessit. 
De qua cum aliis pluribus factum fuit iudicium, & occisi fuerunt. Nex 


35 Eodem tempore mortuus fuit lerozlaus. Dux magnus Soldal, vindicata. 

quae est quaedam Russiae pars. Vocatus enim ad matrem Im- dux^rJJ^sIs. 

peratoris quasi pro honore, vt manducaret ac biberet de manu 

ipsius, in continenti ad hospitium est reuersus, infirmatusq; 

mortuus est post septem dies, totdmque corpus eius miro modo 
40 glaucum effectum est, dicebaturq; ab omnibus, quod ibidem, vt 

terram eius libere ac plenarib possiderent, fuisset impotionatus. 



Cuyne cum 
legatis dis- 


Chingay in- 

Prudens de 
Uteris con- 

Qualiter tandem Fratres ad Imperatorem accedentes, 
literas dederunt & acceperunt. Cap. 31. 

DEniq; Tartari nostri nos ad Imperatorem duxerunt : qui 
cCim audisset per illos, nos ad eum venisse, iussit nos ad 
matrem redire. Volebat enim secundo die, sicut superiCis dictum 5 
est, contra totam Occidentis terram vexillum erigere, quod nos 
volebat ignorare. Itaque reuersi stetimus paucis diebus, & iterum 
ad ipsum reuersi sumus. Cum quo benfe per mensem fuimus in 
tanta fame ac siti, qu6d vix viuere poteramus. Nam expensae, 
quae nobis pro diebus quatuor dabantur, vix vni sufficiebant. 10 
Nee inuenire poteramus aliquid ad emendum, quia forum erat 
nimis remotum. Sed Dominus nobis quendam Ruthenum, no- 
mine Cosmam, aurifabrum pneparauit, qui satis dilectus Impera- 
tori, nos in aliquo sustentauit. Et hie nobis ostendit thronum 
Imperatoris, quem ipse fecerat, antequam poneretur in sede, 15 
& sigillum eiusdem, quod etiam fabricauerat ipse. Post hoc 
Imperator pro nobis misit, nobisq; per Chingay protonotarium 
suum dici fecit, vt verba nostra & negotia scriberemus, ei^; 
porrigeremus. Quod & fecimus. Post plures dies nos iterum 
vocari fecit, & vtrum essent apud Dominum Papam, qui Ruthe- 20 
norum vel Sarracenorum, aut etiam Tartarorum literam intelli- 
gerent, interrogauit. Cui respondimus, qu6d nullam istarum 
literarum habebamus. Sarraceni tamen erant in terra, sed remoti 
erant \ Domino Papa. Diximus tamen, quia nobis expedire vide- 
batur, qu6d in Tartaric© scriberent, & nobis interpretarentur, nos 25 
autem in litera nostra diligenter scriberemus, & tarn literam quam 
interpretationem ad Dominum Papam deferremus. Tunc a nobis 
recesserunt, & ad Imperatorem iuerunt. Porr6 i die Beati 
Martini fuimus vocati. Tunc Kadac, totius imperij procurator, 
& Chingay & Bala, pluresq; scriptores ad nos venerunt, nobisq; 30 
literam de verbo ad verbum interpretati fuerunt. Et ciim in 
Latina litera scripsissemus, faciebant sibi per singulas orationes 
interpretari, volentes scire, si nos in aliquo verbo erraremus. 
Ciim igitur ambae literae fuissent scriptae, fecerunt nos semel ac 
secundo legere, ne fort^ minus aliquid haberemus. Dixerunt enim 35 
nobis, videte, qu6d omnia ben^ intelligatis, quia non expediret, 
qu6d non omnia ben^ intelligeretis. Literas etiam in Sarracenico 
scripserunt, vt aliquis in partibus nostris inueniri posset, cjui eas 
si opus esset, legeret. 

The Tartars. NAVIGATIONS, ETC. 105 

Qualiter licentiati fuerunt. Cap. 32. 

VT autem nobis Tartari nostri dixerunt, proposuit Imperator 
nuncios suos nobiscum mittere. Volebat tamen, vt cre- 
dimus, quod nos id ab eo peteremus. Sed cCim vnus de Tartans 
5 nostris, qui senior erat, nos ad hoc petendum hortaretur, nobis 
quidem, vt venirent, nequaquam bonum videbatur. Ideoq; Legati 
respondimus ei, qu6d non erat nostrum petere, sed si sponte xL'rt^orum 
ipse Imperator mitteret eos, libenter eos secure conduceremus, anoskga-' 
Domino adiuuante. Nobis autem ob plures causas vt venirent, "°"^- 

:o non videbatur expedire. Prima quidem fuit, quia timuimus, 
ne visis dissentionibus aut guerris, quae fiunt inter nos, magis 
animarentur ad veniendum contra nos. Secunda fuit, timebamus 
eos exploratores terrae fieri. Tertia ver6, quia timebamus eos 
interfici. Gentes enim nostrae arrogantes sunt & superbae. Vnde 

15 quando seruientes, qui stant nobiscum, ex rogatu Cardinalis, 
legati scilicet Alemanniae, in habitu Tartarico ibant ad ipsum, 
in via fere lapidati sunt a Teutonicis, & coacti sunt deponere 
habitum ilium. Consuetudo autem est Tartarorum, vt cum illis, 
qui nuncios eorum occiderint, nunquam faciant pacem, nisi sumant 

20 de ipsis vltionem. Quarta etia causa fuit, quia timebamus ne 

nobis auferrentur vi. | Quinta ver6 causa erat, quia de aduentu [p. 53] 
eorum nulla foret vtilitas, cum nullum haberent aliud mandatum 
vel potestatem, nisi qu6d literas Imperatoris ad Dominum Papam 
& ad Principes deferrent, quas videlicet literas ipsi nos habe- 

25 bamus, & malum ex eorum aduentu posse contingere credebamus. 

Itaq; tertia die post hoc, scilicet in festo beati Briccij nobis Nouemb. 13. 
dederunt licentiam & literam, Imperatoris sigillo munitam, mit- ^mea'm&'^ 
tentes nos ad ipsius Imperatoris matrem, que vnicuiq; nostrum '^""J*- 
dedit pelliceum vnum de pellibus vulpinis, quod habebat pilos de 

30 foris, & purpuram vnam. De quibus Tartari nostri furati sunt 
ex vnaquaq; vnum passum. De ilia quoq;, quae dabatur seruienti, 
meliorem medietatem sunt furati. Quod nos quidem non ignora- 
uimus, sed inde verba mouere noluimus: 



Qualiter ab illo itinere redierunt. Cap. 3^ 






lunij 8. 


net reduci- 

but fkcue. 





TVnc iter ad reuertendum arripuimus, ac per totam hyemem 
venimus, iacentes in desertis saepius in niue, nisi quantum 
poteramus nobis cum pede locum facere. Ibi quippe non erant 
arbores, sed planus campus. Et saepe mane nos inueniebamus 5 
totos niue, quam ventus pellebat, coopertos. Sic venientes vsq; 
ad Ascensionem Domini peruenimus ad Bathy. A quo cum 
inquireremus, quid responderet Domino Papae, dixit se nolle 
aliud, nisi quod Imperator diligenter scripserat, demandare. 
Datisq; nobis de conductu Uteris, ab eo recessimus, & sabbatho 10 
infra octauas Pentecostes vsq; ad Montij peruenimus, vbi erant 
socij nostri, ac seruientes, qui fuerant retenti, quos ad nos 
fecimus reduci. Hinc vsq; Corrensam peruenimus, cui iterum 
4 nobis donaria petenti non dedimus, quia non habebamus. 
Deditq; nobis duos Comanos, qui erant ex Tartarorum plebe, 15 
vsque ad Kiouiam Russiae. Tartarus tamen noster non dimisit 
nos, donee exiremus vltimam Tartarorum custodiam. Isti ver6 
alij, qui nobis k Corrensa dati sunt, in sex diebus ab vltima 
custodia vsq; ad Kiouiam nos duxerunt. Venimus autem illuc 
ante festum Beati lohannis Baptist^ xv. diebus. Porr6 Kio- 20 
uienses aduentum nostrum percipientes, occurrerunt nobis omnes 
lastanter. Congratulabantur enim nobis, tanquam \ morte susci- 
tatis. Sic fecerunt nobis per totam Russiam, Poloniam & 
Bohemiam. Daniel & Wasilico frater eius festum nobis mag- 
num fecerunt, & nos contra voluntatem nostram bene per octo 25 
dies tenuerunt. Medioq; tempore inter se & cum Episcopis, 
caeterisq; probis viris, super his, quae locuti fueramus eisdem, in 
processu nostro ad Tartaros consilium habentes, responderunt 
nobis communiter, dicentes : qu6d Dominum Papam habere 
vellent in specialem Dominum, & in patrem, sanctam quoq; 30 
Romanam Ecclesiam in dominam & magistram, confirmantes 
etiam omnia, quae priiis de hac materia per Abbatem suum 
transmiserant. Et super hoc etiam nobiscum ad Dominum 
Papam nuncios suos & literas transmiserunt. 

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 107 

C9€t The voyage oi Johannes de Piano Carpini vnto 

the Northeast parts of the world, in the yeere of 

our Lord, 1246. 

Of the first sending of certaine Friers Predicants 
5 and Minorites vnto the Tartars, taken out of the 
32. Booke of Vincentius Beluacensis his Speculum 
Historiale : beginning at the second Chapter. 

Bout this time also, Pope Innocentius the fourth Asceiibus. 
sent Frier Ascelline being one of the order of 
the Praedicants, together with three other Friers 
(of the same authoritie whereunto they were 
called) consorted with him out of diuers Couens 
of their order, with letters Apostolicall vnto the 
Tartars campe : wherein hee exhorted them to 
15 giue ouer their bloudie slaughter of mankinde, and to receiue the 
Christian faith. And I, in verie deede, receiued the relations 
concerning the deedes of the Tartars onelie, (which, according to 
the congruence of times, I haue aboue inserted into this my 
woorke) from a Frier Minoritie, called Simon de Sanct. Quintin, Simon Quin- 
20 who lately returned from the same voyage. And at that verie 
time also, there was a certaine other Frier Minorite, namely Frier 
John de Piano Carpini, sent with certaine associates vnto the lohnde 
Tartars, who likewise (as himselfe witnesseth) abode and con- Carpini. 
uersed with them a yeere and three moneths at the least. For 
2"; both he & one Frier Benedict a Polonian being of the same Benedictus 

...,.,,. . J Polonus. 

order, and a partaker of all his misene and tribulation, receiued 
straight commaundement from the Pope, that both of them 
shoulde diligently searche out all things that concerned the state 
of the Tartars. And therefore this Frier lohn hath written 

30 a little Historic (which is come to our hands) of such things, 

as with his owne eyes hee sawe | among the Tartars, or which he [p. 54] 
heard from diuers Christians worthy of credit, remaining there in 
captiuitie. Out of which historic I thought good by way of con- 
clusion, to insert somewhat for the supply of those things which 

35 are wanting in the said Frier Simon. 



A descripdon 
of Taitaria. 

The North 

Syra Orda. 

The intern- 
perature of 
the aire. 

What Orda 

Of the situation and qualitie of the Tartars land, 
By Johannes de Piano Carpini. Chap. 3. 

THere is towards the East a land which is called Mongal or 
Tartaria, lying in that part of the worlde which is thought to 
be most North Easterly. On the East part it hath the countrey of 5 
Kythay and of the people called Solangi : on the South part the 
countrey of the Saracens : on the South east the land of the 
Huini : and on the West the prouince of Naimani : but on the 
North side it is inuironed with the Ocean Sea. In some part 
thereof it is full of mountaines, and in other places plaine and 10 
smoothe grounde, but euerie where sandie and barren, neither is 
the hundreth part thereof fruitefull. For it cannot beare fruite 
vnlesse it be moistened with riuer waters, which bee verie rare in 
that countrey. Wherevpon they haue neither villages, nor cities 
among them, except one which is called Cracurim, and is said to 15 
be a proper towne. We our selues sawe not this towne, but were 
almost within halfe a dayes iourney thereof, when we remained at 
Syra Orda, which is the great court of their Emperour. And 
albeit the foresaid lande is otherwise vnfruitfuU, yet is it very com- 
modious for the bringing vp of cattell. In certaine places thereof 20 
are some small store of trees growing, but other^^'ise it is altogether 
destitute of woods. Therefore the Emperour, and his noble men 
and all other warme themselues, and dresse their meate with fires 
made of the doung of oxen, and horses. The ayre also in that 
countrey is verie intemperate. For in the midst of Sommer there 25 
be great thunders and lightnings, by the which many men are 
slaine, and at the same time there falleth great abundance of 
snowe. There bee also such mightie tempestes of colde windes, 
that sometimes men are not able to sitte on horsebacke. Where- 
upon, being neere vnto the Orda (for by this name they call the 30 
habitations of their Emperours and noble men) in regarde of the 
great winde we were constrained to lye groueling on the earth, and 
could not see by reason of the dust. There is neuer any raine in 
Winter, but onely in Sommer, albeit in so little quantitie, that 
sometimes it scarcely sufficeth to allay the dust, or to moysten the 35 
rootes of the grasse. There is often times great store of haile also. 
Insomuch that when the Emperour elect was to be placed in his 
Emjjeriall throne (my selfe being then present) there fell such 
abundance of haile, that, vpon the sudden melting thereof, more 
then 1 60. persons were drowned in the same place : there were 40 
manie tentes and other things also caried away. Likewise, in the 


Sommer season there is on the sudden extreame heate, and 
suddenly againe intollerable colde. 

.Of their forme, habite, and maner of liuing. 
Chap. 4. 

5 'T^He Mongals or Tartars, in outward shape, are vnlike to all The shape of 
X other people. For they are broader betweene the eyes, and * * *"*"' 
the balles of their cheekes, then men of other nations bee. They 
haue flat and small noses, litle eyes, and eye liddes standing 
streight vpright, they are shauen on the crownes like priests. 

10 They weare their haire somewhat longer about their eares, then Their habite. 
vpon their foreheads : but behinde they let it growe long like 
womans hair, whereof they braide two lockes binding eche of them 
behind either eare. They haue short feet also. The garments, as 
well of their men, as of their women are all of one fashion. They 

15 vse neither cloakes, hattes, nor cappes. But they weare Jackets 
framed after a strange manner, of buckeram, skarlet, or Baldakines. 
Their shoubes or gownes are hayrie on the outside, and open Likevnto 
behinde, with tailes hanging downe to their hammes. They vse men.'^ "^ 
not to washe their garments, neither will in any wise suffer them 

20 to bee washed, especially in the time of thunder. Their habita- Their taber- 
tions bee rounde and cunningly made with wickers and staues in "^"^ *'"' 
manner of a tent. But in the middest of the toppes thereof, they 
haue a window open to convey the light in and the smoake out. 
For their fire is alwayes in the middest. Their walles bee couered 

25 with felt. Their doores are made of felte also. Some of these 
Tabernacles may quickely be taken asunder, and set together 
againe, and are caried vpon beastes backes. Other some cannot 
be taken insunder, but are stowed upon carts. And whitherso- 
euer they goe, be it either to warre, or to any other place, they 

30 transport their tabernacles with them. They are very rich in Their catteii. 
cattel, as in camels, oxen, sheep, and goats. And I thinke they 
haue more horses and mares then all the world besides. But they 
haue no Kine nor other beasts. Their Emperors, Dukes, & 
other of their nobles doe abound with silk, gold, siluer, and 

35 precious stones. Their victuals are al things that may be eaten : victuals. 
for we saw some of them eat lice. | They drinke milke in great [p. 55] 
quantitie, but especially mares milke, if they haue it : They seeth 
Mill also in water, making it so thinne, that they may drinke 
thereof. Euery one of them drinkes off a cup full or two in 

40 a morning, and sometime they eate nought else all the day long. 



But in the euening each man hath a little flesh giuen him to 
eate, and they drinke the broath thereof, Howbeit in summer 
time, when they haue mares milke enough, they seldome eate 
flesh, vnles perhaps it be giuen them, or they take some beast 
or bird in hunting. 5 






Of their manners both good and bad. Chap. 5. 

THeir manners are partly prayse-worthie, and partly detestable : 
For they are more obedient vnto their lords and masters, 
then any other either clergie or laie-people in the whole world. 
For they doe highly reuerence them, and will deceiue them, 10 
neither in wordes nor deedes. They seldome or neuer fall out 
among themselues, and, as for fightings or brawlings, wounds or 
manslaughters, they neuer happen among them. There are neither 
theeues nor robbers of great riches to be found, and therefore the 
tabernacles and cartes of them that haue any treasures are not 15 
strengthened with lockes or barres. If any beast goe astray, the 
finder thereof either lets it goe, or driueth it to them that are put 
in office for the same purpose, at whose handes the owner of the 
said beast demaundeth it, and without any difficultie receiueth it 
againe. One of them honoureth another exceedingly, and bestoweth 20 
banquets very familiarly and liberally, notwithstanding that good 
victuals are daintie and scarce among them. They are also very 
hardie, and when they haue fasted a day or two without any maner 
of sustenance, they sing and are merry as if they had eaten their 
bellies full. In riding, they endure much cold and extreme heat. 25 
There be, in a maner, no contentions among them, and although 
they vse commonly to be drunken, yet doe they not quarell in 
their drunkennes. Noe one of them despiseth another but helpeth 
and furthereth him, as much as conueniently he can. Their women 
are chaste, neither is there so much as a word vttered concerning 30 
their dishonestie. Some of them will notwithstanding speake filthy 
and immodest words. But towards other people, the said Tartars 
be most insolent, and they scorne and set nought by all other 
noble and ignoble persons whatsoeuer. For we saw in the 
Emperours court the great duke of Russia, the kings sonne of 35 
Georgia, and many great Soldanes receiuing no due honour and 
estimation among them. So that euen the very Tartars assigned 
to giue attendance vnto them, were they neuer so base, would 
alwaies goe before them, and take the vpper hand of them, yea, 
and sometimes would constraine them to sit behinde their backes. 40 


Moreouer they are angrie and of a disdainefull nature vnto other 
people, and beyond all measure deceitfuU, and treacherous towards 
them. They speake fayre in the beginning, but in conclusion, they 
sting like scorpions. For craftie they are, and full of falshood, 

5 circumuenting all men whom they are able, by their sleights. 
Whatsoeuer mischiefe they entend to practise against a man, they 
keepe it wonderfully secrete, so that he may by no meanes prouide 
for himselfe, nor find a remedie against their conspiracies. They 
are vnmanerly also and vncleanly in taking their meat and their 

lo drinke, and in other actions. Drunkennes is honourable among 
them, and when any of them hath taken more drinke then his 
stomacke can well beare, hee casteth it vp and falles to drinking 
againe. They are most intollerable exacters, most couetous pos- 
sessours, and most nigardly giuers. The slaughter of other people 

15 is accompted a matter of nothing with them. 


Of their lawes and customes. Chap. 6. 

Oreouer, they haue this law or custome, that whatsoeuer Punish- 
man or woman be manifestly taken in adultery, they are adultery, 
punished with death. A virgine likewise that hath committed 

20 fornication, they slay together with her mate. Whosoeuer be of theft, 
taken in robberie or theft, is put to death without all pitie. Also, 
if any man disclose their secrets, especially in time of warre, he Of secretes 
receiueth an hundreth blowes on the backe with a bastinado, layd 
on by a tall fellow. In like- sort when any inferiours offend in 

25 ought, they finde no fauour at their superiours handes, but are 

punished with grieuous stripes. They are ioyned in matrimony to Lawes of 

,, . ,, , . 1 • r 11 L • matrimonie. 

all m generall, yea, euen to their neare kmsfolkes except their 
mother, daughter and sister by the mothers side. For they vse 
to marrie their sister by the fathers side onely, and also the wife 

30 of their father after his decease. The yonger brother also, or 
some other of his kindred, is bound to marry the wife of his elder 
brother deceased. For, at the time of our aboad in the countrey, 
a certaine duke of Russia named Andreas, was accused before Andreas 
duke Baty for conueying the Tartars horses out of the land, and Russia. 

35 for selling them to others : and although it could not be prooued, 
yet was he put to death. His yonger brother and the wife of the 
party deceased hearing this, came & made their supplication vnto 
the forenamed duke, \ that the dukedome of Russia might not be [p. 56] 
taken from them. But he commanded the youth to marrie his 

40 deceased brothers wife, and the woman also to take him vnto her 



Melich & 
Dauid two 

husband, according to the custome of the Tartars. She answered, 
that she had rather die, then so haynously transgresse the law. 
Howbeit, hee deliuered her vnto him, although they both refused 
as much as they could. Wherefore carying them to bed, they 
constrained the youth, lamenting and weeping, to lie downe and s 
commit incest with his brothers wife. To be short, after the death 
of their husbands, the Tartars wiues vse very seldome to marrie 
the second time, vnlesse perhaps some man takes his brothers 
wife or his stepmother in mariage. They make no difference 
betweene the sonne of their wife and of their concubine, but the lo 
father giues what he pleaseth vnto each one : For of late the king 
of Georgia hauing two sonnes, one lawfully begotten called Melich ; 
but the other Dauid, borne in adulterie, at his death left part of 
his lande vnto his base sonne. Hereupon Melich (vnto whome 
the kingdome fell by right of his mother, because it was gouerned 15 
before time by women) went vnto the Emperour of the Tartars, 
Dauid also hauing taken his iourney vnto him. Nowe both of 
them comming to the court and proffering large giftes, the sonne 
of the harlot made suite, that he might haue iustice, according to 
the custome of the Tartars. Well, sentence passed against Melich, 20 
that Dauid being his elder brother, should haue superioritie ouer 
him, and should quietly and peaceably possesse the portion of 
land granted vnto him by his father. Whensoeuer a Tartar hath 
many wiues, each one of them hath her family and dwelling place 
by her selfe. And sometime the Tartar eateth, drinketh and lieth 25 
with one, and sometime with another. One is accompted chiefe 
among the rest, with whom hee is oftener conuersant, then with 
the other. And notwithstanding (as it hath bin said) they are 
many, yet do they seldome fal out among themselues. 


Of their superstitious traditions. Chap, 7. 30 

But by reason of certain traditions, which either they or their 
predecessors haue deuised, they accompt some things in- 
different to be faults. One is to thrust a knife into the fire, or 
any way to touch the fire with a knife, or with their knife to take 
flesh out of the cauldro, or to hewe with an hatchet neare vnto the 35 
fire. For they think by that means to take away the head or force 
from the fire. Another is to leane vpon the whip, wherewith they 
beate their horses : for they ride not with spurs. Also, to touch 
arrowes with a whip, to take or kill yong birds, to strike an horse 
with y' raine of their bridle, and to breake one bone against 40 

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 113 

another. Also, to powre out milke, meate, or any kinde of drinke 
vpon the ground, or to make water within theii tabernacle : which 
whosoeuer doth willingly, he is slaine, but otherwise he must pay 
a great summe of money to the inchanter to be purified. Who 

S likewise must cause the tabernacle with all things therein, to passe 
betweene two fiers. Before it be on this wise purified, no man 
dare once enter into it, nor conueigh any thing thereout. Besides, 
if any man hath a morsell giuen him, which he is not able to 
swallow, and for that cause casteth it out of his mouth, there is an 

10 hole made vnder his tabernacle, by which hee is drawen forth and 
slaine without all compassion. Likewise, whosoeuer treads vpon 
the threshold of any of their dukes tabernacles, he is put to death. 
Many other things there be, like vnto these, which they take for 
heinous offences. But to slay men, to inuade the dominions of 

15 other people, and to rifle their goods, to transgresse the com- 
maundements and prohibitions of God, are with them no offences 
at all. They know nothing concerning eternall life, and euerlasting 
damnation, and yet they thinke, that after death they shall Hue in 
another world, that they shall multiply their cattell, that they shal 

20 eate and drinke and doe other things which liuing men performe 

here vpon earth. At a new moone, or a full moone, they begin The Tartars 
all enterprises that they take in hand, and they call the moone the mTOnef 
Great Emperour, and worship it vpon their knees. All men that 
abide in their tabernacles must be purified with fire : Which Their 

25 purification is on this wise. They kindle two fires, and pitch purifying, 
two lauelines into the ground neere vnto the said fires, binding 
a corde to the tops of the lauelines. And about the corde they 
tye certaine iagges of buckram, vnder which corde, and betweene 
which fires, men, beastes, and tabernacles do passe. There stand 

30 two women also, one on the right side, and another on the left 
casting water, and repeating certaine charmes. If any man be 
slaine by lightning, all that dwell in the same tabernacle with him 
must passe by fire in maner aforesaid. For their tabernacles, 
beds, and cartes, their feltes and garments, and whatsoeuer such 

35 things they haue, are touched by no man, yea, and are abandoned 
by all men as things vncleane. And to bee short, they thinke that 
all things are to be purged by fire. Therefore, when any ambassa- 
dours, princes, or other personages whatsoeuer come vnto them, 
they and their giftes must passe betweene two fires to be purified, 

40 lest peraduenture they haue practised some witchcraft, or haue 
brought some poyson or other mischiefe with them. 


[p-57] I Of the beginning of their empire or gouernment. 

Chap. 7. 
The people " \ "^He East countric, whereof wee haue entreated, which is called 

of Tartaria. 


Mongal, is reported to haue had of olde time foure sortes 
of people. One of their companions was called Yeka Mongal, 5 
that is the great Mongals. The second company was called 
Sumongal, that is, the Water-Mongals, who called themselues 
Tartars of a certaine riuer running through their countrey named 
Tartar. The third was called Merkat, and the fourth Metrit. 
All these people had one and the same person, attire of body 10 
and language, albeit they were diuided by princes and prouinces. 
In the prouince of Yeka Mongal, there was a certaine man called 
The original Chingis. This man became a mighty hunter. For he learned to 
wcploitsof steale men, & to take them for a pray. He ranged into other 
Chingts. countries taking as many captiues as he could, and ioining them 15 
vnto himselfe. Also hee allured the men of his owne countrey 
vnto him, who followed him as their captaine and ringleader to 
doe mischiefe. Then began he to make warre vpon the Sumongals 
or Tartars, and slewe their captaine, and after many conflicts, sub- 
dued them vnto himselfe, and brought them all into bondage. 20 
Afterward he vsed their helpe to fight against the Merkats, dwelling 
by the Tartars, whom also hee vanquished in battell. Proceeding 
from thence, he fought against the Metrites, and conquered them 
The also. The Naimani hearing that Chingis was thus exalted, greatly 

Naimani. (jisdeined thereat. For they had a mighty & puissant Emperour, 25 
vnto whom all the foresaid nations payed tribute. Whose sonnes, 
when he was dead, succeeded him in his Empire. Howbeit, being 
young and foolish, they knew not howe to gouerne the people, but 
The discord Were diuided, and fell at variance among themselues. Now Chingis 
of brethren, j^^jj^g gxaltcd, as is aforcsaid, they neuerthelesse inuaded the fore- 30 
named countries, put the inhabitants to the sword, and carried 
away their goods for a pray. Which Chingis hauing intelligence 
of, gathered all his subiects together. The Naimani also, and the 
people called Karakitay assembled and banded themselues at a 
certaine straight valley, where, after a battell foughten they were 35 
vanquished by the Mongals. And being thus vanquished, they 
were, the greater part of them, slaine ; and others, which could 
not escape, were carried into captiuitie. In the land of the fore- 
Occoday sayd Karakytayans, Occoday Cham, the sonne of Chingis Cham, 
Cham. ^^j.^j. j^g ^^g created Emperour, built a certaine citie, which he 40 
called Chanyl. Neare vnto which citie, on the South side, there 

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 115 

IS an huge desert, wherein wilde men are certainely reported to 
inhabite, which cannot speake at all, and are destitute of ioynts in 
their legges, so that if they fall, they cannot rise alone by them- 
selues. Howbeit, they are of discretion to make feltes of Camels 
5 haire, wherewith they clothe themselues, and which they holde 
against the winde. And if at any time, the Tartars pursuing them, 
chance to wound them with their arrowes, they put herbes into 
their wounds, and flye strongly before them. 

Of the mutuall victories betweene them, and 
10 the people of Kythay. Chap. 9. 

But the Mongals returning home into their owne countrey, 
prepared themselues to battell against the * Kythayans : 
Which their Emperour hearing, set forward against them with 
his armie, and they fought a cruell battell, wherein the Mongals 

15 were ouercome, and all their nobles in the armie, except seuen, 
were slaine. And for this cause, when they, purposing to inuade 
anie region, are threatned by the inhabitants thereof to be slaine, 
they doe, to this day, answere: in old time also our whole number 
besides being slaine, we remayned but seuen of vs aliue, and yet 

20 notwithstanding we are now growen vnto a great multitude, 
thinke not therefore to daunt vs with such brags. But Chingis 
and the residue that remained aliue, fled home into their countrey : 
And hauing breathed him a little, he prepared himselfe to warre. New 

, P^ , • 1 1 11 1 TT ■ <-ni victories. 

and went forth agamst the people called Huyn : 1 hese men were 
25 Christians of the sect of Nestorius. And these also the Mongals 

ouercame, and receiued letters or learning from them : for before Letters, 
that time they had not the arte of writing, and nowe they call it 
the hand or letters of the Mongals. Immediately after, hee marched 
against the countrey of Saruyur, and of the Karanites, and against 
30 the land of Hudirat ; all which he vanquished. Then returned he 
home into his owne countrey, and breathed himselfe. Afterward, 
assembling his warlike troupes, they marched with one accord 
against the Kythayans, and waging warre with them a long time, 
they conquered a great part of their land, and shut vp their Em- 
35 perour into his greatest citie : which citie they had so long time 
besieged, that they began to want necessary prouision for their 
armie. And when they had no victuals to feede vpon, Chingis 
Cham commaunded his souldiers, that they should eate euery 

* Haython & Paulus Venetus call them Cathayans. 


[p. 58] tenth man of the companie. | But they of the citie fought manfully 
against them, with engines, dartes, and arrowes, and when stones 
Siiuer cast wanted they threw siluer, and especially melted siluer : for the 
enemie in Same citie abounded with great riches. Also, when the Mongals 
st^^ had fought a long time and could not preuayle by warre, they s 
made a great trench vnderneath the ground from the armie vnto 
the middest of the citie, and there issuing foorth they fought 
against the citizens, and the remnant also without the walles 
fought in like manner. At last, breaking open the gates of the 
citie, they entred, and putting the Emperour, with many other 10 
to the sworde, they tooke possession thereof and conueighed 
away the golde, siluer, and all the riches therein. And hauing 
appointed certaine deputies ouer the countrey, they returned 
home into their owne lande. This is the first time, when the 
Chinfis Emperour of the Kythayans being vanquished, Chingis Cham 15 
proclaimed obtayned the Empire. But some parte of the countrey, because 
PartoT*' ** lyeth within the sea, they could by no meanes conquere vnto 
Githay in this day. The men of Kytay are Pagans, hauing a speciall kinde 
of writing by themselues, and (as it is reported) the Scriptures of 
The letters, the oldc and newe Testament. They haue also recorded in 20 
ligionofthe hystories the Hues of their forefathers: and they haue Eremites, 
'^*°*' and certaine houses made after the manner of our Churches, 
which in those dayes they greatly resorted vnto. They say that 
they haue diuers Saints also, and they worship one (iod. They 
adore and reuerence CHRIST lESVS our Lorde, and beleeue 25 
the article of eternall life, but are not baptized. They doe also 
honourably esteeme and reuerence our Scriptures. They loue 
Christians, and bestowe much almes, and are a very courteous and 
gentle people. They haue no beardes, and they agree partly 
with the Mongals in the disposition of their countenance. In 30 
Their excel- all occupations which men practise, there are not better artificers 
manship. in the whole worlde. Their countrey is exceeding rich, in corne, 
wine, golde, silke, and other commodities. 

Of their warre against India maior and 

'minor. Chap. 10. 35 

ANd when the Mongals with their emperour Chingis Cham 

JTX. had a while rested themselues after the foresayd victorie, 

they diuided their armies. For the Emperour sent one of his 

Thossut Can sonnes named Thossut (whom also they called Can, that is to 

Chingis. say, Emperour) with an armie against the people of Comania, 40 


whom he vanquished with much warre, and afterward returned 
into his owne country. But he sent his other sonne with an 
armie against the Indians, who also subdued India minor. These 'ndia minor 
Indians are the blacke Saracens, which are also called ^2thiopians. 
5 But here the armie marched forward to fight against Christians 
dwelling in India maior. Which the King of that countrey hearing 
(who is commonly called Presbiter lohn) gathered his souldiers 
together, and came foorth against them. And making mens 
images of copper, he set each of them vpon a saddle on horse- The 

10 backe, and put fire within them, and placed a man with a paire ofThtlcing 
of bellowes on the horse backe behinde euery image. And so °'^^"'^'*- 
with many horses and images in such sorte furnished, they 
marched on to fight against the Mongals or Tartars. And 
comming neare vnto the place of the battell, they first of all 

IS sent those horses in order one after another. But the men that 
sate behind laide I wote not what vpon the fire within the 
images, and blew strongly with their bellowes. Whereupon it 
came to passe, that the men and the horses were burnt with 
wilde fire, and the ayre was darkened with smoake. Then the 

20 Indians cast dartes vpon the Tartars, of whom many were 
wounded and slain. And so they expelled them out of their 
dominions with great confusion, neither did we heare, that euer 
they returned thither againe. 

How being repelled by monstrous men shapen 
25 like dogs, they ouercame the people of 

Burithabeth. Chap. 11. 

But returning through the deserts, they came into a certaine 
countrey, wherin (as it was reported vnto vs in the Em- 
perours court, by certaine clergie men of Russia, and others, who 

30 were long time among them, and that by strong and stedfast 

affirmation) they found certaine monsters resembling women : a strange 
who being asked by many interpreters, where the men of that certain 
land were, they answered, that whatsoeuer women were borne women'^d 
there, were indued with the shape of mankinde, but the males ^°^^- 

35 were like vnto dogges. And delaying the time, in that countrey 
they met with the said dogges on the other side of the riuer. 
And in the midst of sharpe winter, they cast themselues into the 
water : Afterward they wallowed in the dust vpon the maine land, 
and so the dust being mingled with water, was frozen to their 

40 backes, and hauing often times so done, the ice being strongly 


frozen vpon them, with great fury they came to fight against the 
Tartars. And when the Tartars threwe their dartes, or shot their 

[p- 59] arrowes among them, they rebounded backe againe, | as if they had 
lighted vpon stones. And the rest of their weapons coulde by no 
meanes hurt them. Howbeit, the Dogges made an assault vpon 5 
the Tartars, and wounding some of them with their teeth, and 
slaying others, at length they draue them out of their countries. 
And thereupon they haue a Prouerbe of the same matter, as yet 
rife among them, which they sf)eake in iesting sorte one to another; 
My father or my brother was slaine of Dogges. The women which 10 
they tooke, they brought into their owne countrey, who remayned 
there till their dying day. And in traueiling homewardes, the sayd 

Theregionof armie of the Mongals came vnto the lande of Burithabeth (the 
"" * inhabitants whereof are Pagans) and conquered the people in 

battell. These people haue a strange or rather a miserable kinde 15 

Themanners of custome. For when anie mans father deceaseth, he assembleth 
" all his kindred, and they eate him. These men haue no beards 
at all, for we saw them carie a certaine iron instrument in their 
hands, wherewith, if any haires growe vpon their chinne, they 
presently plucke them out. They are also very deformed. From 20 
thence the Tartars armie returned to their owne home. 

How they had the repulse at the Caspian 

mountaynes, and were driuen backe by men 

dwelling in caues. Chap. 12. 

Another TV If Oreoucr Chingis Cham, at the same time when he sent 25 
cSngii ° i.VX other armies against the East, hee himselfe marched 
with a power into the lande of Kergis, which notwithstanding, 
he conquered not in that expedition, and as it was reported vnto 
vs, he went on forward euen to the Caspian mountaines. But 
the mountaines on that part where they encamped themselues, 30 
were of adamant, and therefore they drew vnto them their 
arrowes, and weapons of iron. And certaine men contained 
within those Caspian mountaynes, hearing, as it was thought, the 
noyse of the armie, made a breach through, so that when the 
Tartars returned vnto the same place tenne yeeres after, they 35 
found the mountaine broken. And attempting to goe vnto them, 
they could not : for there stood a cloud before them, beyond 
which they were not able to passe, being depriued of their sight 
so soone as they approched thereunto. But they on the contrary 
side thinking that the Tartars durst not come nigh them, gaue the 40 

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 119 

assault, & when they came at the cloud, they could not proceed 
for the cause aforesaid. Also the Tartars, before they came vnto 
the said mountaines, passed for the space of a moneth and more, 
through a vast wildernes, & departing thence towards the East, 
5 they were aboue a moneth traueiling through another huge desert. 
At length, they came vnto a land wherin they saw beaten waies, 
but could not find any people. Howbeit, at the last, diligently 
seeking, they found a man & his wife, whom they presented before 
Chingis Cham : and demanding of them where the people of that 

10 countrey were, they answered, that the people inhabited vnder 
the ground in mountains. Then Chingis Cham keeping still the 
w^oman, sent her husband vnto the, giuing the charge to come at 
his command. And going vnto them, he declared all things that 
Chingis Cham had commanded them. But they answered, that 

15 they would vpon such a day visite him, to satisfie his desire. And 
in the meane season, by blinde & hidden passages vnder the earth, 
assembling themselues, they came against the Tartars in warlike 
manner, and suddenly issuing forth, they slewe a great number of 
them. This people were not able to endure the terrible noise, 

20 which in that place the Sunne made at his vprising : for at the 

time of the Sunne rising, they were in forced to lay one eare vpon a fabulous 
the ground, and to stoppe the other close; least they should heare "f the"°un 
that dreadfull sound. Neither could they so escape, for by this "*'"^' 
meanes many of them were destroyed. Chingis Cham therefore 

25 and his company, seeing that they preuailed not, but continually 
lost some of their number, fled and departed out of that land. 
But the man and his wife aforesaid they caried along with them, 
who all their life time continued in the Tartars countrey. Being 
demaunded why the men of their countrey doe inhabite vnder the 

30 ground, they sayd, that at a certeine time of the yeare, when the 
sunne riseth, there is such an huge noyse, that the people cannot 
endure it. Moreouer, they vse to play vpon cymbals, drums, and 
other musicall instruments, to the ende they may not heare that 

35 Of the Statutes of Chingis Cham, of his death, 
of his sonnes, and of his dukes. Chap. 13. 

But as Chingis Cham returned out of that countrey, his people 
wanted victuals, & suffered extreme famin. Then by chance 
they found y' fresh intrails of a beast : which they tooke, & casting 
40 away the dung therof, caused it to be sodden, brought it before 


The^'«^«=of Chingis Cham, & did eat therof. And hereupon Chingis Cham 
enacted; that neither the blood, nor the intrails, nor any other 

[p. 60] part of a j beast which might be eaten, should be cast away, saue 
onely the dunge. Wherefore he returned thence into his owne 
land, and there he ordayned lawes and statutes, which the Tartars 5 
doe most strictly and inuiolably obserue, of the which we haue 

The death before spoken. He was afterward slaine by a thunderclap. He 

Hiss3^^ had foure sonnes: the first was called Occoday, the second 
Thossut Can, the third Thiaday: the name of the fourth is 

Hisgraund- vnlcnowen. From these foure descended all the dukes of the 10 
Mongals. The first sonne of Occoday is Cuyne, who is now 
Emperour: his brothers be Cocten and Chyrinen. The sonnes 
of Thossut Can are Bathy, Ordu, Siba, and Bora. Bathy, next 
vnto the Emperour, is richer and mightier then all the rest. But 
Ordu is the seignior of all the dukes. The sonnes of Thiaday be 15 
Hurin and Cadan. The sonnes of Chingis Cham his other sonne, 

The Tartar- whose name is vnknowen, are Mengu, Bithat, and certaine others. 
" "^ The mother of Mengu was named Seroctan, and of all others most 
honoured among the Tartars, except the Emperors mother, and 
mightier then any subiect except Bathy. These be the names of 20 
the dukes : Ordu, who was in Poland and in Hungarie : Bathy 
also & Hurin & Cadan, and Siban, and Ouygat, all which were in 
Hungarie. In like maner Cyrpodan, who is as yet beyond the 
sea, making war against certaine Soldans of the Saracens, and 
other inhabitants of farre countries. Others remained in the land, 25 
as namely Mengu, Chyrinen, Hubilai, Sinocur, Cara, Gay, Sybedey, 
Bora, Berca, Corrensa. There be many other of their dukes, whose 
names are vnknowen vnto vs. 

Of the authoritie of the Emperour, and of 

his dukes. Chap. 14. 30 

The absolute TV /T Oreoucr, the Emperour of the Tartars hath a wonderfuU 

dominion IVX dominion ouer all his subiects. For no man dare abide 

Tartarian in any place, vnles he hath assigned him to be there. Also he 

oi^r'hb"'^ himselfe appointeth to his dukes where they should inhabite. 

tubiect*. Likewise the dukes assigne places vnto euery Millenarie, or con- 35 

ducter of a thousand souldiers, the Millenaries vnto each captaine 

of an 100. the captaines vnto euery corporall of ten. VVhatsoeuer 

is giuen them in charge, whensoeuer, or wheresoeuer, be it to fight 

or to lose their Hues, or howsoeuer it be, they obey without any 

gainsaying. For if he demandeth any mans daughter, or sister 40 



being a virgine, they presently deliuer her vnto him without all 
contradiction : yea, often times he makes a collection of virgines 
throughout all the Tartars dominions, and those whom he meanes 
to keepe, he retaineth vnto himselfe, others he bestoweth vpon his 

5 men. Also, whatsoeuer messenger he sendeth, or whithersoeuer, 
his subiects must without delay finde them horses and other 
necessaries. In like sorte, from what countrey soeuer tribute 
payers, or ambassadours come vnto him, they must haue horses, 
carriages, and expenses allowed them. Notwithstanding ambassa- 

lo dours comming from other places do suffer great misery, and are 
in much wante both of victuals, and of apparel : especially when 
they come to any of the dukes, and there they are constrayned to 
make some lingering abode. Then ten men are allowed so little Their 
sustenance, that scarcely two could Hue thereof. Likewise, if any inhumamtie 

IS iniuries be offered them, they cannot without danger make com- bas»dours! 
plaint. Many gifts also are demaunded of them, both by dukes 
and others, which if they doe not bestow, they are basely esteemed, 
and set at nought. And hereupon, wee were of necessitie enforced 
to bestowe in giftes a great part of those things which were giuen 

20 vs by well disposed people, to defray our charges. To be short, 
all things are so in the power and possession of the Emperour, 
that no man dare say. This is mine, or, this is my neighbours ; but 
all, both goods, cattell and men are his owne. Concerning this 
matter also he published a statute of late. The very same authority 

25 and iurisdiction, doe the dukes in like sorte exercise vpon their 

Of the election of Emperour Occoday, and 
of the expedition of duke Bathy. Chap. 15. 


Fter the death of Chingis Cham aforesayd, the dukes assembled Occoday 

< siicccctictH 

30 X i. themselues and chose Occoday his sonne to be their Empe- his father. 
rour. And he, entering into consultation with his nobles, diuided 
his armies, and sent duke Bathy his nephew against the countrie '^^'jj*. ?*• 
of Altisoldan, and against the people called Bisermini, who were of Bathy. 
Saracens, but spake the language of Comania. The Tartars 

35 inuading their countrey, fought with them and subdued them 
in battel. But a certeine citie called Barchin resisted them a 
long time. For the citizens had cast vp many ditches and trenches 
about their citie, in regard whereof the Tartars could not take it, 
till they had filled the said ditches. But the citizens of Sarguit 

40 hearing this, came foorth to meete them, yeelding themselues vnto 

The citie 
of Barchin. 



[p. 6i] 








The North 


them of their owne accord. Whereupon their citie was not de- 
stroyed, but they slue manie of them and others they carried 
away captiue, and taking spoyles, they filled | the citie with other 
inhabitants, and so marched foorth against the citie of Orna. This 
towne was very populous and exceeding rich. For there were 5 
many Christians therein, as namely Gasarians, Russians, and 
Alanians, with others, and Saracens also. The gouernment of 
the citie was in the Saracens hande. It standeth vpon a mighty 
riuer, and is a kinde of porte towne, hauing a great marte exercised 
therein. And when the Tartars could not otherwise ouercome it, lo 
they turned the sayd riuer, running through the citie, out of his 
chanell, and so drowned the citie with the inhabitantes and their 
goods. Which being done, they set forward against Russia, and 
made foule hauocke there, destroying cities and castles and 
murthering the people. They layd siege a long while vnto Kiow 15 
the chiefe citie of Russia, and at length they tooke it and slue 
the citizens. Whereupon, traueiling through that countrey, wee 
found an innumerable multitude of dead mens skulles and bones 
lying vpon the earth. For it was a very large and a populous citie, 
but it is nowe in a maner brought to nothing: for there doe scarce 20 
remaine 200. houses, the inhabitants whereof are kept in extreame 
bondage. Moreouer, out of Russia and Comania, they proceeded 
forward against the Hungarians, and the Polonians, and there 
manie of them were slaine, as is aforesaid : and had the Hun- 
garians manfully withstood them, the Tartars had beene con- 25 
founded and driuen backe. Returning from thence, they inuaded 
the countrey of the Morduans being pagans, and conquered them 
in battell. Then they marched against the people called Byleri, 
or Bulgaria magna, & vtterly wasted the countrey. From hence 
they proceeded towards the North against the people called 3° 
Bastarci or Hungaria magna, and conquered them also. And 
so going on further North, they came vnto the Parossitae, who 
hauing little stomacks and small mouthes, eate not any thing at 
all, but seething flesh they stand or sitte ouer the potte, and 
receiuing the steame or smoke thereof, are therewith onely 35 
nourished, and if they eate anie thing it is very little. From 
hence they came to the Samoget?, who Hue onely vpon hunting, 
and vse to dwell in tabernacles onely, and to weare garments 
made of beastes skinnes. From thence they proceeded vnto a 
countrey lying vpon the Ocean sea, where they found certaine 40 
monsters, who in all things resembled the shape of men, sauing 
that their feete were like the feete of an oxe, and they had in 
deede mens heads but dogges faces. They spake, as it were, 



two words like men, but at the third they barked like dogges. 
From hence they retired into Comania, and theie some of them 
remaine vnto this day. 

Of the expedition of duke Cyrpodan. Chap. 16. 


\V the same time Occoday Can sent duke Cyrpodan with an 

armie against Kergis, who also subdued them in battell. Kergis. 
These men are Pagans, hauing no beardes at all. They haue a 
custome when any of their fathers die, for griefe and in token of 
lamentation to drawe as it were, a leather thong ouerthwart their 

10 faces, from one eare to the other. This nation being conquered, 
duke Cyrpodan marched with his forces Southward against the 
Armenians. And trauailing through certain desert places, they 
found monsters in the shape of men, which had each of them but 
one arme & one hand growing out of the midst of their breast, 

15 and but one foote. Two of them vsed to shoote in one bo we, and 
they ran so swiftly, that horses could not ouertake them. They 
ran also vpon that one foote by hopping and leaping, and being 
weary of such walking, they went vpon their hand and their foote, 
turning themselues round, as it were in a circle. And being wearie 

20 of so doing, they ran againe according to their wonted manner. 

Isidore calleth them Cyclopedes. And as it was told vs in court, Cyciopedes. 
by the clergie men of Russia, who remaine with the foresayd 
Emperour, many ambassadours were sent from them vnto the 
Emperours court, to obtaine peace. From thence they proceeded 

25 forth into Armenia, which they conquered in battell, and part also 
of Georgia. And the other part is vnder their iurisdiction, paying 
as yet euery yeare vnto them for tribute, 20000. pieces of coyne 
called Yperpera. From thence they marched into the dominions 
of the puissant and mighty Soldan called Deurum, whom also they 

30 vanquished in fight. And to be short, they went on farther sacking 
and conquering, euen vnto the Soldan of Aleppo his dominions, 
and now they haue subdued that land also, determining to inuade 
other countries beyond it : neither returned they afterward into 
their owne land vnto this day. Likewise the same armie marched 

35 forward against the Caliph of Baldach his countrey, which they 
subdued also, & exacted at his handes the daylie tribute of 400. 
Byzantines, besides Baldakines and other giftes. Also euery 
yeare they send messengers vnto the Caliph mouing him to 
come vnto them. Who sending back great gifts together with 

40 his tribute beseecheth the to be fauourable vnto him. Howbeit 

& Georgia 

The Soldan 
of Aleppo 
his land. 

The Caliph 
of Baldach. 


the Tartarian Emperour receiueth al his gifts, & yet still neuer- 
theles sends for him, to haue him come. 

[p. 62] I How the Tartars behaue themselues in 

vvarre. Chap. 17. 

The military f~^ Hingis Cham diuidcd his Tartars by captaines of ten, 5 

discipline of I . , . . .1 

the Tartars. V.^ captamcs of an 100. and captaines of a looo. And 
ouer ten Millenaries or captains of a looo, he placed, as it 
were, one Colonel, and yet notwithstanding ouer one whole 
armie he authorised two or three dukes, but yet so that all 
should haue especiall regard vnto one of the said dukes. And lo 
when they ioine battel against any other nation, vnles they do 
all with one consent giue backe, euery man that flies is put to 
death. And if one or two, or more of ten proceed manfully 
to the battel, but the residue of those ten draw backe & follow 
not the company, they are in like maner slaine. Also, if one 15 
among ten or more bee taken, their fellowes, if they rescue the 
not, are punished with death. Moreouer they are enioined to 
Their haue these weapons following. Two long bowes or one good 

weapos. ^^^ ^^ ^^ least, three quiuers full of arrowes, & one axe, and 

ropes to draw engines withal. But the richer sort haue single 20 
edged swords, with sharpe points, and somewhat crooked. They 
haue also armed horses with their shoulders and breasts defenced, 
they haue helmets and brigandines. Some of them haue iackes, 
and caparisons for their horses made of leather artificially doubled 
or trebled vpon their bodies. The vpper part of their helmet is of 25 
iron or Steele, but that part which compasseth about the necke 
and the throate is of leather. Howbeit some of them haue all 
their foresaide furniture of iron framed in maner following. They 
beate out many thinne plates a finger broad, and a handful long, 
and making in euery one of them eight little holes, they put there- 30 
unto three strong and streight leather thongs. So they ioine the 
plates one to another, as it were, ascending by degrees. Then 
they tie the plates vnto the said thongs, with other small and 
slender thongs, drawen through the holes aforesayd, and in the 
vpper part, on each side therof, they fasten one small doubled 35 
thong vnto another, that the plates may firmely be knit together. 
These they make, as well for their horses caparisons, as for the 
armour of their men : And they skowre them so bright that a man 
may behold his face in them. Some of them vpon the necke of 
their launce haue an hooke, wherewithall they attempt to pull 40 



men out of their saddles. The heads of their arrowes are ex- 
ceedingly sharpe cutting both wayes like a two edged sworde, 
and they alwaies carie a file in their quiuers to whet their arrow- 
heads. They haue targets made of wickers, or of small roddes, 

5 Howbeit they doe not (as we suppose) accustome to carrie them, 
but onely about the tents, or in the Emperours or dukes guardes, Their ex- 
& that only in the night season. They are most politique in cunni"n*gin 
warres, hauing bene exercised therein with other nations for the ^^'■'■^^• 
space of these 42. yeres. When they come at any riuers, the chiefe Their maner 

10 men of the company haue a round and light piece of leather, about ouer riuers. 
the borders whereof making many loopes, they put a rope into 
them to drawe it together like a purse, and so bring it into the 
rounde forme of a ball, which leather they fill with their garments 
and other necessaries, trussing it vp most strongly. But vpon the 

15 midst of the vpper parte thereof, they lay their saddles and other 
hard things, there also doe the men themselues sit. This their 
boate they tye vnto an horse tayle, causing a man to swimme 
before, & to guide ouer the horse, or sometime they haue two 
oares to row themselues ouer. The first horse therefore being 

20 driuen into the water, all the other horses of the company followe 
him, and so they passe through the riuer. But the poorer sort of 
common souldiers haue euery man his leather bag or sachell well 
sowen together, wherin he packs vp all his trinkets, and strongly 
trussing it vp hangs it at his horses tayle, and so passeth ouer, in 

25 maner aforesaid. 

Howe they may be resisted. Chap. 18. 

IDeeme not any one kingdome or prouince able to resist them : 
because they vse to take vp souldiers out of euery countrey 
of their dominions. And if so be the neighbour prouince which 

30 they inuade, wil not aide them, vtterly wasting it, with the inhabit- 
ants therof, whom they take from thence with them, they proceed 
on to fight against another countrey. And placing their captiues 
in the forefront of the battell, if they fight not couragiously, they 
put them to the sworde. Wherefore, if Christians would with- 

35 stande them, it is expedient, that the prouinces and gouernours 
of countreies should agree in one, and so by common counsell, 
should giue them resistance. Their souldiers also must be 
furnished with strong hand-bowes & cros-bowes, which they 
greatly dread, & with sufficiet arrowes, with maces also of good 

40 iron, or an axe with a long handle or staffe. When they make 
their arrow heads, they must (according to y* Tartars custome) 

Counsel how 
to wage .^_„ 
warre a- 
gainst the 


Anoubie dip the red-hot into water mingled with salte, that they may be 
iro^*or° strong to piercc the enemies armour. They that wil may haue 
*'"''• swords also & lances with hooks at the ends, to pull the from 

their saddles, out of which they are easilie remoued. They must 
haue helmets likewise & other armour to defend theselues & their 5 
horses fro the Tartars weapons «S: arrowes, &: they that are vn- 
[p. 63] armed, must (according to y" Tartars custome) | march behinde 
their fellowes, and discharge at the enemie with long bowes and 
cros-bowes. And (as it is aboue said of the Tartars) they must 
orderly dispose their bandes and troupes, and ordeine lawes for 10 
their souldiers. Whosoeuer runneth to the pray or spoyle, before 
the victorie be atchieued, must vndergoe a most seuere punish- 
ment. For such a fellow is put to death among the Tartars 
without all pitie or mercie. The place of battel must be chosen, 
if it be possible, in a plaine fielde, where they may see round 15 
about, neither must all be in one company, but in manie and 
seuerall bandes, not very farre distant one from another. They 
which giue the first encounter must sende one band before, and 
must haue another in a readynesse to relieue and second the 
former in time conuenient. They must haue spies also on euery 20 
side to giue them notice when the rest of the enemies bandes 
approch. For therefore ought they alwayes to send forth band 
against band & troupe against troupe, because the Tartar euer 
practiseth to gette his enemie in the midst and so to enuiron him. 
Let our bands take this caueat also, if the enemie retire, not to 25 
make any long pursuit after him, lest peraduenture (according 
to his custome) he might draw them into some secret ambush : 
for the Tartar fights more by policie then by maine force. And 
againe, lest our horses bee tired : for we are not so well stored 
with horses as they. Those horses which the Tartars vse one day, 30 
they ride not vpon three or foure dayes after. Moreouer, if the 
Tartars draw homeward, our men must not therefore depart and 
casseir their bandes, or separate themselues asunder : because they 
doe this vpon policie, namely to haue our armie diuided, that they 
may more securely inuade and waste the countrey. And in very 35 
deede, our captaines ought both day and night to keepe their 
armie in a readines : and not to lie out of their armour, but at all 
assayes, to bee prouided for battell. For the Tartars like diuels 
are alwaies watching and deuising howe to practise mischiefe. 
Furthermore, if in battell any of the Tartars be cast off their horse 40 
backes, they must presently bee layd holde on and taken, for being 
on foote they shoote strongly, wounding and killing both horses 
and men. 



Of the ioiirney of frier ^ lohn vnto the first 
guard of the Tartars. Chap, 19. 

WE therefore by the commaundement of the sea apostolique 
setting foorth towards the nations of the East, chose first 

5 to trauel vnto the Tartars, because we feared that there might be 
great danger imminent vpon the Church of God next vnto them, 
by their inuasions. Proceeding on therefore, we came to the king 
of Bohemia, who being of our familiar acquaintance, aduised vs to 
take our iourney through Polonia and Russia. For we had kins- 

10 folkes in Polonia, by whose assistance, we might enter into Russia. 
Hauing giuen vs his letters, hee caused our charges also to be de- 
frayed, in all his chiefe houses and cities, till we came vnto his nephew 
Boleslaus duke of Slesia, w^ho also was familiar and well knowen 
vnto vs. The like fauour he shewed vs also, till wee came vnto 

15 Conradus duke of fLautiscia, vnto whome then (by Gods especiall 
fauour towards vs) lord Wasilico duke of Russia was come, from 
whose mouth we heard more at large cocerning the deedes of the 
Tartars : for he had sent ambassadours thither, who were returned 
backe vnto him. Wherefore, it being giuen vs to vnderstand, that 

20 we must bestow giftes vpon them, we caused certaine skinnes of 
beuers and other beastes to be bought with part of that money, 
which was giuen vpon almes to succour vs by the way. Which 
thing duke Conradus and the \ duches of Cracow, and a bishop, 
and certaine souldiers being aduertised of, gaue vs likewise more 

25 of the same skins. And to be short, duke Wasilico being earnestly 
requested by the duke of Cracow, and by the bishop and barons, 
on our behalfe, conducted vs with him, vnto his owne land, and 
there for certaine daies, enterteined vs at his owne charges, to the 
ende that we might refresh our selues a while. And when, being 

30 requested by vs, he had caused his bishops to resort vnto him, we 
reade before them the Popes letters, admonishing them to retume 
vnto the vnitie of the Church. To the same purpose also, we our 
selues admonished them, and to our abilitie, induced as well the 
duke as the bishops and others thereunto. Howbeit because duke 

35 Daniel the brother of Wasilico aforesaid (hauing as then taken his 
iourney vnto Baty) was absent, they could not at that time, make 
a finall answere. After these things duke Wasilico sent vs forward 
with one of his seruants as farre as Kiow the chiefe citie of Russia. 

The iourney 
of frier lohn 

duke of 

Daniel bro- 
ther unto 

t Mazouia. 

lohannes de piano Carpini. 

X Grimslaua. 


The Howbeit we went alwayes in danger of our Hues by reason of the 

Lituanians, who did often inuade y' borders of Russia, euen in 
those verie places by which we were to passe. But in regard of 
the foresayd seruant, wee were out of the Russians daunger, the 
greatest part of whome were either slaine, or caried into captiuitie 5 
by the Tartars. Moreouer, at Danilon wee were feeble euen vnto 
the death. (Notwithstanding wee caused our selues to bee carried 
in a waggon through the snowe and extreme colde) And being 
come vnto Kiow, wee consulted with the Millenary, & other noble 
men there concerning our ioumey. They told vs, that if wee lo 

[p. 64] I carried those horses, which wee then had, vnto the Tartars, great 
store of snowe lying vpon the ground, they would all dye : be cause 
they knew not howe to digge vp the grasse vnder the snow, as the 

The fodder Tartarian horses doe, neither could there bee ought found for them 

Tartarian to cate, the Tartars hauing neither hay nor strawe, nor any other 15 
**"^ fodder. We determined therefore to leaue them behind at Kiow 
with t\vo seruants appointed to keepe them. And wee were con- 
strayned to bestow gifts vpon the Millenary, that we might obtaine 
his fauour to allowe vs poste horses and a guide. Wherefore 
beginning our ioumey the second daye after the feast of the 20 
Purification, wee arriued at the towne of Canow, which was 
immediatly vnder the dominion of the Tartars. The gouernour 
whereof allowed vs horses and a guide vnto another towne, where- 

Michaeas the in wee found one Michaeas to be gouernour, a man full of all 

malice and despight. Who notwithstanding, hauing receiued giftes 25 
at our handes, according to his maner conducted vs to the first 
guarde of the Tartars. 

How he and his company were at the first 
receiued of the Tartars. Chap. 20. 


Herefore, the first Saturday next after Ashwednesday, 30 
hauing about the Sunnes going downe, taken vp our 
place of rest, the armed Tartars came rushing vpon vs in vnciuil 
and horrible maner, being very inquisitiue of vs what maner of 
persons, or of what condition we were : & when we had answered 
them that we were the Popes Legates, receiuing some victuals at 35 
our handes, they immediatly departed. Moreouer in the morning 
rising and proceeding on our ioumey, the chiefe of them which 
were in the guard met with vs, demaunding why, or for what 
The contents intent and purpose we came thither: and what busines we had 
^1^^ with them : Unto whom we answered. We are the legates of our 40 



lord the Pope, who is the father & lord of the Christians. He 
hath sent vs as well vnto your Emperour, as to your princes, and 
all other Tartars for this purpose, because it is his pleasure, that 
all Christians should be in league with the Tartars, and should 

5 haue peace with them. It is his desire also that they should 
become great or in fauour with God in heauen, therfore he ad- 
monisheth them aswel by vs, as by his own letters, to become 
Christians, and to embrace the faith of our Lord lesu Christ, 
because they could not otherwise be saued. Moreouer, he giues 

10 the to vnderstand, that he much marueileth at their mostrous 
slaughters «Sc massacres of mankind, & especially of Christians, 
but most of al of Hungarias, Mountaineirs, & Polonians, being 
al his subiects, hauing not iniuried them in ought, nor attempted 
to doe them iniurie. And because the Lord God is grieuously 

15 offended thereat, he aduiseth them from henceforth to beware of 
such dealing, & to repent them of that which they had done. He 
requesteth also, that they would write an answere vnto him, what 
they purpose to doe hereafter, and what their intention is. All 
which things being heard and vnderstood, the Tartars sayd that 

20 they would appoint vs poste horses and a guide vnto Corrensa. 
And immediately demanding gifts at our hands, they obtained 
them. Then receiuing the same horses, from which they dis- 
mounted, together with a guide wee tooke our iourney vnto 
Corrensa. But they riding a swift pace, sent a messenger before 

25 vnto the sayd duke Corrensa, to signifie the message, which we 
had deliuered vnto them. This duke is gouernour of all them, 
which lie in guard against the natios of the West, least some 
enemy might on the sudden and at vnawares breake in vpon 
them. And hee is said to haue 60000. men vnder him. 


The duke 
of the 

30 How they were recelued at the court of 

Corrensa. Chap. 21. 

BEing come therefore vnto his court, hee caused our tent to xhemanerof 
bee placed farre from him, and sent his agents to demaund of Tartarian 
vs with what we would incline vnto him, that is to say, what giftes p'''"'^'^^- 
35 we would offer, in doing our obeisance vnto him. Unto whome 
wee answered, that our lord the Pope had not sent any giftes at 
all, because he was not certaine that wee should euer bee able to 
come at them : for we passed through most dangerous places. 
Notwithstanding, to our abilitie, we will honour him with some 
40 part of those things, which haue bene, by the goodnes of God, 


& the fauour of the Pope, bestowed vpo vs for our sustenance. 
Hauing receiued our gifts, they conducted vs vnto the Orda or 
tent of the duke, & we were instructed to bow thrise with our left 
knee before the doore of the tente, and in any case to beware, lest 
wee set our foote vpon the threshold of the sayd doore. And that 5 
after we were entred, wee should rehearse before the duke and all 
his nobles, the same wordes, which wee had before sayde, kneeling 
vpon our knees. Then presented wee the letters of our lord the 
Pope : but our interpreter whome we had hired and brought with 
vs from Kiow was not sufficiently able to interpret them, neither lo 
was there any other esteemed to bee meete for the same purpose. 
Here certaine poste horses and three Tartars were appoynted for 

[p. 65] I vs to conduct vs from hence with al speede vnto duke Bathy. 

Duke Bathy This Bathy is the mightiest prince among them except the Em- 
*^*''' perour, & they are bound to obey him before all other princes. 15 
We began our ioumey towards his court the first tuesday in Lent, 
and riding as fast as our horses could trot (for we had fresh horses 
almost thrise or foure times a day) we posted from morning till 
night, yea very often in the night season also, and yet could we 
not come at him before Maundie thursday. All this ioumey we 20 
went through the land of Comania, which is al plaine ground, and 
hath foure mighty riuers running through it : The first is called 
•Neper, on the side whereof towards Russia, duke Corrensa & 
Montij marched vp and downe, which Montij on the other side 
vpon the plaines is greater then he. The second is called t Don, 25 
vpon the banke whereof marcheth a certain prince hauing in 
mariage the sister of Baty, his name is Tirbon. The third is 
called I Volga, which is an exceeding great riuer, vpon the bankes 
whereof duke Bathy marcheth. The fourth is called ||Iaec, vpon 
which two Millenaries doe march, on each side of the riuer one. 30 
All these, in the winter time, descend down to the sea, & in 
summer ascend backe by the bankes of the said riuers vp to 
the mountains. The sea last named is the § Great sea, out of 
which the arme of S. George proceedeth, which runneth by Con- 
stantinople. These riuers do abound with plenty of fishes, but 35 
especially Volga, & they exonerate theselues into the Grecian sea, 
which is called Mare maior. Ouer Neper we went many daies 
vpon the ice. Along the shore also of the Grecian sea we went 
very dangerously vpon the ice in sundry places, & that for many 

* Boristhenes. + Tanais. t Rha. || Rhymnus. 

§ Pontus Euxinus. He is deceiued, for albeit Neper & Don run into Mare 
maior: yet Volga & laec flowe into the Caspian sea. 



daies together. For about the shore the waters are frozen three 
leagues into the sea. But before we came vnto Bathy, two of our 
Tartars rode afore, to giue him intelligence of all the sayings which 
we had vttered in the presence of Corrensa. 

5 How we were receiued at the court of the 

great prince Bathy. Chap. 22, 

MOreouer, when we came vnto Bathy in the land of Comania, 
we were seated a good league distant from his tabernacles. 
And when we should be conducted vnto his court, it was tolde vs 

10 that we must passe between two fires. But we would by no means 
be induced thereunto. Howbeit, they said vnto vs : you may passe 
through without al danger : for we would haue you to doe it for 
none other cause, but only that if you intend any mischiefe against 
our lord, or bring any poyson with you, fire may take away all 

15 euill. Unto whom we answered, that to the end we might cleare 
ourselues from all suspition of any such matter, we were contented 
to passe through. When therefore we were come vnto the Orda, 
being demanded by his agent Eldegay with what present or gift we 
would do our obeisance : Wee gaue the same answere which we 

20 did at the court of Corrensa. The gifts being giuen and receiued, 
the causes of our iourney also being heard, they brought vs into 
the tabernacle of the prince, first bowing our selues at the doore, 
& being admonished, as before, not to tread vpon the threshold. 
And being entred, we spake vnto him kneeling vpon our knees, & 

25 deliuered him our letters, and requested him to haue interpreters 
to translate them. Who accordingly on good friday were sent vnto 
vs, and we together with them, diligently translated our sayd letters 
into the Russian, Tartarian, and Saracen languages. This inter- 
pretation was presented vnto Bathy, which he read, & attentiuely 

30 noted. At length wee were conducted home againe vnto our owne 
lodging, howbeit no victuals were giuen vnto vs, except it were 
once a litle Millet in a dich, the first night of our comming. This 
Bathy caries himselfe very stately & magnificently, hauing porters 
and all officers after the maner of the Emperour, and sittes in a 

35 lofty seate or throne together with one of his wiues. The rest, 
namely, as well his brethren and sonnes, as other great personages 
sit vnderneath him in the midst vpon a bench, and others sit 
downe vpon the ground, behinde him, but the men on the right 
hand and the women on the left. He hath very faire and large 

40 tentes of linnen cloth also, which were once the kings of Hungaria. 


A ceremony 
of passing 
two fiers. 


Bathy hear- 
eth the 

He behaues 
himselfe Hke 
a king. 


Neither dare any man come into his tent (besides them of his 
owne family) vnles he be called, be he neuer so mighty and great, 
except perhaps it be knowen that it is his pleasure. Wee also, for 
the same cause, sate on the left hand ; for so doe all ambassadors 
in going : but in returning from the Emperour, we were alwaies 5 
placed on the right hand. In the middest stands his table, neare 
vnto the doore of the tent, vpon the which there is drinke filled in 
golden and siluer vessels. Neither doth Bathy at any time drinke, 
nor any other of the Tartarian princes, especially being in a 
Their publique place, but they haue singing and minstrilsie before them. 10 

drinking ai And alwaies, when hee rides, there is a canopie or small tent 
mu^c!^ ' '^ caried ouer his head vpon the point of a iaueline. And so doe 
all the great princes of the Tartars, & their wiues also. The sayd 
Bathy is courteous enough vnto his owne men, and yet is hee had 
in great awe by them : he is most cruel in fight : he is exceedingly 15 
prudent and politique in warre, because he hath now continued a 
long time in martiall affaires. 

[p. 66] I How departing from Bathy, they passed through 
the land of Comania, and of the KangittcB. Chap. 23. 


Oreouer, vpon Easter euen we were called vnto the tent, 20 
and there came forth to meete vs the foresaid agent of 
Bathy, saying on his masters behalfe, that we should go into their 
land, vnto the Emperor Cuyne, deteining certaine of our company 
with this pretence, that they would send them backe vnto the 
Pope, to whom we gaue letters of al our affaires to deliuer vnto 25 
him. But being come as farre as duke Montij aforesaid, there 
They ira- they Were kept vntill our returne. Upon Easter day, hauing said 
from Ej^er our praicrs, and taken a slender breakfast, in the company of two 
aa-VrVuiy Tartars, which were assigned vnto vs by Corensa we departed with 
v^^I'^ ""^ many teares, not knowing whether we went to death or to life. 30 
And we were so feeble in bodie, that we were scarce able to ride. 
For all that Lent through, our meat was Millet onely with a little 
water and salte. And so likewise vpon other fasting dayes. Neither 
had we ought to drinke, but snowe melted in a skillet. And 
passing through Comania we rode most earnestly, hauing change 35 
of horses fiue times or oftener in a day, except when we went 
through deserts, for then we were allowed better and stronger 
horses, which could vndergoe the whole labour. And thus farre 
Adescrip- had we trauailcd from the beginning of Lent vntill eight dayes 
Comania, after Easter. The land of Comania on the North side immediately 40 



The North 

after Russia, hath the people called Morduyni Byleri, that is, 
Bulgaria magna, the Bastarci, that is, Hungaria magna, next vnto 
the Bastarci, the Parositae and the Samogetae. Next vnto the 
Samogetae are those people which are sayd to haue dogges faces, 
5 inhabiting vpon the desert shores of the Ocean. On the South 
side it hath the Alani, the Circassi, the Gazari, Greece and Con- 
stantinople ; also the land of Iberia, the Cathes, the Brutaches 
who are said to be lewes shauing their heads all ouer, the landes 
also of Scythia, of Georgia, of Armenia, of Turkie. On the West 

10 side it hath Hungaria, and Russia. Also Comania is a most large 
and long countrey. The inhabitantes whereof called Comani the 
Tartars slewe, some notwithstanding fled from them, and the rest 
were subdued vnder their bondage. But most of them that fled 
are returned againe. Afterward wee entred the lande of the 

15 Kangitt?e, which in many places hath great scarcetie of waters, Kangittae. 
wherin there are but fewe inhabitants by reason of the foresayd 
defect of water. For this cause diuers of the seruants of leroslaus lerosiaus 
duke of Russia, as they were traueiling towards him into the land Russia, 
of Tartaria, died for thirst, in that desert. As before in Comania, 

20 so likewise in this countrey, wee found many skulles and bones of 
dead men lying vpon the earth like a dunghill. Through this 
countrey we were traueiling from the eight day after Easter vntill 
Ascension day. The inhabitants therof were Pagans, and neither 
they nor the Comanians vsed to till the ground, but liued onely 

25 vpon cattell, neither built they any houses but dwelled in tents. 
These men also haue the Tartars rooted out, and doe possesse 
and inhabite their countrey, howbeit, those that remained are 
reduced into their bondage. 

The land 
of the 

How they came vnto the first court of the 
new Emperour. Chap. 24. 

MOreouer, out of the land of the Kangittae, we entered into 
the countrey of y^ Bisermini, who speake the language of The land 
Comania, but obserue the law of the Saracens. In this countrey Bis'enninL 
we found innumerable cities with castles ruined, 8z many towns 
35 left desolate. The lord of this country was called Soldan Alti, Aiti 

• 1 , 1 • . 1 J 1 1 ni f-r-ii • Soldanus. 

who With al his progenie, was destroyed by the lartars. This Huge 
country hath most huge mountains. On the South side it hath '"°"'»'a»>es- 
Jerusalem and Baldach, and all the whole countrey of the 
Saracens. In the next territories adioyning doe inhabite two 
40 carnall brothers dukes of the Tartars, namely, Burin and Cadan Cadan. 


the sonnes of Thyaday, who was the sonne of Chingis Can. On 

the North side thereof it hath the land of the blacke Kythayans, 

The North and the Ocean, In the same countrie Syban the brother of 

^^?^ Bathy remaineth. Through this countrie we were traueiling from 

ther vnto the feast of Ascension, vntil eight daies before the feast of S. lohn 5 

Bathy. . 

The blacke Baptist. And then we entred mto the land of the blacke Ky- 

Kythayans. thayans, in which the Emperour built an house, where we were 
called in to drinke. Also the Emperours deputy in that place 
caused the chiefe men of the citie and his two sonnes to daunce 

A small sea. before US. Departing from hence, wee founde a certaine small 10 
sea, vpon the shore whereof stands a little mountaine. In which 
mountaine is reported to be a hole, from whence, in winter time 
such vehement tempests of winds doe issue, that traueilers can 
scarcely, and with great danger passe by the same way. In 
summer time, the noise indeede of the winde is heard there, 15 
but it proceedeth gently out of the hole. Along the shores of 

Manydayes. the foresaid sea we trauailed for the space of many dayes, which 
although it bee not ver)' great, yet hath it many islandes, and wee 
passed by leauing it on our left hande. In this lande dwelleth 

Orducap.13. Ordu, whome wee sayde to bee auncient vnto all the Tartarian 20 
dukes. And it is the Orda or court of his father which hee 

[p. 67] inhabiteth, and one of his wiues beareth rule there. | For it is 
a custome among the Tartars, that the Courts of Princes or of 
noble men are not dissolued, but alwayes some women are 
appointed to keepe and gouerne them, vpon whom certain gifts 25 
are bestowed, in like sort as they are giuen vnto their Lords. 

Thefir»t And SO at length we arriued at the first court of the Emperour, 

court of the , . .... j ,.. 

Emperour. wherem one of his wiues dwelt. 

Howe they came vnto Ciiyjic himselfe, who was 
forthwith to be chosen Emperour. Chap. 25. 30 


Ut because we had not as yet seene the Emperour, they 
would not inuite vs nor admit vs into his Orda, but caused 
good attendance and entertainement, after the Tartars fashion, 
to be giuen vnto vs in our owne tent, and they caused vs to 
stay there, and to refresh our selues with them one day. De- 35 
parting thence vpon the euen of Saint Peter and Saint Paul, 
The land of wce entered into the land of the Naymani, who are Pagans. 
But vpon the very feast day of the saide Apostles, there fel a 
mightie snowe in that place, and wee had extreame colde weather. 
This lande is full of mountaines, and colde beyonde measure, 40 




and there is little plaine ground to bee seene. These two nations 
last mentioned vsed not to till their grounde, but, like vnto the 
Tartars, dwelt in tents, which the sayde Tartars had destroyed. 
Through this countrey wee were trauailing manie dayes. Then 

5 entered wee into the lande of the Mongals, whome wee call 
Tartars. Through the Tartars lande wee continued our trauaile 
(as wee suppose) for the space of some three weekes, riding 
alwayes hastily and with speede, and vpon the day of Marie The sa. of 
Magdalene we arriued at the court of Cuyne the Emperour elect. 

10 But therefore did we make great haste all this way, because our 
Tartarian guides were straightly commaunded to bring vs vnto 
the court Imperiall with all speede, which court hath beene these 
many yeeres, ordained for the election of the Emperour. Where- 
fore rising earely, wee trauailed vntill night without eating of any 

15 thing, and oftentimes wee came so late vnto our lodging, that we 
had no time to eate the same night, but that which we should 
haue eaten ouer night, was giuen vs in the morning. And often 
changing our horses, wee spared no Horse-fleshe, but rode swiftly 
and without intermission, as fast as our horses could trot. 

How Cuyne enterteined the Minorite Friers. 
Chap. 26. 


Ut when wee were come vnto the court of Cuyne, hee caused The curtesie 
(after the Tartars manner) a Tent and all expenses neces- towaJ-ds Am- 


sarie to bee prouided for vs. And his people entreated vs with 

25 more regarde and courtesie, then they did anie other Ambassa- 
dours. Howbeeit wee were not called before his presence, because 
hee was not as yet elected, nor admitted vnto his empire. Not- 
withstanding, the interpretation of the Popes letters, and the 
message which we deliuered, were sent vnto him by the foresaid 

30 Bathy. And hauing stayed there fiue or sixe dayes, hee sent vs 
vnto his mother, vnder whome there was mainteyned a verie 
solemne and royall court. And being come thither, we saw an 
huge tent of fine white cloth pitched, which was, to our iudge- The tent 
ment, of so great quantitie, that more then two thousand men 

35 might stand within it, and round about it there was a wall of 

planks set vp, painted with diuers images. Wee therefore with Ageneraii 
our Tartars assigned to attende vpon vs, tooke our ioumey thither, ^^^"^ 
and there were all the Dukes assembled, eche one of them riding 
vp and downe with his traine ouer the hilles and dales. The first 

40 day they were all clad in white, but the second in skarlet robes. 



The banquet 
of the 

[p. 68] 

duke of 

dors of 

Then came Cuyne vnto the saide tent. Moreouer, the third day 
they were all in blew robes, and the fourth in most rich robes of 
Baldakin cloth. In the wall of boardes, about the tent aforesaid, 
were two great gates, by one of the which gates, the Emperour 
only was to enter, and at that gate there was no gard of men 5 
appointed to stand, although it stood continually open, because 
none durst go in or come out the same way : all that were ad- 
mitted, entred by another gate, at which there stood watchmen, 
Mrith bowes, swords, & arrowes. And whosoeuer approched vnto 
the tent beyond the bounds and limit assigned, being caught, was 10 
beaten, but if he fled, he was shot at with arrowes or iron. There 
were many that to our iudgement, had vpon their bridles, trappers, 
saddles, and such like furniture, to the value of 20. markes in pure 
gold. The foresaid Dukes (as we thinke) communed together 
within the tent, and consulted about the election of their Emperor. 15 
But all the residue of the people were placed farre away without 
the walles of board, & in this maner they staied almost til noone. 
Then began they to drink mares milk, & so continued drinking 
til euen tide, and that in so great quantity, as it was wonderfull. 
And they called vs in vnto them, and gaue vs of their ale, because 20 
we could not drink their mares milke. And this they did vnto vs 
in token of great honor. But they compelled vs to drink so much, 
that in regard of our customary diet, wee coulde by no means 
endure it. Whereupon, giuing them to vnderstand, | that it was 
hurtful vnto vs, they ceassed to compel vs any more. Without 25 
the doore stoode Duke leroslaus of Susdal, in Russia, and a great 
many Dukes of the Kythayans, and of the Solangi. The two 
sonnes also of the king of Georgia, the ligier of the Caliph of 
Baldach, who was a Soldan, and (as we thinke) aboue ten Soldans 
of the Saracens beside. And, as it was tolde vs by the agents, 30 
there were more then 4000. ambassadors, partly of such as paide 
tributes, and such as presented gifts, and other Soldans, and 
Dukes, which came to yeeld themselues, and such as the Tartars 
had sent for, and such as were gouernours of lands. All these 
were placed without the lists, and had drinke giuen vnto them. 35 
But almost continually they all of them gaue vs and Duke 
leroslaus the vpper hand, when we were abroad in their companie. 

The begin- 
nings of 
Cuyne his 

How he was exalted to his Empire. Chap. 27. 

ANd to our remembrance, we remained there, about the space 
jt\, of foure weekes. The election was to our thinking there 40 


celebrated, but it was not published and proclaimed there. And 
it was greatly suspected so to be, because alwayes when Cuyne 
came forth out of the tent, he had a noyse of musicke, and was 
bowed vnto, or honoured with faire wands, hauing purple wooll 
5 vpon the tops of them, and that, so long as he remained abroad : 
which seruice was performed to none of the other Dukes. The 
foresaid tent or court is called by them Syra Orda. Departing SyraOrda. 
thence, wee all with one accord rode 3. or 4. leagues vnto another 
place, where, in a goodly plaine, by a riuers side, betweene certaine 

10 mountaines, there was another tent erected, which was called the 

golden Orda. For there was Cuyne to be placed in the throne The golden 
Emperiall, vpon the day of the Assumption of our Ladie. But, -phe 15. of 
for the abundance of haile which fell at the same time, as is aboue ^"S"^'- 
said, the matter was deferred. There was also a tent erected vpon doth. 

15 pillars, which were couered with plates of golde, and were ioyned 
vnto other timber with golden nailes. It was couered aboue with 
Baldakin cloth, but there was other cloth spread ouer that, next 
vnto the ayre. Wee abode there vnto the feast of Saint Bartholo- 
mew, what time there was assembled an huge multitude standing 

20 with their faces towards the South. And a certaine number of 
them beeing a stones cast distant from the residue, making con- 
tinuall prayers, and kneeling upon their knees, proceeded farther 
and farther towards the South. Howbeit wee, not knowing 
whether they vsed inchantments, or whether they bowed their 

25 knees to God or to some other, woulde not kneele vpon the 
grounde with them. And hauing done so a long time, they 
returned to the tent, and placed Cuyne in his throne imperiall, 
and his Dukes bowed their knees before him. Afterwarde the 
whole multitude kneeled downe in like maner, except our selues, 

30 for wee were none of his subiects. 

Of his age and demeanour, and of his 
scale. Chap. 28. 

THis Emperour, when hee was exalted vnto his gouernment, 
seemed to bee about the age of fourty or fourty fiue yeeres. 
35 He was of a meane stature, very wise and politike, and passing 
serious and graue in all his demeanour. A rare thing it was, 
for a man to see him laugh or behaue himselfe lightly, as those 
Christians report, which abode continually with him. Certaine „. . ,. 
Christians of his familie earnestly and strongly affirmed vnto vs, tion to 
40 that he himselfe was about to become a Christian. A token and tie. 



A lawlesse 

argument whereof was, that hee reteined diuers Cleargie men of 
the Christians. Hee had Ukewise at all times a Chappell of 
Christians, neere \Tito his great Tent, where the Clearkes (like 
vnto other Christians, and according to the custome of the 
Grascians) doe sing publiquely and openly, and ring belles at 5 
certaine houres, bee there neuer so great a multitude of Tartars, 
or of other people in presence. And yet none of their Dukes 
Hismaiestie. doe the like. It is the manner of the Emperour neuer to talke 
his owne selfe with a stranger, though he be neuer so great, but 
heareth and answeareth by a speaker. And when any of his 10 
subiects (howe great soeuer they bee) are in propounding anie 
matter of importaunce vnto him, or in hearing his answeare, they 
continue kneeling vpon their knees vnto the ende of their confer- 
ence. Neither is it lawful! for any man to speake of any affaires, 
after they haue beene determined of by the Emperour. The 15 
sayde Emperour, hath in his affaires both publike and priuate, 
an Agent, and Secretary of estate, with Scribes and all other 
Officials, except aduocates. For, without the noyse of pleading, 
or sentence giuing, all things are done according to the Emperours 
will and pleasure. Other Tartarian princes do the like in those 20 
things which belong vnto the. But, be it known vnto al men, 
that whilest we remained at the said Emperors court, which hath 
bin ordained and kept for these many yeeres, the saide Cuyne 
being Emperor new elect, together with al his princes, erected 
a flag of defiance against the Church of God, & the Romane 25 
empire, and against al | Christian kingdomes and nations of the 
West, vnlesse peraduenture (which God forbid) they will con- 
descend vnto those things, which he hath inoined vnto our lord 
the Pope, & to all potentates and people of the Christias, namely, 
that they wil become obedient vnto him. For, except Christen- 30 
dom, there is no land vnder heaue, which they stand in feare of, 
and for that cause they prepare themselues to battel against vs. 
This Emperors father, namely Occoday was poisoned to death, 
which is the cause why they haue for a short space absteined from 
warre. But their intent and purpose is (as I haue aboue said) to 35 
subdue the whole world vnto themselues, as they were commanded 
by Chingis Can. Hence it is that the Emperor in his letters writeth 
after this maner: The power of God, & Emperour of all men. Also, 
vpon his seale, there is this posie ingrauen : God in heauen, and 
Cuytie Can vpon earth, the power of God : the seale of the Em- 40 
perour of all men. 

[p. 69] 

against all 



Of the admission of the Friers and Ambassadours 
vnto the Emperour. Chap. 29. 

» J /-•L • heareth the 

And Chingay Legates. 

IN the same place where the Emperour was established into Cuyne 
his throne, we were summoned before him 
5 his chiefe secretary hauing written downe our names, and the 
names of them that sent vs, with the name of the Duke of Solangi, 
& of others, cried out with a loude voice, rehearsing the said names 
before the Emperour, and the assembly of his Dukes. Which 
beeing done, ech one of vs bowed his left knee foure times, & 

10 they gaue vs warning not to touch the threshold. And after they 
had searched vs most diligently for kniues, and could not find any 
about vs, we entred in at the doore vpon the East side : because 
no man dare presume to enter at the West doore, but the Emperour 
onely. In like maner, euery Tartarian Duke entreth on the West 

15 side into his tent. Howbeit the inferiour sort doe not greatly 
regard such ceremonies. This therefore was the first time, when 
we entred into the Emperours tent in his presence, after he was 
created Emperour. Likewise all other ambassadours were there 
receiued by him, but very fewe were admitted into his tent. And 

20 there were presented vnto him such abundance of gifts by the 
saide Ambassadours, that they seemed to be infinite, namely in 
Samites, robes of purple, and of Baldakin cloth, silke girdles 
wrought with golde, and costly skinnes, with other gifts also. 
Likewise there was a certaine Sun Canopie, or small tent (which 

25 was to bee caried ouer the Emperours head) presented vnto him, 
being set full of precious stones. And a gouernour of one Prouince 
brought vnto him a companie of camels couered with Baldakins. 
They had saddles also vpon their backs, with certaine other instru- 
ments, within the which were places for men to sitte vpon. Also 

30 they brought many horses & mules vnto him furnished w' trappers 
and caparisons, some being made of leather, and some of iron. 
And we were demanded whether we would bestow any gifts vpo 
him or no? But wee were not of abilitie so to doe, hauing in a 
maner spent all our prouision. There were also vpon an hill 

35 standing a good distance from the tents, more then 500. carts, 
which were all ful siluer and of gold, and silke garments. And 
they were all diuided betweene the Emperour and his Dukes, and 
euery Duke bestowed vpon his owne followers what pleased him. 

Gifts pre- 
sented vnto 

500. Carts ful 
of treasure. 


Of the place where the Emperor and his mother 

tooke their leaues one of another, and of leroslaus 

Duke of Russia. Chap. 30. 

A tent of T~^ Eparting thence, we came vnto another place, where a 

purpe. I J wonderfull braue tent, all of red purple, giuen by the 5 

Kythayans, was pitched. Wee were admitted into that also, 
and alwaies when we entred, there was giuen vnto vs ale and 
wine to drinke, & sodden flesh (when we would) to eate. 
There was also a loftie stage built of boords, where the Empe- 

A throne of rours throne was placed, being very curiously wrought out of 10 
iuorie, wherein also there was golde and precious stones, and 
(as we remember) there were certain degrees or staires to ascend 
vnto it. And it was round vpon the top. There were benches 
placed about the saide throne, whereon the ladies sate towarde 
the left hand of the Emperour vpon stooles, (but none sate aloft 15 
on the right hande) and the Dukes sate vpon benches below, the 
said throne being in the midst. Certaine others sate behinde the 
Dukes, and euery day there resorted great companie of Indies 
thither. The three tents whereof we spake before, were very large, 
but the Emperour his wiues had other great and faire tentes made 20 
of white felt. This was the place where the Emperour parted 
companie with his mother: for she went into one part of the 
land, and the Emperour into another to execute iustice. For 
there was taken a certaine Concubine of this Emperour, which 
had poysoned his father to death, at the same time when the 25 
Tartars armie was in Hungarie, which, for the same cause re- 

The death of turned home. Moreouer, vpon the foresaide Concubine, and 

Occoday ' r ' 

reuenged. many Other of her confederats sentence of ludgement was pro- 
nounced, and they were put to death. At the same time leroslaus 
[p. 70J the great Duke of Soldal, | which is a part of Russia, deceased. 30 
Or, Suidai. For being (as it were for honours sake) inuited to eate and drink 
with the Emperours mother, and immediately after the banquet, 
returning vnto his lodging, he fel sicke, and within seuen dayes, 
died. And after his death, his body was of a strange blew colour, 
and it was commonly reported, that the said Duke was poisoned, 35 
to the ende that the Tartars might freely and totally possesse his 

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 141 

How the Friers comming at length vnto the 
Emperour, gaue, and receiued letters. Chap. 31. 

TO be short, the Tartars brought vs vnto their Emperor, who Cuyne 
when he had heard of them, that we were come vnto him, wTth the 
5 comanded that we should return, vnto his mother. For he was *2^'"- 
determined the next day, (as it is abouesaid) to set vp a flag of 
defiace against al y^ countreis of the West, which he would haue 
vs in no case to know. Wherefore returning, we staied some few 
dayes with his mother, and so returned backe again vnto him. 

10 With whom we continued for the space of one whole moneth in 
such extreme hunger and thirst, that we could scarce hold life and 
soule together. For the prouision allowed vs for foure dayes, 
was scantly sufficient for one day. Neither could we buy vs any 
sustenance, because the market was too farre off. Howbeit the 

15 Lorde prouided for vs a Russian goldsmith, named Cosmas, who Cosmas a 
being greatly in the Emperours fauour, procured vs some susten- "^**''- 
ance. This man shewed vnto vs the throne of the Emperour, 
which hee had made, before it was set in the proper place, and 
his scale, which he also had framed. Afterward the Emperor 

20 sent for vs, giuing vs to vnderstand by Chingay his chief Secretary, The message 
that wee should write downe our messages & affaires, and should ° '"^*^" 
deliuer them vnto him. Which thing we performed accordingly. 
After many daies he called for vs againe, demanding whether 
there were any with our Lord the Pope, which vnderstood the 

25 Russian, the Sarracen, or the Tartarian language? To whom we 
answered, that we had none of those letters or languages. How- 
beit, that there were certaine Saracens in the land, but inhabiting 
a great distance from our Lord the Pope. And wee saide, that 
wee thought it most expedient, that when they had written their 

30 mindes in the Tartarian language, and had interpreted the mean- 
ing therof vnto vs, we should diligently translate it into our own 
tongue, and so deliuer both the letter and the translation thereof 
vnto our Lord the Pope. Then departed they from vs, and went 
vnto the Emperour. And after the day of S. Martine, we were 

35 called for againe. Then Kadac principal agent for the whole 
empire, and Chingay, and Bala, with diuers other Scribes, came 
vnto vs, and interpreted the letter word for word. And hauing 
written it in Latine, they caused vs to interprete vnto them eche 
sentence, to wit if we had erred in any word. And when both 

40 letters were written, they made vs to reade them ouer twise more, 
least we should haue mistaken ought. For they said vnto vs : 



Take heed that ye vnderstand all things throughly, for if you 
should not vnderstand the whole matter aright, it might breed 
some inconuenience. They wrote the said letters also in the 
Saracen tongue, that there might be some found in our dominions 
which could reade and interprete them, if need should require. 

The Legates 
are loath to 
haue any 
dours sent 
from the 
to the 

[p. 71] 


They are 
with gifts. 

How they were licensed to depart. Chap. 32. 

ANd (as our Tartars told vs) the Emperour was purposed to 
iV send his ambassadors with vs. Howbeit, he was desirous 
(as we thought) that we our selues should craue that fauour at his 
hands. And when one of our Tartars being an ancient man, 10 
exhorted vs to make the said petition, we thought it not good 
for vs, that the Emperor should send his ambassadours. Wher- 
fore we gaue him answere, that it was not for vs to make any 
such petition, but if it pleased the Emperour of his owne accord 
to send them, we would diligently (by Gods assistance) see them 15 
conducted in safetie. Howbeit, we thought it expedient for vs, 
that they should not goe, and that for diuers causes. First, 
because we feared, least they, seeing the dissentions and warres 
which are among vs, should be the more encouraged to make 
warre against vs. Secondly, we feared, that they would be insteade 20 
of spies and intelligencers in our dominions. Thirdly, we mis- 
doubted that they would be slaine by the way. For our nations 
be arrogant and proud. For when as those seruants (which at 
the request of the Cardinall, attended vpon vs, namely the legates 
of Almaine) returned vnto him in the Tartars attire, they were 25 
almost stoned in the way, by the Dutch, and were compelled 
to put off those garments. And it is the Tartars custome, neuer 
to bee reconciled vnto such as haue slaine their Ambassadours, 
till they haue reuenged themselues. Fourthly, least they should 
bee taken from vs by mayne force. Fiftly, because there could 30 
come no good by their ambassade, for they were to haue none 
other commission, or authoritie, but onely to deliuer their 
Emperours letter vnto the Pope, and to the Princes of Christ- 
endome, which very same letters wee our | selues had, and we 
knew right well, that much harme might ensue thereof. Where- 35 
fore, the third day after this, namely, vpon the feast of Saint 
Brice, they gaue vs our passe-port and a Letter sealed with the 
Emperours owne seale, sending vs vnto the Emperours mother, 
who gaue vnto eche of vs a gowne made of Foxe-skinnes, with 
the furre on the outside, and a piece of purple. And our Tartars 40 

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 143 

stole a yarde out of euery one of them. And out of that which 
was giuen vnto our seruant, they stole the better halfe. Which 
false dealing of theirs, we knew well inough, but would make no 
words thereof. 

5 How they returned homewards. Chap. 33. 

THen taking our iourney to returne, we trauailed all Winter The sore 
long, lying in the deserts oftentimes vpon the snow, except oTthe^Le- 
with our feete wee made a piece of ground bare to lye vpon. For fetuming. 
there were no trees, but the plaine champion field. And often- 

10 times in the morning, we found our selues all couered with snow 
driuen ouer vs by the winde. And so trauailing till the feast of 
our Lordes Ascension, we arriued at the court of Bathy. Of Bathy. 
whom when wee had enquired, what answere he would send vnto 
our Lord the Pope, he said that he had nothing to giue vs in 

15 charge, but onely that we should diligently deliuer that which the 
Emperour had written. And, hauing receiued letters for our safe 
conduct, the thirteenth day after Pentecost, being Saterday, wee 
were proceeded as farre as Montij, with whome our foresaide 
associates and seruants remained, which were withheld from vs, 

20 and we caused them to be deliuered vnto vs. From hence we 

trauailed vnto Corrensa, to whom, requiring gifts the second time Corrensa. 
at our hands, we gaue none, because we had not wherewithall. 
And hee appointed vs two Comanians, which liued among the 
common people of the Tartars, to be our guides vnto the citie of 

25 Kiow in Russia. Howbeit one of our Tartars parted not from vs, 
till we were past the vtmost gard of the Tartars, But the other 
guides, namely the Comanians, which were giuen vs by Corrensa, 
brought vs from the last garde vnto the citie of Kiow, in the space 
of sixe dayes. And there we arriued fifteene dayes before the 

30 feast of Saint John Baptist. Moreouer, the Citizens of Kiow, june 8. 
hauing intelligence of our approch, came foorth all of them to '^"^^g^i^ 
meete vs, with great ioy. For they reioyced ouer vs, as ouer men comed at 

. ■^ . their returne. 

that had bene risen from death to life. So like wise they did vnto 

vs throughout all Russia, Polonia, and Bohemia. Daniel and his Basiiius and 

35 brother Wasilico made vs a royall feast, and interteined vs with Princes, 
them against our willes for the space of eight dayes. In the 
meane time, they with their Bishops, and other men of account, 
being in consultation together about those matters which we had 
propounded vnto them in our iourney towards the Tartars, 

40 answered vs with common consent, saying : that they would holde 
the Pope for their speciall Lord and Father, and the Church of 


Rome for their Lady & mistresse, confirming like wise al things 
which they had sent concerning this matter, before our comming, 
by their Abbate. And for the same purpose, they sent their 
Ambassadours and letters by vs also, vnto our Lord the Pope. 

Itinerarium fratris Willielmi de Rubrtiqtiis de ordine s 
fratrum Minorum, Galli, Anno grati^ 1253. ad 
partes Orientales. 

Xcellentissimo Domino & Christianissimo, Lodo- 
uico Dei gratia Regi Francorum illustri, frater 
Willielmus de Rubruquis in ordine fratrum 10 
Minorum minimus salutem, & semper trium- 
Ecciut. 39. ^ ^^m^^^ phare in Christo. Scriptum est in Ecclesiastico 
de sapiente, In terram alienarum gentium trans- 
ibit, bona & mala in omnibus tentabit. Hoc 
opus, Domine mi Rex, feci : sed vtinam vt sapiens & non 15 
stultus. Multi enim faciunt quod facit sapiens, sed non sapienter, 
sed magis stult^ : de quorum numero timeo me esse. Tamen 
quocunque modo fecerim ; quia dixistis mihi quando recessi 
k vobis, vt omnia scriberem vobis, qucecunque viderem inter 
Tartaros, & etiam monuistis vt non timerem vobis scribere longas 20 
literas, facio quod iniunxistis : Cum timore tamen & verecundia, 
quia verba congrua mihi non suppetunt, quze debeam tantte 
scribere Maiestati. Nouerit erg6 vestra sancta maiestas, qu6d anno 
Domini millessimo ducentessimo, quinquagessimo tertio, nonas 
Maij ingressi sumus mare Ponti, quod Bulgarici vocant, Maius 25 
Mare : & habet mille octo milliaria in longum, vt didici h, merca- 
toribus, & distinguitur quasi in duas partes. Circa medium enim 
eius sunt duse prouinciae terrae, vna ad Aquilonem, & alia ad 
meridiem. Ilia quae est ad meridiem dicitur Synopolis; & est 
castrum & portus Soldani Turchiae. Quag ver6 ad Aquilonem 30 
[p. 72] est, est Prouincia quaedam, quae nunc | dicitur ^ Latinis Gasaria, 
^ Graecis ver6 qui inhabitant eam super littus maris dicitur 
Cassaria, hoc est Caesaria. Et sunt promontoria quaedam exten- 
dentia se in mare, & contra meridiem versus Synopolim. Et sunt 
Irecenta milliaria inter Synopolim & Cassariam. Ita quod sint 35 
septingenta miliaria ab istis punctis versus Constantinopolim in 
longum & latum : & septingenta versus Orientem : hoc est, 
Hiberiam, quae est prouincia Georgiae. Ad prouinciam Gasariae 
siue Casariae applicuimus, quae est quasi triangularis, ad Occidentem 


habens ciuitatem, quae dicitur Kersoua, in qua fuit Sanctus 
Clemens marterizatus. Et nauigantes cora ea vidimus insulam 
in qua est templum illud quod dicitur Angelicis manibus prae- 
paratum. In medio ver6 quasi in cuspide ad meridiem habet 

5 ciuitatem quae dicitur Soldaia, que ex transuerso respicit Syno- Soidai 
polim : Et illuc applicant omnes Mercatores venientes de Turchia 
volentes ire ad terras Aquilonares, & h contrario venientes de 
Rossia & terris Aquilonaribus, volentes transire in Turchiam. 
lUi portant varium & grisiam, & alias pelles pretiosas. Alij 

lo portant telas de cottone siue bombasio, & pannos sericos & 
species aromaticas. Ad Oriente ver6 illius prouinciae est ciuitas 
quae dicitur Matriga, vbi cadit fluuius Tanais in mare Ponti per Matriga 
orificium habens latitudinem duodecem milliarium. Ille enim 
fluuius antequam ingrediatur mare Ponti, facit quoddam mare 

15 versus Aquilonem, habens in latitudine & longitudine septinginta 
milliaria, nusquam habens profunditatem vltra sex passus, vnde 
magna vasa non ingrediuntur illud. Sed mercatores de Con- 
stantinopoli applicantes ad prasdictam ciuitatem Matertam, mittunt 
barcas suas vsque ad flumen Tanaim, vt emant pisces siccatos, 

20 sturiones, thosas, borbatas, & alios pisces infinitae multitudinis. 
Praedicta ver5 prouincia Cassaria cingitur mari in tribus lateribus : 
ad Occidentem scilicet, vbi est Kersoua ciuitas dementis, ad 
meridiem vbi est ciuitas Soldaia, ad quam applicuimus, quae est 
cuspis prouinciae, & ad Orientem Maricandis, vbi est ciuitas 

25 Materta, & orificium Tanais. Vltra illud orificium est Zikia, ziWa. 
quae non obedit Tartaris : Et Sueui & Hiberi ad Orientem, qui 
non obediunt Tartaris. Poster, versus meridiem est Trapesunda 
que habet proprium Dominum nomine Guidonem, qui est de 
genere imperatorum Constantinopolitanorum, qui obedit Tartaris : 

30 postea Synopolis quae est Soldani Turchiae qui similiter obedit : 
postea terra Vastacij cuius filius dicitur Astar ab auo materno, 
qui non obedit. Ab orificio Tanais versus Occidentem vsque 
ad Danubium totum est subditum. Etiam vltra Danubium versus 
Constantinopolim, Valakia, quae est terra Assani, & minor 

35 Bulgaria vsque in Solonomam omnes soluunt eis tributum. Et 
etiam vltra tributum condictum sumpserunt annis nuper transactis 
de qualibet domo securim vnam, & totum frumentum quod inue- 
nerunt in massa. Applicuimus erg6 Soldaie in 12. Kalendas lunij : 
& praeuenerant nos quidam mercatores de Constantinopoli, qui 

40 dixerunt venturos illuc nuncios de terra sancta volentes ire ad 

Sartach. Ego tamen prgdicaueram publice in Ramis Palmarum 

apud Sanctam Sophiam, quod non essem nuncius, nee vester, 

nee alicuius, sed ibam apud illos incredulos secundum re- 

H. 10 


gulam nostram. Tunc clim applicuissem, monebant me dicti 
mercatores vt caute loquerer, quia dixerunt me esse nuncium, 
& si non dicerem me esse nuncium, quod non pneberetur mihi 
transitus. Tunc loquutus sum hoc modo ad capitaneos ciuitatis, 
im6 ad vicarios capitaneorum, quia capitanei iuerant ad Baatu s 
portantes tributum, & non fuerant adhuc reuersi. Nos audiuimus, 
dixi, de Domino vestro Sartach in Terra Sancta quod esset 
Christianus : & gauisi sunt inde vehementer Christiani, & pne- 
cipue Dominus Rex Francorum Christianissimus, qui ibi peregri- 
natur, & pugnat contra Saracenos, vt eripiat loca sancta de lo 
manibus eorum : vnde volo ire ad Sartach, <S: portare ei literas 
Domini R^s, in quibus monet eum de vtilitate totius Christi- 
anitatis. Et ipsi receperunt nos gratanter, & dederunt nobis 
hospitium in ecclesia Episcopali. Et Episcopus ipsius ecclesiae 
fuerat ad Sartach, qui multa bona dixit mihi de Sartach, quaj ego 15 
postea non inueni. Tunc dederunt nobis optionem vtrum velle- 
mus habere bigas cum bobus ad portandum res nostras vel equos 
pro summarijs. Et mercatores Constantinopolitani consuluerunt 
mihi quod non acciperem bigas, im6 quod emerem proprias bigas 
coopertas, in quibus apportant Ruteni pelles suas, & in illis 20 
includerem res nostras quas vellem quotidi^ deponere, quia si 
acciperem equos, oporteret me in qualibet Herbergia deponere 
& reponere super alios, & praeterei equitarem lentiori gressu iuxta 
boues. Et tunc acquieui consilio eorum malo, turn quia fui in 
itinere vsq; Sarthach duobus mensibus, quod potuissem vno mense 25 
fecisse, si iuissem equis. Attuleram mecum de Constantinopoli 
fructus & vinum muscatum, & biscoctum delicatum de consilio 
mercatorum ad pr^sentandQ capitaneis primis, vt facilius pateret 
mihi transitus ; quia nuUus apud eos respicitur rectis oculis, qui 
venit vacua manu. Quae omnia posui in vna biga, quando no 30 
inueni ibi capitaneos ciuitatis, quia dicebat mihi, quod gratissima 
foret Sarthach, si possem deferre ea vsq; ad eQ. Arripuimus ergo 
iter tunc circa Kalend. lunij cum bigis nostris quatuor coopertis 
& cG alijs duabus quas accepimus ab eis. In quibus portabantur 
lectistemia ad dormiendQ de nocte, & quincjue equos dabant 35 
[p- 73] nobis ad equitandum. Eramus enim quinq; | personae. Ego 
& socius meus frater Bartholomeus de Cremona, & Goset lator 
praesentium, & homo dei Turgemannus, & puer Nicolaus, quern 
emeram Constantinopoli de nostra eleemosyna. Dederunt etiam 
duos homines qui ducebant bigas & custodiebant boues & equos. 4 
Sunt autem alta promontoria super Mare h. Kersoua vsque ad 
orificium Tanais : & sunt quadraginta castella inter Kersouam 
& Soldaiam, quorum quodlibet fere habet proprium idioma: 

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 147 

inter quos erant multi Goti, quorum idioma est Teutonicum. 
Post ilia montana versus Aquilonem est pulcherrima sylua in 
planicie, plena fontibus & riuulis : Et post illam syluam est 
planicies maxima, quae durat per quinque dietas ysque ad extre- 
5 mitatem illius prouinciae ad aquilonem, quae coarctatur habens 
Mare ad Orientem & Occidentem : Ita quod est vnum fossatum 
magnum ab vno Mari vsque ad aliud. In ilia planicie solebant 
esse Comani antequam venirent Tartari, & cogebant ciuitates 
praedictas & castra vt darent eis tributum. Et cum venerunt 

10 Tartari, tanta multitudo ComanorQ intrauit prouinciam illam, qui 
omnes fugerunt vsque ad ripam Maris, quod comedebant se 
mutuo viui morientes : secundum quod narrauit mihi quidam 
mercator, qui hoc vidit : Quod viui deuorabant & lacerabant 
dentibus carnes crudas mortuorum, sicut canes cadauera. Versus 

15 extremitatem illius prouinciae sunt lacus multi & magni : in 
quorum ripis sunt fontes salmastri, quorum aqua, qu^m cito 
intrat lacum, efficit salem durum ad modum glaciei. Et de illis 
salinis habent Baatu & Sartach magnos reditus : quia de tota 
Russia veniunt illuc pro sale : & de qualibet biga onusta dant 

20 duas telas de cottone valentes dimidiam Ipperperam. Veniunt 
& per Mare multae naues pro sale, quae omnes dant tributum 
secundum sui quantitatem. Postquam ergo recessimus de Soldaia, 
tertia die inuenimus Tartaros : inter quos cum intraueram, visum 
fuit mihi recte quod ingrederer quoddam aliud saeculum. Quorum 

25 vitam & mores vobis describam prout possum. 

I?e Tartaris & domibus eorwn. 

NVsquam habent manentem ciuitatem, sed futuram ignorant. 
Inter se diuiserunt Scythiam, quae durat a Danubio vsque 
ad ortum solis. Et quilibet Capitaneus, secundum quod habet 

30 plures vel pauciores homines sub se, scit terminos pascuorum 
suorum, & vbi debet pascere hyeme & aestate, vere & autumno. 
In hyeme enim descendunt ad calidiores regiones versus meridiem. 
In aestate ascendunt ad frigidiores versus aquilonem. Loca pas- 
cuosa sine aquis pascunt in hyeme quando est ibi nix, quia niuem 

35 habent pro aqua. Domum in qua dormiunt fundant super rotam 
de virgis cancellatis, cuius tigna sunt de virgis, & conveniunt in 
vnam paruulam rotam superius, de qua ascendit coUum sursum 
tanquam fumigatorium, quam cooperiunt filtro albo : & fre- 
quentius imbuunt etiam filtrum calce vel terra alba & puluere 

40 ossium, vt albens splendeat, & aliquando nigro. Et filtrum illud 


circa collum superius decorant pulchra varietate picturae. Ante 
ostium similiter suspendunt filtrum opere polimitario variatum. 
Consumunt enim filtrum coloratum in faciendo vites & arbores, 
aues & bestias. Et faciunt tales domos ita magnas, quod habent 
triginta pedes in latitudine. Ego enim mensuraui semel latitu- s 
dinem inter vestigia rotarum vnius bigae viginti pedum : & quando 
domus erat super bigam excedebat extra rotas in vtroque latere 
quinque pedibus ad minus. Ego numeraui in vna biga viginti 
duos boues trahentes vnam domum : Vndecem in vno ordine 
secundum latitudinem bigae, & alios vndecem ante illos : Axis lo 
bigae erat magnus ad modum arboris nauis : Et vnus homo stabat 
in ostio domus super bigam minans boues. Insuper faciunt 
quadrangulos de virgulis fissis attenuatis ad quantitatem vnius 
arcae magnae : & postea de vna extremitate ad aliam eleuant 
testudinem de similibus virgis, & ostiolum faciunt in anteriori 15 
extremitate : & postea cooperiunt illam cistam siue domunculam 
filtro nigro imbuto seuo siue lacte ouino, ne possit penetrari 
pluuia: quod similiter decorant opere polimitario vel plumario. 
Et in talibus arcis ponunt totam suppellectilem suam & the- 
saurum : quas ligant fortiter super bigas alteras quas trahunt cameli, 20 
vt possint transuadare flumina. Tales areas nunquam deponunt 
de bigis. Quando deponunt domus suas mansionarias, semper 
vertunt portam ad meridiem ; & consequenter collocant bigas 
cum arcis hinc & inde prope domum ad dimidium iactum lapidis : 
ita quod domus stat inter duos ordines bigarum quasi inter duos 25 
[p- 74] muros. I Matronae faciunt sibi pulcherrimas bigas, quas nescirem 
vobis describere nisi per picturam. *Imo omnia depinxissem 
vobis si sciuissem pingere. Vnus diues Moal siue Tartar habet 
bene tales bigas cum arcis ducentas vel centum. Baatu habet 
sexdecem vxores : quaelibet habet vnam magnam domum, ex- 30 
ceptis alijs paruis, quas collocant post magnam, quae sunt quasi 
camerse ; in quibus habitant puellae. Ad quamlibet istarum 
domorum appendent ducentae bigae. Et quando deponunt domus, 
prima vxor deponit suam curiam in capite occidentali, & postea 
aliae secundum ordinem suum : ita quod vltima vxor erit in 35 
capite Orientali : & erit spacium inter curiam vnius dominae 
& alterius, iactus vnius lapidis. Vnde curia vnius diuitis Moal 
apparebit quasi vna magna Villa : tunc paucissimi viri erunt in 
ea. Vna muliercula ducet 20. bigas vel 30. Terra enim plana 
est. Et ligant bigas cum bobus vel camelis vnam post aliam : 40 
& sedebit muliercula in anteriori minans bouem, & omnes aliae 

* Nota. 

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 149 

pari gressu sequentur. Si contingat venire ad aliquem malum 
passum, soluunt eas & transducunt sigillatim : Vadunt enim lento 
gressu, sicut agnus vel bos potest ambulare. 

De lectis eorum & poculis. 

5 T)Ostquam deposuerint domus versa porta ad meridiem, col- 
JL locant lectum domini ad partem aquilonarem. Locus 
mulierum est semper ad latus Orientale hoc est ad sinistrum 
domini domus cum sedet in lecto suo versa facie ad meridiem : 
locus ver6 virorum ad latus occidentale, hoc est ad dextrum. 

10 Viri ingredientes domum nullo modo suspenderent pharetram 
ad partem mulierum. Et super caput Domini est semper vna 
imago quasi puppa & statuuncula de filtro, quam vocant fratrem 
domini : alia similis super caput dominse, quam vocant fratrem 
dominas, affixa parieti : «& superius inter vtramque illarum est vna 

15 paruula, macilenta, quae est quasi custos totius domus. Domina 
domus ponit ad latus suum dextrum ad pedes lecti in eminenti 
loco pelliculam hoedinam impletam lana vel alia materia, & iuxta 
illam statuunculam paruulam respicientem famulas & mulieres. 
Iuxta ostium ad partem mulieris est iterum alia imago cum vbere 

20 vaccino, pro mulieribus quae mungunt vaccas. De officio faemi- 
narum est mungere vaccas. Ad aliud latus ostij versus viros 
est alia statua cum vbere equae pro viris qui mungunt equas. 
Et cum conuenerint ad potandum primo spargunt de potu illi 
imagini, quae est super caput domini : postea alijs imaginibus 

25 per ordinem : postea exit minister domum cum cipho & potu, 
& spargit ter ad meridiem, qualibet vice flectendo genu ; & hoc 
ad reuerentiam ignis : postea ad Orientem ad reuerentiam aeris : 
postea ad Occidentem ad reuerentiam aquae : ad aquilonem 
proijciunt pro mortuis. Quando tenet dominus ciphum in manu 

30 & debet bibere, tunc primo antequam bibat, infundit terrae 
partem suam. Si bibit sedens super equum, infundit antequam 
bibat, super coUum vel crinem equi. Postquam vero minister 
sic sparserit ad quatuor latera mundi, reuertitur in domum 
& sunt parati duo famuli cum duobus ciphis & totidem patenis 

35 vt deferant potum domino «&: vxori sedenti iuxta eum sursum in 
lecto. Et cum habet plures vxores, ilia cum qua dormit in 
nocte sedet iuxta eum in die : & oportet quod omnes aliae veniant 
ad domum illam ilia die ad bibendum : & ibi tenetur curia 
ilia die : & xenia quae deferuntur, ilia deponuntur in thesauris 

40 illius dominae. Bancus ibi est cum vtre lactis vel cum alio potu 
& cum ciphis. 


De potibus eorum & qualiter prouocant alios 
ad bibendum. 


^Aciunt in hyeme optimum potum, de risio, de millio, de 
melle : claret sicut vinum. Et defertur eis vinum b. remotis 
partibus. In gestate non curant nisi de Cosmos. Stat semper 5 
infra domum ad introitum portae, & iuxta illud stat citharista 
cum citherula sua. Citheras & vielas nostras non vidi ibi, sed 
multa alia instrumenta, quae apud nos non habentur. Et cum 

Similiter in incipit bibcre tunc vnus ministrorfl exclamat alta voce, HA : 
"^^ ^* & citharista percutit cicharum. Et quando faciunt festum mag- 10 
num, tunc omnes plaudunt manibus & saltant ad vocem citharce, 
viri coram Domino, & mulieres coram domina. Et postquam 
dominus biberit, tunc exclamat minister sicut prius, & tacet 
citharista : tunc bibunt omnes in circuitu viri & mulieres : & 
aliquando bibunt certatim valde turpiter & gulose. Et quando 15 
volunt aliquem prouocare ad potQ arripiunt eum per aures 
& trahunt fortiter vt dilatent ei gulam, & plaudunt & saltant 
coram eo. Item cum aliqui volunt facere magnum festum & 
gaudium, vnus accipit ciphum plenum, & alij duo sunt ei k 
dextris & sinistris : & sic illi tres veniunt cantantes vsque ad 20 
ilium cui debent porrigere ciphum, & cantant & saltant coram 

[p- 75] eo : & cum porrigit manum ad recipiendum ciphum, ipsi j subito 
resiliunt, & iterum sicut prius reuertuntur, & sic illudunt ei ter 
vel quater retrahendo ciphum, donee fuerit bene exhileratus 
& bonum habeat appetitum, & tunc dant ei ciphum, & cantant 25 
& plaudunt manibus & terunt pedibus donee biberit. 

De cibarijs eorum. 

DE cibis & victualibus eorum noueritis, quod indifferenter 
comedunt omnia morticinia sua. Et inter tot pecora &: 
armenta non potest esse quin multa animalia moriantur. Tamen 30 
in aestate quamdiu durat eis cosmos, hoc est lac equinum, non 
curant de alio cibo. Vnde tunc si contingat eis mori bouem vel 
equum, siccant cames scindendo per tenues pecias & suspendendo 
ad solem & ventum, quae statim sine sale siccantur absque aliquo 
faetore. De intestinis equorum faciunt andulges meliores qu5.m 35 
de porcis : quas comedunt recentes : reliquas cames reseruant ad 
hyemem. De pellibus boum faciunt vtres magnos, quos mira- 
biliter siccant ad fumum. De posteriori parte pellis equi faciunt 

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 151 

pulcherrimos soculares. De came vnius arietis dant comedere 
quinquaginta hominibus vel centum. Scindunt enim minutatim 
in scutella cum sale & aqua, aliam enim salsam non faciunt, & 
tunc cum puncto cultelli vel furcinula, quas proprias faciunt ad 
5 hoc, cum qua solemus comedere pira & poma cocta in vino, 
porrigunt cuilibet circumstantium buccellam vnam vel duas, se- 
cundum multitudinem comedentium. Dominus antequam pro- 
ponitur caro arietis in primo ipse accipit quod placet ei: & etiam 
si dat alicui partem specialem, oportet quod accipiens comedat 

10 eam solus, & nemini licet dare ei. Si non potest totum comedere, 
asportat secum, vel dat garcioni suo, si est presens, qui custodiat 
ei: sin aliter, recondit in saptargat suo, hoc est in bursa quadrata, 
quam portant ad recondendum omnia talia, in qua & ossa recon- 
dunt, quando non habent spacium bene rodendi ea, vt postea 

15 rodant, ne pereat aliquid de cibo. 

Quomodo faciunt Cosmos. 

IPsum Cosmos, hoc est lac iumentinum fit hoc modo. Ex- 
tendunt cordam longam super terram ad duos palos fixos 
in terra, & ad illam cordam ligant circiter horas tres, puUos 

20 equarum quas volunt mungere. Tunc stant matres iuxta puUos 
suos & permittunt se pacifice mungi. Et si aliqua est nimis in- 
domita, tunc accipit vnus homo pullum & supponit ei permittens 
parum sugere, tunc retrahit ilium, & emunctor lactis succedit. Con- 
gregata ergo multitudine lactis, quod est ita dulce sicut vaccinum, 

25 dum est recens, fundunt illud in magnum vtrem siue bucellam, 
& incipiunt illud concutere cum ligno ad hoc aptato, quod grossum 
est inferius sicut caput hominis & cauatum subtus: & quam cito 
concutiunt illud, incipit bullire sicut vinum nouu, & acescere siue 
fermentari, & excutiunt illud donee extrahant butirum. Tunc 

30 gustant illud ; & quando est temperate pungitiuum bibunt : pungit 
enim super linguam sicut vinum raspei dum bibitur. Et post- 
quam homo cessat bibere, relinquit saporem super linguam lactis 
amygdalini, & multum reddit interiora hominis iucunda, & etiam 
inebriat debilia capita: multum etiam prouocat vrinam. Faciunt 

35 etiam Cara-cosmos, hoc est nigrum cosmos ad vsum magnorum 
dominorum, hoc modo. Lac equinum non coagulatur. Ratio 
enim est: quod nullius animalis lac nisi cuius fetet venter non 
inuenitur coagulum. In ventre puUi equi non inuenitur: vnde lac 
equae non coagulatur. Concutiunt ergo lac in tantum, quod 

40 omnino quod spissum est in eo vadat ad fundum rectk, sicut 


faeces vini, & quod purum est remanet superius, &: est sicut 
serum, & sicut mustum album. Faeces sunt albse multum, & 
dantur semis, & faciunt multum dormire. Illud clarum bibunt 
domini: & est pro certo valde suauis potus & bonae efficaciae. 
Baatu habet 30. casalia circa herbergiam suam ad vnam dietam, s 
quorum vnumquodq; qualibet die seruit ei de tali lacte centum 
equarum, hoc est, qualibet die lac trium millium equarQ, except© 
alio lacte albo, quod deferunt alij. Sicut enim in Syria rustici 
dant tertiam partem fructuum, quam ipsi afferunt ad curias domi- 
norum suorum, ita & isti lac equaril tertiae diei. De lacte vaccino 10 
prim6 extrahunt butyrQ & bulliunt illud vsque ad perfecta de- 
coctione, & postea recondunt illud in vtribus arietinis quos ad 
hoc reseruant. Et non ponunt sal in butiro: tamen propter 
magnam decoctione non putrescit: & reseruant illud contra 
hyemem. Residufl lac quod remanet post butirum permittunt 15 
acescere quantum acrius fieri potest & bulliunt illud, & coagulatur 
bulliendo, & coagulum illud desiccant ad solem, & efficitur durum 
sicut scoria ferri. Quod recondunt in saccis contra hyemem: 
[p. 76] tempore hyemali quando | deficit eis lac, ponunt illud acre coagu- 
lum, quod ipsi vocant gri-vt, in vtre, & super infundunt aquam 20 
calidam, & concutiunt fortiter donee illud resoluatur in aqua; 
qua ex illo efficitur tota acetosa, & illam aquam bibunt loco lactis. 
Summ^ cauent ne bibant aquam puram. 

De bestijs quas comedunt, & de vestibus, ac 

de venatione eorum. aS 

MAgni domini habent casalia versus meridiem, de quibus 
afferunt eis milium & farinam contra hyemem. pauperes 
procurant sibi pro arietibus & pellibus commutando. Sclaui etiam 
implent ventrem suum aqua crassa, & hac contenti sunt. Mures 
cum longis caudis non comedunt & omne genus murium habens 30 
curiam caudam. Sunt etiam ibi multae marmotes, quas ipsi 
vocant Sogur: quae conueniunt in vna fouea in hyeme 20. vel 30. 
pariter, & dormiunt sex mensibus: quas capiunt in magna multi- 
tudine. Sunt etiam ibi, cuniculi habentes longam caudam sicut 
cati; & in summitate caudae habent pilos nigros & albos. Habent 35 
& multas alias bestiolas bonas ad comedendum: quas ipsi valde 
bene discernunt. Ceruos non vidi ibi. lepores paucos vidi, gaselos 
multos. Asinos syluestres vidi in magna multitudine, qui sunt 
quasi muli. Vidi & aliud genus animalis quod dicitur Artak, 
quod habet recte corpus arietis & cornua torta, sed tantae quan- 40 
titatis, quod vix poteram vna manu leuare duo cornua: & faciunt 

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 153 

de cornibus illis ciphos magnos. Habent falcones, girfalcones, 
& herodios in magna multitudine: quos omnes portant super 
manum dexteram: & ponunt semper falconi vnam corrigiam 
paruulam circa coUum, quae pendet ei vsque ad medietatem 
5 pectoris: per quam cum proijciunt eum ad predam, inclinant cum 
sinistra manu caput & pectus falconis, ne verberetur k vento, vel 
ne feratur sursum. Magnum ergo partem victus sui acquirunt 
venatione. De vestibus & habitu eorum noueritis, quod de 
Cataya & alijs regionibus Orientis, & etiam de Perside & alijs 

10 regionibus austri veniunt eis panni serici & aurei, & telae de 
bambasio, quibus induuntur in aestate. De Russia, de Moxel, 
& Maiore Bulgaria & Pascatir, quae est maior Hungaria, & Kersis : Major Hun- 
(que omnes sunt regiones ad Aquilonem & plenae syluis;) & alijs ^^"^' 
multis regionibus ad latus aquilonare, quae eis obediunt, addu- 

15 cuntur eis pelles preciosas multi generis : quas nunqua vidi in 
partibus nostris : Quibus induuntur in hyeme. Et faciunt semper 
in hyeme duas pelliceas ad minus: vnam, cuius pilus est ad 
carnem : aliam cuius pilus est extra contra ventum & niues, quae 
multoties sunt de pellibus lupinis vel vulpibus vel papionibus. 

20 Et dum sedent in dome habent aliam delicatiorem. Pauperes 
faciunt illas exteriores de canibus & capris. Quum volunt venari 
feras, conueniunt magna multitudo & circundant regionem in qua 
sciunt feras esse, & paulatim appropinquant sibi, donee conclu- 
dant feras inter se quasi infra circulum, & tunc sagitant ad eas. 

25 faciunt etiam braccas de pellibus. Diuites etiam furrant vestes 
suas de stupa setae, quae est supra modum mollis, & leuis & calida. 
Pauperes furrant vestes de tela de bambasio, de delicatiori lana 
quam possunt extrahere: de grossiori faciunt filtrum ad cooperi- 
endum domos suas & cistas, & ad lectisternia. De lana etiam 

30 & tertia parte pilorum equi admixta, faciunt cordas suas. De 
filtro etiam faciunt pauellas sub sellis, & capas contra pluuiam. 
Vnde multum expendunt de lana. Habitum virorum vidistis. Nota. 

JDe rasura virorum & ornatu mulierum. 

VIri radunt in summitate capitis quadrangulum, & ab ante- 
rioribus angulis ducunt rasuram cristse capitis vsque ad 
tempora. Radunt etiam tempora & collum vsque ad summum 
concauitatis ceruicis: & frontem anterius vsque ad frontinellam, 
super quam relinquunt manipulum pilorum descendentium vsque 
ad supercilia : In angulis occipitis relinquunt crines, quibus faciunt 
40 tricas, quas succingunt nodando vsque ad aures. Et habitus 


puellarum non differt ab habitu virorum, nisi quod aliquantulum 
est longior. Sed in crastino postquam est nupta radit caluariam 
suam k medietate capitis versus frontem, & habet tunicam latam 
sicut cucullam monialis, & per omnia latiorem & longiorem, 
fissam ante, quam ligat sub dextro latere. In hoc enim differunt 5 
Tartari k Turcis: quod Turci ligant tunicas suas ad sinistram, 
Tartari semper ad dextram. Postea habent ornamentum capitis, 
quod vocant botta, quod fit de cortice arboris vel alia materia, 
quam possunt inuenire, leuiore: & est grossum & rotundum, 
quantum potest duabus manibus complecti; longum vero vnius 10 
cubiti & plus, quadrum superius, sicut capitellum vnius columns, 
Istud botta coop)eriunt panno serico precioso; & est concauum 
[p. 77] interius: & super capitellum in | medio vel super quadratura illam 
ponunt virgulam de calamis pennarum vel cannis gracilibus longi- 
tudinis scilicet vnius cubiti & plus: & illam sibi virgulam ornant 15 
superius de pennis pauonis, & per longum in circuitu pennulis 
caudae malardi, & etiam lapidibus pneciosis. Diuites dominae 
istud ornamentum ponunt in summitate capitis quod stringunt 
fortiter cum almucia, que foramen habet in summitate ad hoc 
aptatQ, & in isto recondunt crines suos quos recolligQt h parte 20 
posteriori ad summitatem capitis quasi in nodo vno & reponunt 
in illo botta, quod postea fortiter ligant sub gutture. Vnde quum 
equitant plures dominae simul & videntur k longe, apparent milites, 
habentes galeas in capitibus cum lanceis eleuatis. lUud enim 
botta apparet galea desuper lancea. Et sedent omnes mulieres 25 
super equos sicut viti diuersificantes coxas; & ligant cucullas suas 
panno serico aerij colons super renes, & alia fascia stringunt ad 
mamillas: & ligant vnam peciam albam sub occulis, quae de- 
scendit vsque ad pectus. Et sunt mulieres mirse pinguedinis, 
& quae minus habet de naso pulchrior reputatur. Deturpant 30 
etiam turpiter pinguedine facies suas : nunquam cubant in lecto 
pro puerperio. 

De officio mulierum, & operibus earum, ac de 
nuptijs earum. 

OFicium fceminarum est ducere bigas, ponere domus super eas 35 
& deponere, mungere vaccas, facere butirum & griut, parare 
f)elles, & consuere eas, quas consuunt filo de neruis. diuidunt enim 
neruos in minuta fila, & postea ilia contorquent in vnum longum 
filum. Consuunt etiam soculares & soccos & alias vestes. Vestes 
vero nunquam lauant, quia dicunt quod Deus tunc irascitur, & 40 


NAVIGATIONS, etc. 155 

quod fiant tonitrua si suspendantur ad siccandum : Imo lauantes 
verberant & eis auferunt. Tonitrua supra modum timent: tunc 
omnes extraneos emittunt de domibus suis; & inuoluunt se in 
filtris nigris, in quibus latitant, donee transierit. Nunqua etia 

5 lauant scutellos, imo came cocta alueu in quo debent ponere earn 
lauant brodio bulliente de caldaria, & postea refundunt in cal- 
dariam. faciunt & filtrum & cooperiunt domos. Viri faciunt 
solum arcus & sagittas, fabricant strepas & fraena, & faciunt cellas, 
carpentant domos & bigas: custodiunt equos & mungunt equas, 

10 concutiunt ipsum cosmos & lac equinum, faciunt vtres in quibus 
reconditur: custodiunt etiam camelos, & onerant eos. Oues & 
Capras custodiunt mixtim & mungunt aliquando viri, aliquando 
mulieres. De lacte ouium inspissato & salso parant pelles. Cum Peiiium 
volunt manus vel caput lauare implent os suum aqua & paulatim 

15 fundunt de ore suo super manus, & eadem humectant crines 
suos, & lauant caput suum. De nuptijs eorum noueritis, quod 
nemo habet ibi vxorem nisi emat eam: vnde aliquando sunt 
puellae multum advltse ante quam nubant: semper enim tenent 
eas parentes, donee vendant eas. Seruant etiam gradus consan- 

20 guinitatis primum & secundum : nullum autem seruant affinitatis. 
Habent enim simul vel successiue duas sorores. Nulla vidua 
nubit inter eos, hac ratione; quia credunt quod omnes qui 
seruiunt eis in hac vita seruient in futura Vnde de vidua cre- 
dunt, quod semper reuertitur post mortem ad primum maritum. 

25 Vnde accidit turpis consuetudo inter eos quod filius scilicet ducit 
aliquando omnes vxores patris sui, excepta matre. Curia enim 
patris & matris semper accidit iuniori filio. Vnde oportet quod 
ipse prouideat omnibus vxoribus patris sui, quia adueniunt eae cum 
curia paterna. Et tunc si vult vtitur eis pro vxoribus, quia non 

30 reputat sibi iniuriam, si reuertatur ad patrem post mortem. Cum 
ergo aliquis fecerit pactum cum aliquo de filia accipienda, facit 
pater puellae conuiuium, & ilia fugit ad consanguineos, vt ibi 
lateat: Tunc pater dicit, Ecce filia mea tua est, accipe eam vbi- 
cunque inueneris: Tunc ille quaerit eam cum amicis suis, donee 

35 inveniat eam, & oportet, quod vi capiat eam, & ducat eam quasi 
violenter ad domum. 

De iusticijs eorum & iudicijs, et de morte ac 
sepultura eorum. 

DE iusticijs eorum noueritis, quod quando duo homines 
pugnant, nemo audet se intermittere. Etiam pater non 
audet iuuare filium. Sed qui peiorem partem habet, appellat ad 


curiam domini. Et si alius post appellationem tangat eum, inter- 
ficitur. Sed oportet quod statim absque dilatione vadat : Et ille 
qui passus est iniuriam ducit eum quasi captiuum. Neminem 
puniunt capitali sententia, nisi deprehensus fuerit in facto, vel 
confessus. Sed quum diffamatus est k pluribus, bene torquent S 
eum, vt confiteatur. HomicidiQ puniunt capitali sententia, & 
etiam coitum cum non sua. Non suam dico vel vxorem vel 
p. 78] famulam : Sua enim sclaua licet vti | prout libet. Item enorme 
furtum puniunt morte. Pro leui furto, sicut pro vno ariete, 
dummodo non fuerit saepe deprehensus in hoc, verberant crude- 10 
liter. Et si dant centum ictus oportet quod habeant centum 
baculos, de illis dico, qui verberantur sententia curire. Item 
falsos nuncios, quia faciunt se nuncios & non sunt, interficiunt. 
Item sacrilegas, de quibus dicam vobis postea plenius, quia tales 
reputant veneficas. Quando aliquis moritur plangunt vehenieter 15 
vlulando : & tunc sunt liberi quod non dant vectigal vsque ad 
annum. Et si quis interest morti alicujus adulti, non ingreditur 
domum ipsius Mangucham vsque ad annum. Si imruulus est qui 
moritur, non ingreditur vsque post lunationem. lu.xta sepulturam 
defuncti sempKjr relinqunt domum vnam. Si est de nobilibus, hoc 20 
est de genere Chingis, qui fuit primus pater & dominus eorum, 
illius qui moritur ignoratur sepultura : & semper circa loca ilia 
vbi sepeliunt nobiles suos est vna herbergia hominum custodien- 
tium sepulturas. Non intellexi quod ipsi recondunt thesaurum 
cum mortuis. Comani faciunt magnum tumulum super defunctum 35 
& erigunt ei statuam versa facie ad orientem, tenentem ciphum 
in manu sua ante vmbelicum. fabricant & diuitibus pyramides, 
id est domunculas acutas : & alicubi vidi niagnas turres de tegulis 
coctis : alicubi lapideas domos, quamuis lapides non inueniantur 
ibi. Vidi quendam nouiter defunctum, cui suspenderant pelles 30 
sexdecem equorum, ad quodlibet latus mundi quatuor inter per- 
ticas altas : & apposuerunt ei cosmos vt bi beret, & carnes vt 
comederet : & tamen dicebant de illo quod fuerat baptizatus. 
Alias vidi sepulturas versus orientem. Areas scilicet magnas 
structas lapidibus, aliquas rotundas, aliquas quadratas, & postea 35 
quatuor lapides longos erectos ad quatuor regiones mundi circa 
aream. Et vbi aliquis infirmatur cubat in lecto & ponit signum 
super domum suam, quod ibi est infirmus, & quod nullus ingre- 
diatur : vnde nullus visitat infirmum nisi seruiens eius. Quando 
etiam aliquis de magnis curijs infirmatur, ponunt custodes 40 
longe circa curiam, qui infra illos terminos neminem permittunt 
transire : timent enim ne mali spiritus vel ventus veniant cum 
ingredientibus. Ipsos diuinatores vocant tanquam sacerdotes suos. 

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 157 

Qualiter ingressi sunt inter Tartaros, & de 
ingratitudine eorum. 

QVando ergo ingressi sumus inter illos barbaros, visum fuit 
mihi, vt dixi superius, quod ingrederer aliud saeculum. 
5 Circumdederunt enim nos in equis postquam diu fecerant nos 
expectare sedentes in vmbra sub bigis nigris. Prima quaestio 
fuit, vtrum vnquam fuissemus inter eos. habito quod non : in- 
ceperunt impudenter petere de cibarijs nostris, & dedimus de 
pane biscocto & vino quod attuleramus nobiscum de villa : & 

10 potata vna lagena vini, petierunt aliam, dicentes, quod homo non 
ingreditur domum vno pede. non dedimus eis, excusantes nos 
quod parum haberemus. Tunc quaesiuerunt vnde veniremus, & 
quo vellemus ire. dixi eis superiora verba, quod audieramus de 
Sartach, quod esset Christianus, & quod vellem ire ad eum, quia 

15 habebam deferre ei literas vestras. Ipsi diligenter quaesiuerunt, 
vtrum irem de mea voluntate, vel vtrum mitterer. Ego respondi 
quod nemo coegit me ad eundum, nee iuissem nisi voluissem : 
vnde de mea voluntate ibam, & etiam de voluntate superioris mei. 
Bene caui, quod nunquam dixi, me esse nuncium vestrum. Tunc 

20 quaesiuerunt quid esset in bigis, vtrum esset aurum vel argentum, 
vel vestes preciosae, quas deferrem Sartach. Ego respondi, quod 
Sartach videret quid deferremus ei, quando perueniremus ad eum ; 
& quod non intererat eorum ista quaerere : sed facerent me deduci 
vsque ad capitaneum suum, & ipse si vellet mihi praebere ducatum 

25 vsque ad Sartach faceret : sin minus, reuerterer. Erat enim in 
ilia prouincia vnus consanguineus Baatu, nomine Scacatai, cui 
dominus imperator Constantinopolitanus mittebat literas depreca- 
torias, quod me permitteret transire. Tunc ipsi acquieuerunt, 
praebentes nobis equos & boues & duos homines, qui deducerent 

30 nos. Et alij qui adduxerant nos sunt reuersi. Prius tamen ante- 
quam praedicta darent, fecerunt nos diu expectare petentes de 
pane nostro pro parvulis suis : Et omnia quae videbant super 
famulos nostros, cultellos, chirothecas, bursas, corrigias, omnia 
admirantes & volentes habere. Excusabam me, quia longa nobis 

35 restabat via, nee debebamus ita cito spoliare nos rebus necessarijs 
ad tantam viam perficiendam. Tunc dicebant quod essem ba- 
trator. Verum est quod nihil abstulerint vi : Sed valde importune 
& impudenter petunt quae vident. Et si dat homo eis perdit, 
quia sunt ingrati. Reputant se dominos mundi, & videtur eis, 

40 quod nihil debeat eis negari ab aliquo. Si non dat, & postea 
indigeat seruicio eorum, male ministrant ei. Dederunt nobis 


bibere de lacte suo vaccino, a quo contractum erat butirum, 
acetoso valde, quod ipsi vocant Apram : & sic recessimus ab eis. 
Et visum fuit mihi recte, quod euasissem de manibus dsmonum. 
In crastino peruenimus ad capitaneum. Ex quo recessimus a 
[p. 79] Soldaia vsque ad Sartach in duobus mensibus nunquam iacui|mus s 
in domo nee in tentorio, sed semper sub dio, vel sub bigis nostris, 
nee vidimus aliquam villam, vel vestigium alicujus aedificij vbi 
fuisset villa, nisi tumbas ComanorQ in maxima multitudine. Illo 
sero dedit nobis garcio qui ducebat nos bibere cosmos ; ad cuius 
haustum totus sudaui propter horrorem & nouitatem, quia nun- lo 
quam biberam de eo. valde tamen sapidum videbatur mihi, sicut 
vere est. 

De curia Scacatay, & quod Christiani non 
bibunt cosmos. 


Ane ergo obviauimus bigis Scacatay onustis domibus. 15 
Et videbatur mihi quod obuiaret mihi ciuitas magna. 
Mirabar etiani super multitudine armentorum boum & equorum 
& gregum ouium : paucos videbam homines qui ista gubernarent 
vnde inquisiui quot homines haberet sub se? & dictum fuit 
mihi, quod non plusquam quingentos, quorum medietatem transi- 20 
ueramus in alia herbergia. Tunc incepit mihi dicere garcio qui 
ducebat nos, quod aliquid oporteret Scacatay dare : & ipse fecit 
nos stare, & praecessit nuncians aduentum nostrum. lam erat 
hora plusquam tertia, & deposuerunt domos suas iuxta quandam 
aquam. Et venit ad nos interpres ipsius, qui statim cognito, 25 
quod nunquam fueramus inter illos, poposcit de cibis nostris, & 
dedimus ei, poscebat etiam vestimentum aliquod, quia dicturus 
erat verbQ nostrum ante dominum suum. Excusauimus nos. 
Quaesiuit quid portaremus domino suo? Accepimus vnum flasco- 
nem de vino, & impleuimus vnum veringal de biscocto & platellum 30 
vnum de pomis & aliis fructibus. Sed non placebat ei, quia non 
ferebamus aliquem pannum pretiosum. Sic tamen ingressi sumus 
cum timore & verecundia. Sedebat ipse in lecto suo tenens 
citharulam in manu, & vxor sua iuxta eum : de qua credeba in 
veritate, quod amputasset sibi nasum inter oculos vt simior esset : 35 
nihil enim habebat ibi de naso, & vnxerat locum ilium quodam 
vnguento nigro, & etiam supercilia : quod erat turpissimum in 
Notodiii- oculis nostris. Tunc dixi ei verba supradicta. Vbique enim 
genter. oportcbat nos dicere idem verbum. Super hoc enim eramus 

bene prf moniti ab illis qui fuerant inter illos, quod nunquam 40 

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 159 

mutaremus verba nostra. Rogaui etiam eum vt dignaretur ac- 
cipere munusculum de manu nostra, excusans me, quia monachus 
eram, nee erat ordinis nostri possidere aurum, vel argentum, vel 
vestes preciosas. Vnde non habebam aliquid talium, quod possem 

5 ei dare : sed de cibis nostris acciperet pro benedictione. Tunc 
fecit recipi, & distribuit statim hominibus suis qui conuenerant 
ad potandum. Dedi etiam ei literas Imperatoris Constantinopo- 
litani : (Hoc fuit in octauis ascensionis) Qui statim eas Soldaiam 
misit vt ibi interpretarentur : quia erant in Graeco, nee habebat 

10 secum qui sciret literas Graecas. Quaesiuit etiam a nobis, si vel- 
lemus bibere cosmos, hoc est, lac iumentinum. Christiani enim 
Ruteni, Graeci, & Alani, qui sunt inter eos, qui volunt stricte 
custodire legem suam, non bibunt illud : Imo non reputant se 
Christianos postquam biberunt. Et sacerdotes eorum reconciliant 

IS eos, tanquam negassent fidem Christianam. Ego respondi, quod 
habebamus adhuc sufficienter ad bibendum : & cum ille potus 
deficeret nobis, oporteret nos bibere illud, quod daretur nobis. 
Quaesiuit etiam quid contineretur in Uteris nostris, quas mittebatis 
Sartach. Dixi quod clausae erant bullae nostras : & quod non 

20 erant in eis nisi bona verba & amicabilia. Quaesiuit & quae verba 
diceremus Sartach? Respondi, Verba fidei Christiane. Quaesiuit 
quae ? Quia libenter vellet audire. Tunc exposui ei prout potui 
per interpretem meum, qui nullius erat ingenij, nee alicuius elo- 
quentiae, symbolu fidei. Quo audito, ipse tacuit & mouit caput. 

25 Tunc assignauit nobis duos homines, qui nos custodirent, & equos 
& boues : & fecit nos bigare secum, donee reuerteretur nuncius, 
quem ipse miserat pro interpretatione literarum imperatoris ; & 
iuimus cum eo vsque in crastinum Pentecostes. 

Qualiter Alani venerunt ad eos in vigilia 
30 Pentecostes. 

IN vigilia Pentecostes venerunt ad nos quidam Alani, qui ibi 
dicuntur *Acias, Christiani secundum ritum Graecorum ; 
habentes literas Grecas & sacerdotes Graecos : tamen non sunt 
schismatici sicut Graeci ; sed sine acceptione personarum vene- 
35 rantur omnem Christianum : & detulerunt nobis carnes coctas, 
rogantes vt comederemus de cibo eorum, & oraremus pro quodam 
defuncto eorum. Tunc dixi quod vigilia erat tantae solennitatis, 
quod ilia die non comederemus carnes. Et exposui eis de solen- 

• Vel Akas. 


nitate, super quo fuerunt multum gauisi ; quia omnia ignorabant 
quae spectant ad ritum Christianum, solo nomine Christi excepto. 
Quassiuerunt & ipsi & alij multi Christiani, Ruteni & Hungari, 
vtrum possent saluari, quia oportebat eos bibere cosmos, & come- 
[p. 8o] dere morticinia & interfecta k Saracenis & alijs infidelibus : | quae 5 
etiam ipsi Gneci & Ruteni sacerdotes reputant quasi morticinia 
vel idolis immolata : quia ignorabant tempora ieiunij : nee poterant 
custodire etiam si cognouissent. Tunc rectificabar eos prout potui, 
docens & confortans in fide. Games quas detulerant reseruauimus 
vsque ad diem festum : nihil enim inueniebamus venale pro auro 10 
& argento, nisi pro telis & alijs *pannis : & illos non habebamus. 
Quum famuli nostri offerebant eis ipperpera, ipsi fricabant digitis, 
& ponebant ad nares, vt odore sentirent, vtrum essent cuprum. 
Nee dabant nobis cibum nisi lac vaccinum acre valde & foetidum. 
Vinum iam deficiebat nobis. Aqua ita turbabatur ab equis, quod 15 
non erat potabilis. Nisi fuisset biscoctum quod habebamus, & 
gratia dei, fortfe fuissemus mortui. 

De Saraceno qui dixit se velle baptizarj, et de homi- 
nibus qui apparent leprosi. 

IN die pentecostes venit ad nos quidam Saracenus, qui cum 20 
loqueretur nobiscum, incepimus exponere fidem. Qui audiens 
beneficia dei exhibita humano generi in incarnatione Christi, & 
resurrectionem mortuorum, & iudicium futurum, & quod ablutio 
peccatorum esset in baptismo : dixit se velle baptizari. Et cum 
pararemus nos ad baptizandum eum, ipse subito ascendit equum 25 
suum, dicens se iturum domum & habiturum consilium cum vxore 
sua. Qui in crastino loquens nobiscum, dixit quod nullo modo 
auderet accipere baptisma, quia tunc non biberet cosmos. Chris- 
tiani enim illius loci hoc dicebant, quod nullus verus Christianus 
deberet bibere : & sine potu illo non posset viuere in solitudine 30 
ilia. A qua opinione nullo modo potui diuertere ilium. Vnde 
noueritis pro certo quod multQ elongantur k fide propter illam 
opinionem quae iam viguit inter illos per Rutenos, quorum maxima 
multitudo est inter eos. Ilia die dedit nobis ille capitaneus vnum 
hominem, qui nos deduceret vsque ad Sartach : & duos qui duce- 35 
rent nos vsque ad proximam herbergiam ; quae inde distabat 
quinque dietas prout boues poterant ire. Dederunt etiam nobis 
vnam capram pro cibo & plures vtres lactis vaccini, & de cosmos 

* Nota diligentissime. 



parum : quia illud preciosum est inter illos. Et sic arripientes 
iter rect^ in aquilonem, visum fuit mihi quod vnam portam inferni 
transissemus. Garciones qui ducebant nos, incipiebant nobis 
audacter furari, quia videbant nos parum cautos. Tandem amissis 
5 pluribus vexatio dabat nobis intellectum. Peruenimus tandem ad 
extremitatem illius prouinciae, quae clauditur vno fossato ab vno 
man vsque ad aliud : extra quam erat herbergia eorum apud quos 
intrassemus : videbantur nobis leprosi omnes : quia erant viles Salinas. 
homines ibi collocati, vt reciperent tributum ab accipientibus sal 

lo a salinis superius dictis. Ab illo loco, vt dicebant, oportebat nos 
ambulare quindecim diebus, quibus non inueniremus populum. 
Cum illis bibimus cosmos : & dedimus illis vnum veringal plenum 
fructibus & panem biscoctum. Qui dederunt nobis octo boues, 
vnam capram pro tanto itinere, & nescio quot vtres plenos lacte 

15 vaccino. Sic mutatis bobus arripuinus iter, quod perfecimus Decem 
decern diebus vsque ad aliam herbergiam : nee inuenimus aquam '^'*" 
in ilia via nisi in fossis in conuallibus factis, exceptis duobus paruis 
fluminibus. Et tendebamus recte in orientem ex quo exiuimus 
prjedictam prouinciam Gasariae, habentes mare ad meridiem & 

20 vastam solitudinem ad aquilonem : quae durat per viginti dietas 
alicubi in latitudine : In qua nulla est sylua, nuUus mons, nullus 
lapis. Herba est optima. In hac solebant pascere Comani, qui 
dicuntur Capchat. A Tentonicis ver6 dicuntur Valani, & pro- 
uincia Valani. Ab Isidoro vero dicitur a flumine Tanai vsque 

25 ad paludes Meotidis & Danubium Alania. Et durat ista terra in 
longitudine a Danubio vsque Tanaim ; qui est terminus Asiae & 
Europae, itinere duorum mensium velociter equitando prout equi- 
tant Tartari : Quae tota inhabitabatur a Comanis Capchat, & etiam Comanis 
vltra a Tanai vsque *Etiliam: Inter quae flumina sunt decem °"^' " °- 

30 dietae magnae. Ad aquilonem ver6 istius prouinci^ iacet Russia, Russia, 
que vbique syluas habet, & protenditur a Polonia & Hungaria 
vsque Tanaim : quae tota vastata est a Tartaris, & adhuc quotidie 
vastatur. Praeponunt enim Rutenis, quia sunt Christiani, Sara- 
cenos : & cum non possunt amplius dare aurum vel argentum, 

35 ducunt eos & paruulos eorum tanquam greges ad solitudinem vt Prussia, 
custodiant animalia eorum. Vltra Russiam ad aquilonem est 
Prussia, quam nuper subiugauerunt totam fratres Teutonici. Et 
certe de facili acquierent Russiam, si apponerent manum. Si 
enim Tartari audirent, quod magnus sacerdos, hoc est, Papa 

40 faceret cruce signari contra eos, omnes fugerent ad solitudines 

Etilia quae & Volga flumen. 




De tedijs quce patiedantur, & de sepultura 

[p. 8i] 

Calor maxi- 
mus ibi in 



Casale Ru- 

IBbanus ergo versus orientem, nihil vndentes nisi coelum & 
terram, & aliquando mare ad dextram, quod dicitur Mare 
Tanais, & etiam sepulturas Comanorum, quje apparebant nobis 5 
k I duabus leucis secundum quod solebant parentelae eorum sepeliri 
simul. Quam diu eramus in solitudine bene erat nobis : qu6d 
tedium quod patiebar quum veniebanus ad mansiones eorum non 
possem exprimere verbis. Volebat enim dux noster, quod ad 
quoslibet capitaneos ingrederer cum xenio : &: ad hoc non suffi- 10 
ciebant expensoe. Quotidie enim eramus octo personae comedentes 
viaticum nostrfl exceptis seruientibus, qui omnes volebant comedere 
nobiscum. Nos enim eramus quinque, & ipsi tres qui ducebant 
nos : duo ducentes bigas, & vnus iturus nobiscum vsque ad Sartach. 
Games quas dabant non sufficiebant ; nee inueniebamus aliquid 15 
venale pro moneta, Et cum sedebamus sub bigis nostris pro 
vmbra, quia calor erat ibi maximus illo tempore, ipsi ita importune 
ingerebant se nobis, quod conculcabant nos, volentes omnia nostra 
videre. Si arripiebat eos appetitus purgandi ventrem, non elonga- 
bant se a nobis, quam possit faba iactari. Imo iuxta nos coUo- 20 
quentes mutu6 faciebant immunditias suas : & multa alia faciebant 
quae erant supra modum tediosa. Super omnia grauabat me, quod 
cum volebam dicere eis aliquod verbum aedificationis, interpres 
meus dicebat, non facietis me praedicare ; quia nescio talia verba 
dicere. Et verum dicebat. Ego enim perpendi postea, quum incepi 25 
aliquantulum intelligere idioma, quod quum dicebam vnum, ipse 
totum aliud dicebat, secundum quod ei occurrebat. Tunc videns 
periculum loquendi per ipsum, elegi magis tacere. Ambulauimus 
ergo cum magno labore de mansione in mansionem : ita quod 
paucis diebus ante festum beatae Mariae Magdalenas veni ad fluuium 30 
magnum Tanais : qui diuidit Asiam ab Europa, sicut Nilus fluuius 
^gypti, Asiam ab Africa. In illo loco quo applicuimus fecerunt 
Baatu & Sartach fieri quoddam casale de Rutenis in ripa orientali, 
qui transferunt nuncios & mercatores cum nauiculis. Ipsi trans- 
tulerunt nos primo & postea bigas ponentes vnam rotam in vna 35 
barca & aliam in alia, ligantes barcas ad inuicem ; & sic remigantes 
transibant. Ibi egit dux noster valde stulte. Ipse enim credebat, 
quod illi de casali deberent nobis ministrare equos, &: dimisit 
animalia quae adduxeramus in alia biga, vt redirent ad dominos 
suos. Et quum postulauimus ab eis animalia, ipsi respondebant 40 
quod habebant priuilegiQ k Baatu, quod non tenerentur ad aliud. 

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 163 

nisi transferre euntes & redeuntes : etiam k mercatoribus accipie- 
bant magnum tributum. Stetimus ergo ibi in ripa fluminis tribus 
diebus. Prima die dederunt nobis magnam borbatam recentem : 
secunda die panem de siligine & parum de carnibus, quas acce- 
5 perat procurator villae ostiatim per diuersas domos. Tertia die 
pisces siccos, quos habent ibi in magna multitudine. Fluuius ille Latitudo 
erat ibi tantae latitudinis, quantae est Sequana Parisijs. Et ante- 
quam peruenissemus ad locum ilium, transiuimus multas aquas 
pulcherrimas & piscosissimas : Sed Tartari nesciunt eos capere : 

10 nee curant de pisce nisi sit ita magnus, quod possunt comedere 
carnes eius, sicut carnes arietinas. Ille fluuius est terminus Orien- 
talis Russiae ; & oritur de paludibus quae pertingunt ad Oceanum Oceanus. 
ad aquilonem. Fluuius vero currit ad meridiem in quoddam 
magnum Mare septingentorum millium, antequam pertingat ad 

15 Mare Ponti : Et omnes aquae quas transiuimus vadunt ad illas 
partes. Habet etiam prgdictum flumen magnam syluam in ripa 
Occidentali. Vltra locum ilium non ascendunt Tartari versus 
Aquilonem : quia tunc temporis * circa introitum Augusti incipiunt 
redire versus meridiem. Vnde aliud est casale inferius vbi trans- 

20 eunt nuncij tempore hyemali. Eramus igitur ibi in magna angustia, 
quia nee equos nee boues inueniebamus pro pecunia. Tandem 
postquam ostendi eis, quod laboraui pro communi vtilitate omnium 
Christianorum, accomodauerunt nobis boues & homines : nos 
autem oportebat ire pedibus. Tunc temporis metebant siliginem : 

25 triticum non proficiebat ibi bene. Milium habent in magna copia. 
Mulieres Rutenae ornant capita sicut nostrae. Supertunicalia sua 
exterius ornant vario vel grisio a pedibus vsque ad genua. Homi- 
nes portant capas sicut Teutonici : sed in capite portant pileos de 
filtro acutos in summitate longo acumine. Ambulauimus ergo 

30 tribus diebus non inuenientes populum. Et cum essemus valde 
fatigati & boues similiter, nee sciremus quorsum possemus Tartaros 
inuenire, accurrerunt subito duo equi, quos recepimus cum gaudio 
magno, & ascenderunt eos dux noster & interpres, vt specularentur 
quorsum possemus populum inuenire. Tandem quarta die inuentis 

35 hominibus gauisi sumus tanquam naufragi venientes ad portum. 
Tunc acceptis equis & bobus iuimus de mansione ad mansionem 
donee peruenimus vsque ad herbergiam Sartach secundo Calendas 

* Ad introitum Augusti redeunt ad meridiem. 




De regione Sartach, & de gentibus illius. 

Egio ista vltra Tanaim est pulcherrima, habens flumina 
& syluas ad aquilonem. Sunt syluie maximae, quas in- 
habitant duo genera hominum : Moxel scilicet, qui sunt sine 
lege, puri pagani. Ciuitatem non habent sed casulas in syluis. 5 

[p. 82] Dominus eorum & magna | pars eorum fuerunt interfecti in 
Alemania. Tartari enim duxerant eos ad introitum Alemaniae. 
Vnde ipsi multum commendant Alemanos, sperantes quod adhuc 
liberabuntur per eos h seruitute Tartarorum. Si mercator veniat 
ad eos, oportet quod ille apud quern primo descendit prouideat 10 
ei quamdiu vult esse inter eos. Si quis dormiat cum vxore 
alterius, ille non curat nisi videat proprijs oculis : vnde non 
sunt Zelotypi. Abundant apud eos porci, mel, & cera, pelles 
preciosae, & falcones. Post illos sunt alij qui dicuntur Merdas, 

Merdui quos latini vocant Merduos, & sunt Saraceni. Post illos est 15 
•Etilia, quae est maior fluuius, quam vnquam viderim : & venit 
ab Aquilone de maiori Bulgaria tendens ad meridiem : & cadit 
in quendam lacum habentem spacium quatuor mensium in cir- 
cuitu, de quo postea dicam vobis. Ista ergo duo flumina Tanais 
& Etilia versus regiones Aquilonis per quas transiuimus non 20 
distant ab inuicem nisi decem dietis, sed ad meridiem multum 
diuiduntur ab inuicem. Tanais enim descendit in Mare Ponti : 
Etilia facit praedictum Mare siue lacum, cum alijs multis flumi- 
nibus, quae cadunt in ilium de Perside. Habebamus autem ad 
meridiem montes maximos in quibus habitant in lateribus versus 25 
solitudinem illam Cergis & Alani siue t Acas, qui sunt Christiani 
& adhuc pugnant contra Tartaros. Post istos prope Mare siue 

Lesjji Sara- lacum Etiliae sunt quidam Saraceni qui dicuntur Lesgi, qui simi- 
liter obediunt. Post hos est Porta ferrea, quam fecit Alexander 
ad excludendas Barbaras gentes de Perside : de cuius situ dicam 30 
vobis postea, \ quia transiui per earn in reditu. Et inter ista duo 
flumina in illis terris per quas transiuimus habitabant Comani ante- 
quam Tartari occuparent eas. 



De Curia Sartach & de gloria eius. 

Nuenimus ergo Sartach prope Etiliam per tres dietas : cuius 35 
curia valde magna videbatur nobis : quia habet sex vxores, 

• vel Volga fluuius. t Kerkis vel Aas. 

X Keditus eius per Derbent. 

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 165 

& filius eius primogenitus iuxta eum duas vel tres : & quselibet 
habet domum magnam & bigas forte ducentas. Accessit autem 
ductor noster ad quendam Nestorinum Coiat nomine, qui est Coiat Nesto- 
vnus de maioribus Curias suae. Ille fecit nos ire valde longe ad 
5 domini lannam. Ita vocant ilium qui habet officium recipiendi 
nuncios. In sero prgecepit nobis dictus Coiat, vt veniremus ad 
eum. Tunc incepit quaerere ductor noster quid portaremus ei, 
& coepit multum scandalizari, quum vidit quod nihil parabamus 
ad portandum. Stetimus coram eo, & ipse sedebat in gloria sua 

10 & faciebat sonare citharam & saltare coram se. Tunc dixi ei 
verba praedicta qualiter veniremus ad dominum eius, rogans eum 
vt iuuaret nos vt Dominus eius videret literas nostras. Excusaui 
etiam me quia monachus eram, non habens, nee recipiens, nee 
tractans aurum vel argentum vel aliquid preciosum, solis libris 

1$ & capella in qua seruiebamus deo exceptis : vnde nullum xenium 
afferebamus ei nee domino suo. Qui enim propria dimiseram, 
non poteram portator esse alienorum. Tunc respondit satis 
mansuete, quod bene faciebam ex quo eram monachus : sic 
seruarem votum meum, & non indigebat rebus nostris ; sed 

20 magis daret nobis de suis, si indigeremus : & fecit nos sedere 
& bibere de lacte suo. Et post pauca rogauit vt diceremus 
benedictionem pro eo, quod & fecimus. Quaesiuit & quis esset 
maior dominus inter Francos. Dixi, Imperator, si haberet terram 
suam in pace. Non, inquit, sed Rex Franciae. Audiuerat enim 

25 de vobis k domino Baldewyno de Hannonia. Inueni etiam ibi 
vnum de Socijs domus Dominicae, qui fuerat in Cypro, qui narra- 
uerat omnia quae viderat. Tunc reuersi sumus ad hospitium 
nostrum. In crastino misi ei vnum flasconem de vino Muscato, 
quod optime se custodierat in tarn longa via; & cophinum plenum 

30 biscocto quod fuit ei gratissimum, & retinuit illo sero famulos 
nostros secum. In crastino mandauit mihi quod venirem ad 
curiam ; afferens literas regis & capellam & libros mecum, quia 
dominus suus vellet videre ea : quod & fecimus, onerantes vnam 
bigam libris & capella, & aliam pane & vino & fructibus. Tunc 

35 fecit omnes libros & vestes explicari, & circumstabant nos in equis 
multi Tartari & Christiani & Saraceni : quibus inspectis, quaesiuit, 
si vellem ista omnia dare domino suo, quo audito, expaui, & 
displicuit mihi verbum, dissimulans tamen respondi, domine roga- 
mus, quatenus dominus noster dignetur recipere panem istum, 

40 vinum & fructus non pro xenio quia exiguum quid est, sed pro 
benedictione, ne vacua manu veniamus coram eo. Ipse autem 
videbit literas domini regis, & per eas sciet, qua de causa venimus 
ad eum : & tunc stabimus mandato eius nos & omnes res nostrae. 


Vestes enim sanctae sunt, & non licet eas contingere nisi sacer- 
dotibus. Tunc praecepit quod indueremus nos ituri coram domino 
suo : quod it fecimus. Ego autem indutus preciosioribus ves- 
tibus accepi in pectore puluinar, quod erat valde pulchrum, 
& biblium quod dederatis mihi, psalterium pulcherrimum, quod 5 
dederat mihi domina regina, in quo erant picturae pulchrae. 
Socius meus accepit missale & crucem, clericus indutus super- 
cilicio accepit thuribulum : sic accessimus ante dominum eius : 
[p- 83] & leuauerunt \ filtrum quod pendebat ante ostium vt nos posset 

videre. Tunc fecerunt flectere genua ter clerico & interpreti : 10 
a nobis non requisiuerunt. Tunc monuerunt nos valde diligenter, 
vt caueremus ingrediendo & egrediendo ne tangeremus limen 
domus, & vt cantaremus aliquam benedictionem pro eo. Tunc 
ingressi sumus cantando, Salue regina. In introitu autem ostij 
stabat bancus cum cosmos & cum ciphis. Et conuenerant omnes 15 
vxores eius : & ipsi Moal. Ingredientes nobiscum comprimebant 
nos. lUic Coiac tulit ei thuribulum cum incenso, quod ipse 
respexit, tenens in manu diligenter : postea tulit ei psalterium quod 
valde respexit, & vxor eius sedens iuxta eum. Postea tulit biblium, 
& ipse quaesiuit, si euangelium esset ibi. Dixi, etiam tota Scrip- 20 
tura Sacra. Accepit etiam crucem in manu sua, & quaesiuit de 
imagine, vtrum esset imago Christi ? Respondi quod sic. Ipsi 
Nestoriani & Armeni nunquam faciunt super cruces suas figuram 
Christi. Vnde videntur male sentire de passione, vel erubescunt 
eam. Postea fecit circumstantes nos retrahere se, vt plenius posset 25 
videre ornamenta nostra. Tunc obtuli ei literas vestras cum 
transcriptis in Arabico & Syriano. Feceram enim eas transferri 
in Aeon in vtraque litera & lingua. Et ibi erant sacerdotes 
Armeni, qui sciebant Turcicum & Arabicum, & Ille Socius domus 
Domini qui sciebat Syrianum, & Turcicum & Arabicum. Tunc 3° 
exiuimus & deposuimus vestimenta nostra : & venerunt scriptores 
& ille Coiac, & fecerunt literas interpretari. Quibus auditis, fecit 
recipi panem & vinum & fructus : vestimentk & libros fecit nos 
reportare ad hospitium. Hoc actum est in festo Sancti Petri ad 
vincula. 35 

Qualiter habuerunt in mandatis adire Baatu 
patrenn Sartach. 

IN crastino mane venit quidam sacerdos frater ipsius Coiac 
postulans vasculum cum chrismate, quia Sartach volebat 
illud videre, vt dicebat, & dedimus ei. Hora vespertina vocauit 40 

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 167 

nos Coiac, dicens nobis : Dominus rex scripsit bona verba 
Domino meo : Sed sunt in eis difficilia, de quibus nihil auderet 
facere, sine consilio patris sui. Vnde oportet vos ire ad patrem 
suum, & duas bigas quas adduxistis heri cum vestimentis & libris 
5 dimittetis mihi, quia Dominus meus vult res diligentius videre. 
Ego statim suspicatus sum malum de cupiditate eius, & dixi ei. 
Domine, non solum illas sed etiam duas quas adhuc habemus 
relinquemus sub custodia vestra. Non inquit, illas relinquetis, de 
alijs facietis velle vestrum. Dixi quod hoc nullo modo posset 

10 fieri. Sed totam dimitteremus ei. Tunc quaesiuit si vellemus 
morari in terra? Ego dixi, Si bene intellexistis literas domini 
regis, potestis scire, quod sic. Tunc dixit, quod oporteret nos 
esse patientes multum, & humiles. Sic discessimus ab eo illo 
sero. In crastino mane misit vnum sacerdotem Nestorinum pro 

15 bigis, & nos duximus omnes quatuor. Tunc occurrens nobis 
frater ipsius Coiacis, seperauit omnia nostra ab ipsis rebus quas 
tuleramus pridie ad curiam, & ilia accepit tanquam sua, scilicet 
libros & vestimenta : & Coiac prgeceperat, quod ferremus nobis- 
cum vestimenta quibus induti fueramus coram Sartach vt illis 

20 indueremur coram Baatu si expediret : quas ille sacerdos abstulit 
nobis vi, dicens: Tu attulisti eas ad Sartach, modo vis ferre Baatu? 
Et cum vellem ei reddere rationem, respondit mihi, Ne loquaris 
nimis, & vade viam tuam. Tunc necessaria fuit patientia, quia 
apud Sartach, non patebat nobis ingressus ; nee aliquis erat, qui 

25 nobis exhiberet iusticiam. Timebam etiam de interprete, ne ipse 
aliquid aliter dixisset, quam ego dixissem ei : quia ipse bene 
voluisset, quod de omnibus fecissemus xenium. Vnum erat mihi 
solacium, quia quum persensi cupiditatem eorum, ego subtraxi 
de libris Biblium & sententias, & alios libros quos magis dili- 

30 gebam. Psalterium dominse reginse non fui ausus subtrahere, 
quia illud fuerat nimis notatum propter aureas picturas quae erant 
in eo. Sic ergo reuersi sumus cum duobus residuis bigis ad 
hospitium nostrum. Tunc venit ille, qui debebat ducere nos ad 
Baatu, volens cum festinatione arripere iter : cui dixi quod nulla 

35 ratione ducerem bigas. Quod ipse retulit ad Coiac. Tunc prae- 
cepit Coiac quod relinqueremus eas apud ipsum cum garcione 
nostro : quod & fecimus. Sic ergo euntes versus Baatu recta in 
Orientem, tertia die peruenimus ad Etiliam : cuius aquas cum Perueniunt 
vidi, mirabar vnde ab Aquilone descenderunt tantae aquae. Ante- vei Voigll. 

40 quam recederemus a Sartach, dixit nobis supradictus Coiac cum 
alijs multis scriptoribus curiae, Nolite dicere quod dominus noster 
sit Christianus, sed Moal. Quia nomen Christianitatis videtur eis Tartari 

_ , . .^ ^- 1 voluntvocari 

nomen cuiusdam gentis. In tantam super biam sunt erecti, quod Moai. 



quamuis aliquid forte credant de Christo, tamen nolunt did 
[p. 84] Christiani volentes nomen suum, hoc est, | Moal exaltare super 
omne nomen. Nee volunt vocari Tartari : Tartari enim fuerunt 
alia gens de quibus sic didicL 

Con can. 

Vnde vene- 
runt Turci. 

Ocean us. 

Vel Nay. 


vbi habi> 

Andrea* in 
Curia Ken- 
Vut can, 
vel Vnc. 
Crit, & 

Qualiter Sartach, & Mangucham & Kencham 5 
faciunt reuerentiam Christianis. 

TEmpore quo Franci ceperunt Antiochiam tenebat monarchiam 
in illis lateribus Aquilonis quidam qui vocabatur Concan. 
Con est proprium nomen : Can nomen dignitatis quod idem est 
qui diuinator. Omnes diuinatores vocant Can. Vnde principes 10 
dicuntur Can, quia penes eos spectat regimen populi per diuina- 
tionem. Vnde legitur in historia Antiochiae, quod Turci miserunt 
propter succursum contra Francos ad regnum Con can. De illis 
enim partibus venerunt omnes Turci. Iste Con erat Cara-Catay. 
Cara idem est quod nigrum. Catai nomen gentis. Vnde Cara- 15 
Catay idem est quod nigri Catay. Et hoc dicitur ad differentiam 
ipsorum Catay qui erant in Oriente super Oceanum de quibus 
postea dicam vobis. Isti Catay erant in quibusdam alpibus per 
quas transiui. Et in quadam planicie inter illas Alpes erat 
quidam Nestorinus pastor potens & dominus super populum, 20 
qui dicebatur Vayman, qui erant Christiani Nestorini. Mortuo 
Con can eleuauit se ille Nestorius in regem, & vocabant eum 
Nestoriani Regem lohannem : & plus dicebant de ipso in decuplo 
qukm Veritas esset. Ita enim faciunt Nestoriani venientes de 
partibus illis. De nihilo enim faciunt magnos rumores. Vnde 25 
disseminauerunt de Sartach quod es.set Christianus, & de Mangu 
Can & Ken can : quia faciunt maiorem reuerentiam Christianis, 
qu^m alijs populis, & tamen in veritate Christiani non sunt. Sic 
ergo exiuit magna fama de illo Rege lohanne. Et quando ego 
transiui per pascua eius, nullus aliquid sciebat de eo nisi Nestoriani 30 
p>auci. In pascuis eius habitat Kencam, apud cuius curiam 
fuit frater Andreas : & ego etiam transiui per eam in reditu. 
Huic lohanni erat frater quidam potens, pastor similiter, nomine 
Vut : & ipse erat vltra Alpes ipsorum Caracatay, distans h. fratre 
suo spacium trium hebdomadarum & erat dominus cuiusdam 35 
Villulae quae dicitur Caracarum, populum habens sub se, qui dice- 
bantur Crit, Merkit, qui erant Christiani Nestorini. Sed ipse 
dominus eorum dimisso cultu Christi, sectabatur idola ; habens 
sacerdotes idolorum, qui omnes sunt inuocatores daemonum 
& sortilegi. Vltra pascua istius ad decem vel quindecem dietas 40 





erant pascua Moal : qui erant pauperrimi homines sine capitaneo Moai \»a- 
& sine lege, exceptis sortilegijs & diuinationibus, quibus omnes in homines, 
partibus illis intendunt. Et iuxta Moal erant alij pauperes, qui 
dicebantur Tartari. Rex Johannes mortuus fuit sine hserede, Tartarorum 
5 & ditatus est frater eius Vnc ; & faciebat se vocari Can : & mitte- 
bantur armenta greges eius vsque ad terminos Moal. Tunc 
temporis Chingis faber quidam erat in populo Moal : & fura- 
batur de animalibus Vnc can quod poterat : In tantum quod 
conquesti sunt pastores Vut domino suo. Tunc congregauit 

10 exercitum & equitauit in terram Moal, quasrens ipsum Cyngis. 
Et ille fugit inter Tartaros & latuit ibi. Tunc ipse Vut accepta 
praeda Moal & a Tartaris reuersus est. Tunc ipse Cyngis allocutus 
est Tartaros & ipsos Moal dicens, Quia sine duce sumus oppri- 
munt nos vicini nostri. Et fecerunt ipsum ducem & capitaneum 

15 Tartari & Moal. Tunc latenter congregato exercitu irruit super 
ipsum Vut, & vicit ipsum, & ipse fugit in Cathaiam. Ibi capta 
fuit filia eius, quam Cyngis dedit vni ex filijs in vxorem, ex quo 
ipsa suscepit istum qui nunc regnat Mangu. Tunc ipse Cyngis Mangu-can. 
premittebat vbique ipsos Tartaros : & inde exiuit nomen eorum, 

20 quia vbique clamabatur, Ecce Tartari veniunt. Sed per crebra 
bella modo omnes fere deleti sunt. Vnde isti Moal modo volunt 
extinguere illud nomen, & suum eleuare. Terra ilia in qua primo 
fuerunt, & vbi est adhuc curia Cyngiscan, vocatur Mancherule. 
Sed quia Tartari est regio circa quam fuit acquisitio eorum, illam 

25 ciuitatem habent pro regali, & ibi prope eligunt suum Can. 


De Rutenis & Hungaris, & Alanis, & de mari 

[p. 85] 

DE Sartach autem vtrum credit in Christum vel non nescio. 
Hoc scio quod Christianus non vult dici. Imm6 magis 
30 videtur mihi deridere Christianos. Ipse enim est in itinere 
Christianorum, scilicet Rutenorum, Blacorum, Bulgarorum minoris 
Bulgariae, Soldainorum, Kerkisorum, Alanorum : qui omnes trans- 
eunt per eum quum vadunt ad curiam patris sui deferre ei 
munera, vnde magis amplectitur eos. Tamen si Saraceni veniant, 
35 & maius afferant, citiCis expediuntur. Habet etiam circa se 
Nestorinos sacerdotes, qui pulsant tabulam, & cantant officium 

Est alius qui dicitur Berta super Baatu, qui pascit versus Bertavei 
Portam ferream, vbi est iter Saracenorum omnium qui veniunt de ^"'^ 
40 Perside & de Turchia, qui euntes ad Baatu, & transeuntes per 



Caspij de- 

populi, vel 


ditur Isidori 
error de man 

eum, deferunt ei munera. Et ille facit se Saracenum, & non 
permittit in terra sua comedi cames porcinas. Baatu in reditu 
nostro praeceperat ei, quod transferret se de illo loco vltra Etiliam 
ad Orientem, nolens nuncios Saracenorum transire per eum, quia 
videbatur sibi damnosum. 5 

Quatuor autem diebus quibus fuimus in curia Sartach, nun- 
quam prouisum fuit nobis de cibo, nisi semel de modico cosmos. 
In via ver6 inter ipsum & patrem suum habuimus magnum 
timorem. Ruteni enim & Hungari, & Alani serui eorum, quorum 
est magna multitude inter eos, associant se viginti vel triginta lo 
simul, & fugiunt de nocte, habentes pharetras & arcus, & qucm- 
cunque inueniunt de nocte interficiunt, de die latitantes. Et 
quando sunt equi eorum fatigati veniunt de nocte ad multitudi- 
nem equorum in pascuis, & mutant equos, & vnum vel duos 
ducunt secum, vt comedant quum indiguerint. Occursum ergo 15 
talium timebat multum Dux noster. In ilia via fuissemus mortui 
fame, si non portauissemus nobiscum modicum de biscocto. 

Venimus tandem ad Etiliam maximum flumen. Est enim in 
quadruple maius quim Sequana, & profundissimum : Veniens de 
maiori Bulgaria, qu£e est ad Aquilonem, tendens in quendam 20 
lacum, siue quoddam mare, quod mod6 vocant mare Sircan, 
h quadam ciuitate, quae est iuxta ripam eius in Perside. Sed 
Isidorus vocat illud mare Caspium. Habet enim montes Caspios, 
& Persidem h meridie : montes verb Musihet, hoc est, Assassi- 
norum ad Orientem, qui contiguantur cum montibus Caspijs : Ad 25 
Aquilonem verb habet illam solitudinem, in qua mod6 sunt 
Tartari. Prius verb erant ibi quidam qui dicebantur Canglse : Et 
ex illo latere recipit Etiliam, qui crescit in aestate sicut Nilus 
i^'gypti. Ad Occidentem verb habet montes Alanorum & Lesgi ; 
& Portam feream, & montes Georgianorum. Habet igitur illud 30 
mare tria latera inter montes, Aquilonare verb habet ad planiciem. 
Frater Andreas ipse circumdedit duo latera eius, meridionale 
scilicet & Orientale. Ego verb alia duo j Aquilonare scilicet in 
eundo k Baatu ad Mangu cham, Occidentale verb in reuertendo 
de Baatu in Syriam. Quatuor mensibus potest circundari. Et 35 
non est verum quod dicit Isidorus, qubd sit sinus exiens ab 
Oceano : nusquam enim tangit Oceanum, sed vndique circun- 
datur terra. 



De curia Baatu, & qualiter recepti fuerunt ab eo. [p- 86] 

TOta ilia regio a latere Occidentali istius maris, vbi sunt Porta 
ferrea Alexandri, & montes Alanorum, vsq; ad Oceanum 
Aquilonarem & paludes Mseotidis vbi mergitur Tanais, solebat 
5 dici Albania : de qua dicit Isidorus, qu6d habet canes ita magnos, 
tantaeque feritatis, vt tauros premant, leones perimant. Quod 
verQ est, prout intellexi a narrantibus, quod ibi versus Oceanum 
Aquilonarem faciunt canes trahere in bigis sicut boues propter 
magnitudinem & fortitudinem eorum. In illo ergo loco vbi nos 

10 applicuimus super Etiliam est casale nouum, quod fecerunt 
Tartari de Rutenis mixtim, qui transponunt nuncios euntes, & 
redeuntes ad curiam Baatu : quia Baatu est in vlteriori ripa versus 
Orientem : nee transit ilium locum vbi nos applicuimus ascendendo 
in aestate, sed iam incipiebat descendere. De lanuario enim 

15 vsque ad Augustum ascendit ipse, & omnes alij versus frigidas 
regiones, & in Augusto incipiunt redire. Descendimus ergo in 
naui ab illo casali vsque ad curiam eius. Et ab illo loco vsque ad 
villas maioris Bulgaria versus Aquilonem, sunt quinque dietae. 
Et miror quis Diabolus portauit illuc legem Machometi. A 

20 Porta enim ferrea, quae est exitus Persidis, sunt plusquam triginta 
dietae per transuersum, solitudinem ascendendo iuxta Etiliam 
vsque in illam Bulgariam, vbi nulla est ciuitas, nisi quaedam casalia 
prope vbi cadit Etilia in mare. Et illi Bulgari sunt pessimi 
Saraceni, fortius tenentes legem Machometi, quam aliqui alij. 

25 Quum ergo vidi curiam Baatu, expaui ; quia videbantur prope 
domus eius, quasi quaedam magna ciuitas protensa in logum, 
& populus vndiq; circumfusus, vsq; ad tres vel quatuor leucas. Et 
sicut populus Israel sciebat vnusquisq;, ad quam regionem taber- 
naculi deberet figere tentoria : ita ipsi sciunt ad quod latus curise 

30 debeant se collocare, quando ipsi deponunt domus. Vnde dicitur 
curia Orda lingua eorum, quod sonat medium, quia semper est in 
medio hominum suorum : hoc excepto, quod recta ad meridiem 
nullus se coUocat, quia ad partem illam aperiuntur portae Curiae : 
Sed a dextris & a sinistris extendunt se quantum volunt secundum 

35 exigentiam locorum : dummodo recte ante curiam, vel ex opposito 
curiae non descendunt. Fuimus ergo ducti ad quendam Sara- 
cenum, qui non prouidebat nobis de aliquo cibo : sequenti die 
fuimus ad curiam, & fecerat extendi magnum tentorium, quia 
domus non potuisset capere tot homines & mulieres, quot con- 

40 uenerant. Monuit nos ductor noster vt non loqueremur, donee 
Baatu praeciperet : & tunc loqueremur breuiter. Quaesiuit etiam 




naui per 


30 diet^ k 

Porta ferrea. 


curiae Baatu. 

Horda sonat 


Misitrex vtruiTi itiisissetis nuncios ad eos. Dixi qualiter niiseratis ad 

r rancue ad j • • 

Kencham KenchaiTi, & quod nec ad ipsum misissetis nuncios, nee ad 
Sartach literas, nisi credidissetis eos fuisse Christianos : quia non 
pro timore aliquo, sed ex congratulatione, quia audiueratis eos 
esse Christianos, misistis. Tunc duxit nos ad papilionem : & 5 
monebamur, ne tangeremus cordas tentorij, quas ipsi reputant 
loco liminis domus. Stetimus ibi nudis pedibus in habitu nostro 
discoopertis capitibus, &: eramus spectaculum magnum in oculis 

lohannesde eonim. Fucrat enim ibi frater lohannes de Piano carpini, sed 

Piano . ... . *^ ' . 

carpini. ipsc mutaucrat habitum ne contemneretur ; quia erat nuncms »o 
Domini Papse. Tunc inducti fuimus vsque ad medium tentorij, 
nec requisiuerunt vt faceremus aliquam reuerentiam genua flec- 
tendo, sicut solent facere nuncij. Stetimus ergo coram eo quantum 
possit dici. Miserere mei Deus : & omnes erant in summo silentio. 
Ipsever6 super solium longum sedebat & latum sicut lectus, totum iS 
deauratum, ad quod ascendebatur tribus gradibus, & vna domina 
iuxta eum. Viri vero difTusi sedebant k dextris dominae & k 
sintstris : quod non implebant mulieres ex parte vna, quia erant 
ibi solae vxores Baatu, implebant viri. Bancus ver6 cum cosmos 
& ciphis maximis aureis & argenteis, ornatis lapidibus prsetiosis 20 
erat in introitu tentorij. Respexit ergo nos diligentius, & nos 
eum : & videbatur mihi similis in statura T)omino lohanni de 
Bello monte cuius anima requiescit in pace. Erat etiam vultus 
eius tunc perfusus gutta rosea. Tandem pnecepit vt loquerer. 
Tunc ductor noster precepit vt flecteremus genua, & loqueremur. 25 
Flexi vnum genu tanquam homini : tunc innuit quod ambo 
flecterem, quod & feci, nolens contendere super hoc. Tunc prse- 
cepit quod loquerer. Et ego cogitans quod orarem Dominum, 
quia flexeram ambo genua, Incepi verba oratione, dicens : Domine, 
nos oramus Dominum, k quo bona cuncta procedunt, qui dedit 30 
vobis ista terrena, vt det vobis post h?c coelestia : quia hoec sine 
illis vana sunt. Et ipse diligenter auscultauit, & subiunxi : 
Noueritis pro certo qu6d coelestia non habebitis, nisi fueritis 
Christianus. Dicit enim Deus, Qui crediderit & baptizatus fuerit, 
saluus erit : qui vero non crediderit, condemnabitur. Ad illud 35 
verbum ipse modest^ subrisit, & alij Moal inceperunt plaudere 
manus deridendo nos. Et obstupuit interpres meus, quem 
oportuit me confortare ne timerem. Tunc facto silentio, dixi : 
Literx Ego veni ad filium vestrum, quia audiuimus qu6d esset Christi- 
Francorum. anus, & attuH ei literas ex parte Domini Regis P'rancorum : ipse 40 
[p. 87] misit me hue ad vos, Vos debetis | scire qua de causa. Tunc 
fecit me surgere. Et quaesiuit nomen vestrum, & meum, & socij 
mei, & interpretis, & fecit omnia scribi. Quaesiuit etiam, quia 

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 173 

intellexerat quod exieratis terrain vestram cum exercitu vt haberetis 
bellum. Respond!, Contra Saracenos violantes domum Dei 
Hierusalem. Quaesiuit etiam si vnquam misissetis nuncios ad 
eum. Ad vos dixi nunquam. Tunc fecit nos sedere, & dari de 
5 lacte suo ad bibendum, quod ipsi valde magnum reputant, quando 
aliquis bibit cosmos cum eo in dome sua. Et dum sedens 
respicerem terram, praecepit vt eleuarem vultuni, volens adhuc nos 
amplius respicere, vel forte pro sortilegio : quia habent pro malo 
omine vel signo, vel pro mala Prognostica, quando aliquis sedet 

10 coram eis inclinata facie quasi tristis, maxime quum appodiat 
maxillam, vel mentum super manum. Tunc exiuimus, & post 
pauca, venit Ductor noster ad nos, & ducens nos ad hospitium, 
dixit mihi, Dominus Rex rogat, quod retinearis in terra ista : & 
hoc non potest Baatu facere sine conscientia Mangu cham. Vnde 

15 oportet quod tu & interpres tuus eatis ad Mangu cham. Socius 
ver5 tuus & alius homo reuertentur ad curiam Sartach ibi ex- 
pectantes donee reuertatis. Tunc incepit homo DEI Interpres 
lugere reputans se perditum : Socius etiam meus contestari, quod 
citius amputarent ei caput, quam quod diuideretur a me. Et ego 

20 dixi, quod sine socio non possem ire : Et etiam quod bene indige- 
bamus duobus famulis, quia si contingeret vnum infirmari, non 
possem solus remanere. Tunc ipse reuersus ad curiam dixit verba 
Baatu. Tunc praecepit : vadant duo sacerdotes & interpres : & 
Clericus reuertatur ad Sartach. Ille reuersus dixit nobis sum- 

25 mam. Et quando volebam loqui pro Clerico, quod iret nobiscum, 
dixit, Non loquamini amplius, quia Baatu definiuit, & eo amplius 
non audeo redire ad curiam. De eleemosyna habebat Goset 
clericus viginti sex ipperpera, & non plus : quorum decem retinuit 
sibi & puero : & sexdecem dedit homini Dei pro nobis. Et sic 

30 diuisi sumus cum lachrimis ab inuicem : lUo redeunte ad curiam 
Sartach, & nobis ibi remanentibus. 

De itinera fratrum versus curiam Mangu cham. 

IN Vigilia Assumptionis peruenit ipse clericus ad Curiam 
Sartach : & in crastino fuerunt Sacerdotes Nestorini induti 
3 vestimentis nostris coram Sartach. Tunc ducti fuimus ad alium 
hospitem, qui debebat nobis prouidere de domo & cibo & equis. 
Sed quia non habuimus quod daremus ei, omnia male faciebat. 
Et bigauimus cum Baatu descendendo iuxta Etiliam quinque 2"'t"manas 
septimanas. Aliquando habuit socius meus tantam famem, quod juxta Eti- 

. . -11 M • 1 liam de- 

40 dicebat mihi quasi lachrymando : videbatur mihi quod nunquam scendebant. 





Iter quatuor 
mensitim h 

[p. 88] 

1 6. Septemb, 


comederim. Forum sequitur semper Curiam Baatu. Sed illud 
erat tam longe k nobis, quod non poteramu^ ire. Oportebat enim 
nos ire pedibus pro defectu equorum. Tandem inuenerunt nos 
quidam Hungari, qui fuerant Clericuli, quorum vnus sciebat adhuc 
cantare multa corde, & habebatur ab alijs Hungaris quasi Sacerdos, 5 
& vocabatur ad exequias suorum defunctorum : Et alius fuerat 
competenter instructus in Grammatica : qui intelligebat quicquid 
dicebamus ei literaliter, sed nesciebat respondere : qui fecerunt 
nobis magnam consolationem, afferentes cosmos ad bibendum, & 
carnes aliquando ad comedendum : qui quum postulassent h nobis 10 
aliquos libros, & non haberem quos possem dare, nullos enim 
habebam, nisi Biblium & breuiarium, dolui multum. Tunc dixi 
eis, afiferte nobis chartas, & ego scribam vobis, quamdiu erimus 
hie : quod & fecerunt. Et scripsi vtrasque boras Beatae Virginis 
& officium defunctorum. Quodam die iunxit se nobis quidam 15 
Comanus, salutans nos verbis latinis, dicens, Saluete Domini. 
Ego mirans, ipso resalutato, quaesiui ab eo, quis eum docuerat 
illam salutationem. Et ipse dixit quod in Hungaria fuit baptizatus 
k fratribus nostris qui docuerant ilium eam. Dixit etiam quod 
Baatu quaesiuerat ab eo multa de nobis, & quod ipse dixerat ei 20 
conditiones ordinis nostri. Ego vidi Baatu equitantem cum turba 
sua, & omnes patres familias equitantes cum eo, secundum aesti- 
mationem meam non erant quingenti viri. Tandem circa finem 
exaltationis sanctae crucis venit ad nos quidam diues Moal, cuius 
pater erat millenarius, quod magnum est inter eos, dicens, Ego vos 25 
debeo ducere ad Mangu cham, & est iter quatuor mensium : & 
tantum frigus est ibi, quod finduntur ibi lapides & arbores pro 
frigore : Videatis vtrum poteritis sustinere. Cui respondi : Spero 
in virtute Dei, quod nos sustinebimus, quod alij homines po.ssunt 
sustinere. Tunc dixit : Si non poteritis sustinere, ego relinquam 30 
vos in via. Cui respondi, hoc non esset iustum : quia non 
iuimus pro nobis, nisi missi k Domino vestro : Vnde ex quo vobis 
committimur, non debetis nos dimittere. Tunc dixit, henh erit. 
Post I hoc fecit nos ostendere sibi omnes vestes nostras, & quod 
sibi videbatur minus necessarium fecit deponere sub custodia 35 
hospitis nostri. In crastino attulerunt cuilibet no.strum vnam 
pelliceam villosam arietinam & braccas de eadem, & botas siue 
bucellos secundum morem eorum cum soccis de filtro ; & almucias 
de pellibus secundum modum eorum. Et secunda die post 
exaltationem Sanctae crucis incepimus equitare nos tres habentes 40 
signarios : & equitauimus continue versus Orientem vsque ad 
festum Omnium Sanctorum, per totam illam terram, & adhuc 
amplius habitabant Cangle, quaedam parentela Romanorum. Ad 

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 175 

Aquilonem habebamus maiorem Bulerariam, & ad meridiem prae- Maior 

. ,. • C> ' X- Bulgaria. 

dictum mare Caspium. 

De flumine lagag, & de diuersis regionibus siue 

c T^Ostquam iueramus duodecim diebus ab Etilia inuenimus lagag 

r""^ T o • -L A M flumen 12, 

X magnum flumen, quod vocant lagag : & venit ab Aquilone dietis k 
de terra Pascatir descendens in predictum mare. Idioma Pascatir ° ^^' 
& Hungarorum idem est : & sunt pastores sine ciuitate aliqua. Et Pascatir 
contiguatur maiori Bulgariae ab Occidente. Ab ilia terra versus Basci'rdorum 

10 Orientem in latere illo Aquilonari non est amplius aliqua ciuitas. zibtJ!' 
Vnde Bulgaria maior est vltima regio habens ciuitatem. De ilia 
regione Pascatir exierunt Huni, qui postea dicti sunt Hungari. Hungaria 
Vnde ipsa est maior Bulgaria. Et dicit Isidorus, qu6d pernicibus oriundi. 
equis claustra Alexandri rupibus Caucasi feras gentes cohibentia 

15 transierunt : ita quod usque in .^gyptum soluebatur eis tributum. 
Destruxerunt etiam omnes terras usque in Franciam. Vnde 
fuerunt maioris potentise, quam sunt adhuc Tartari. Cum illis 
occurrerunt Blaci & Bulgari & Vandali. De ilia enim maiori 
Bulgaria venerunt illi Bulgari : Et qui sunt vltra Danubium prope 

20 Constantinopolin, & iuxta Pascatir sunt Ilac, quod idem est quod Nota. 
Blac : sed B. nesciunt Tartari sonare : a quibus venerunt illi qui 
sunt in terra Assani. Vtrosque enim vocant Ilac, & hos & illos 
lingua Rutenorum & Polonorum, & Boemorum. Sclauorum est 
idem idioma cum lingua Vandalorum, quorum omnium manus 

25 fuit cum Hunis : & nunc pro maiori parte est cum Tartaris quos 
Deus suscitauit a remotioribus partibus, populum multum, & 
gentem stultam, secundum quod dicit Dominus, Prouocabo eos, id Deut.32. 21. 
est, non custodientes Legem suam, in eo qui non est populus, & in 
gente stulta irritabo eos : Hoc completur ad literam super omnes 

30 nationes non custodientes Legem Dei. Hoc quod dixi de terra 
Pascatir scio per fratres Praedicatores,* qui iuerunt illuc ante 
aduentum Tartarorum. Et ex tunc erant ipsi subiugati a vicinis 
Bulgaris Saracenis, & plures eorum facti Saraceni. Alia possunt 
sciri per Chronica : quia constat quod illae prouincise post Con- 

35 stantinopolim, quae modo dicuntur Bulgaria, Valachia, Sclauonia, 
fuerunt prouinciae Grgcorum. Hungaria fuit Pannonia. Equi- 
tauimus ergo per terram Cangle a festo Sanctae crucis vsque ad Candle 
festum Omnium Sanctorum, quolibet die fere quantum est a ingens. 

* Qui fuerunt isti fratres ? 



Parisijs vsque Aurelianum, secundiim quod possum estimare, & 
plus aliquando: secundum quod habebamus copiam equorum. 
Aliquando enim mutabamus bis in die vel ter equos. Aliquando 
ibamus duobus diebus vel tribus, quibus non inueniebamus popu- 
lum, & oportebat leuius ire. De viginti vel triginta equis nos 5 
semper habebamus peiores, quia extranei eramus. Omnes enim 
accipiebant ante nos equos meliores. Mihi semper prouidebant 
de forti equo, quia eram ponderosus valde : sed vtrum suauiter 
ambularet vel non, de hoc non auderem facere quaestionem. Nee 
etiam audebam conqueri, si dure portaret. Sed fortunam suam 10 
oportebat vnumquemque sustinere. Vnde oriebatur nobis diffi- 
cillimus labor : quia multoties fatigabantur equi, antequam posse- 
mus peruenire ad populum. Et tunc oportebat nos percutere & 
flagellare equos, ponere etiam vestes super alios saginarios, mutare 
equos saginarios ; aliquando nos duos ire in vno equo. iS 

[p. 89] 





Vasta soli- 

De fame & siti, & alijs miserijs quas sustinuerunt 

in itinere. 

DE fame & siti, frigore & fatigatione non est numerus. Non 
enim dant cibum nisi in sero. In mane dant aliquid 
bibere, vel sorbere milium. In sero dabant nobis carnes, scapulam 20 
arietis cum costis & de brodio ad mensuram bibere. Quando 
habebamus de brodio carnium ad satietatem optimfe reficiebamur. 
Et videbatur mihi suauissimus potus & | maxim^ nutriens. Feria 
sexta permanebam ieiunus vsq; ad noctem, nihil hauriens. Tunc 
oportebat me in tristitia & dolore comedere carnes. Aliquando 25 
oportebat nos comedere carnes semicoctas vel fere crudas propter 
defectum materiae ignis, quando iacebamus in campis & de nocte 
descendebamus : quia tunc non poteramus bene colligere stercora 
equorum vel boum : aliam materiam ignis rar6 inueniebamus ; nisi 
forte alicubi aliquas spinas. In ripis etiam aliquorum fluminum 30 
sunt alicubi syluje. Sed hoc rarb. In principio despiciebat nos 
multlim Ductor noster, & fastidiebat eum ducere tarn viles 
homines. Postea tamen quando incepit nos melius cognoscere, 
ducebat nos per curias diuitum Moallorum : & oportebat nos orare 
pro ipsis. Vnde si habuissem bonum interpretem, habebam 35 
oportunitatem seminandi multa bona. lUe Chingis primus Cham 
habuit quatuor filios, de quibus egressi sunt multi, qui omnes 
habent modo magnas curias : & quotidie multiplicantur & diffun- 
duntur per illam Vastam solitudinem, quae est sicut mare. Per 
multos erg6 illorum ducebat nos Ductor noster, Et mirabantur 40 


Et quadam die dum esset ebrius, loquebatur ita cum hominibus 
suis. Nonne sum de genere Chingis can sicut Baatus (Et ipse 
erat nepos Baatu vel frater) quare non vadam super ripam Etilise, 
sicut Baatu, vt pascam ibi? Quae verba relata fuerunt Baatu. 
Tunc ipse Baatu scripsit hominibus illius, vt adducerent ei domi- 5 
num ipsorum vinctum: quod & fecerunt. Tunc Baatu quaesiuit 
Casaie. ab CO si dixisset tale verbum: & ipse confessus est, tamen ex- 
cusauit se, quia ebrius erat: (quia solent condonare ebrijs:) & 
Baatu respondit: Quomodo audebas me nominare in ebrietate 
tua ? Et fecit ei amputari caput. De illis Teutonicis nihil potui 10 
Boiac villa, cogtiosccre vsque ad curiam Mangu. Sed in supradicto casali 
Aurifodinae. jj^^gUg^^j^ q^Q^j Talas crat post nos iuxta motes per sex dietas. 
intrat Quando veni ad curiam Mangu cham, intellexi quod ipse Mangu 

M^^ transtulerat eos de licentia Baatu versus Orientem spacio itineris 
***""■ vnius mensis h Talas ad quandam villam quae dicitur Bolac: vbi 15 

fodiunt aurum, & fabricant arma. Vnde non potui ire nee redire 
per eos. Transiui eundo satis prope, per tres dietas forte, ciui- 
tatem illam: sed ego ignoraui: nee potuissem etiam declinasse 
extra viam, si bene sciuissem. A praedicto casali iuimus ad Orien- 
tem iuxta montes praedictos : & ex tunc intrauimus inter homines 20 
Mangu cham, qui vbique cantabant & plaudebant coram ductore 
nostro : quia ipse erat nuncius Baatu. Hunc enim honorem exhi- 
bent sibi mutuo, vt homines Mangu cham recipiant nuncios Baatu 
[p- 90] I prsedicto modo : Et similiter homines Baatu nuncios Mangu. 

Tamen homines Baatu superiores sunt, nee exequuntur ita dili- 25 
Aipesin genter. Faucis diebus post hoc intrauimus Alpes, in quibus 
haWubant solcbant habitare Cara catay: & inuenimus ibi magnum fluuium, 
Caracatay. ^^^ oportuit nos transire nauigio. Post haec intrauimus quan- 
fluuius. dam vallem, vbi vidi castrum quoddam destructum, cums mun 
Terra cuita. non crant nisi de luto, & terra colebatur ibi. Et p6st inuenimus 30 
Equius villa q^^j^^j^^ bonam villam quae dicitur Equius, in qua erant Saraceni 
Longissime loqucntes Persicum : longissime tamen erant a Perside. Sequenti 
a Perside. ^.^ transgressis illis Alpibus quae descendebant k magnis montibus 
ad meridiem, ingressi sumus pulcherrimam planiciem habentem 
montes altos a dextris, & quoddam mare a sinistris, siue quendam 35 
Lacus quin- kcum qui durat quindecem dietas in circuitu. Et ilia planicies 
dtewmm tota irrigabatur ad libitum aquis descendentibus de montibus, 
*^"''"- quae omnes recipiuntur in illud mare. In aestate rediuimus ad 
latus Aquilonare illius maris, vbi similiter erant magni montes. 
In planicie pradicta solebant esse multae villae : sed pro maiori 40 
parte omnes erant destructae, vt pascerent ibi Tartari: quia optima 
pascua erant ibi. Vnam magnam villam inuenimus ibi nomine 
SS villa Cailac, in qua erat forum, & frequentabant eam multi mercatores. 



supra modum, quia nolebamus recipere aurum, vel argentum, vel 
vestes pneciosas. Quaerebant etiam de magno Papa, si esset ita 
senex sicut audierant : audierant enim quod esset quingentorum 
annorum. Quaerebant de terris nostris si ibi essent multse oues, & 

5 boues, & equi. De Oceano mari non potuerunt intelligere, quod 
esset sine termino vel sine ripa. In vigilia omnium Sanctorum 
dimisimus viam in Orientem, *quia iam populus descenderat 
multum versus meridiem : Et direximus iter per quasdam Alpes 
rect^ in meridiem continue per octo dies. In ilia solitudine vidi 

10 multos asinos, quos vocant Colan, qui magis assimulantur mulis : 
quos multum prosequuti sunt Dux noste & socij eius, sed nihil 
profecerunt propter nimiam velocitatem eorum. Septima die ince- 
perunt nobis apparere ad meridiem montes altissimi : & intrauimus 
planiciem, quae irrigabatur sicut hortus, & inuenimus terras cultas. 

15 In octauis omnium Sanctorum intrauimus villam quandam Sara- 
cenorum nomine Kenchat : cuius capitaneus occurrebat extra 
villam duci nostro cum ceruisia & ciphis. Hie est enim mos 
eorum ; quod de omnibus villis subditis eis, occurratur nuncijs 
Baatu, & Mangu cham cum cibo & potu. Tunc temporis ibant ibi 

20 super glaciem. Et prius a festo Sancti Michaelis habueramus gelu 
in solitudine. Quassiui de nomine Prouinciae illius : sed quia iam 
eramus in alio territorio nescierunt mihi dicere, nisi k nomine 
ciuitatis, quae erat valde parua. Et descendebat magnus fluuius 
de montibus, qui irrigabat totam regionem, secundtim quod vole- 

25 bant aquam ducere : nee descendebat in aliquod mare, sed 
absorbebatur k terra : & faciebat etiam multas paludes. Ibi vidi 
vites, & bibi bis de vino. 

Iter versus 
octo dierum. 

Asini velo- 
Terra; cultx;. 

villa Sara- 

Septimo die 
ibant super 


valde parua. 






De interfectione Ban & habitatione Teuto- 


30 OEquenti die venimus ad aliud casale propinquius montibus. 
w3 Et quaesiui de montibus, de quibus intellexi, qu6d essent 
montes Caucasi: qui contiguantur ex vtraque parte maris ab 
Occidente vsque ad Orientem : & quod transiueramus mare supra- 
dictum, quod intrat Etilia. Quaesiui etiam de Talas ciuitate, in 

35 qua erant Teutonici serui Buri, de quibus dixerat frater Andreas, 
de quibus etiam quaesiueram multum in curia Sartach & Baatu. 
Sed nihil poteram intelligere, nisi quod Ban dominus eorum 
fuerat interfectus tali occasione. Ipse non erat in bonis pascuis. 







Talas, vel 




Nota diligenter. 



NAVIGATIONS, etc. 179 

In ilia quieuimus quindecem diebus, expectantes quendam scrip- & plena 
torem Baatu, qui debebat esse socius ducis nostri in negotijs bus'!"'"" 
expediendis in curia Mangu. Terra ilia solebat dici Organum: 
& solebant habere proprium idioma, & propriam literam: Sed 
5 haec tota erat occupata h Contomannis. Etiam in literatura ilia ContomannL 
& idiomate solebant facere Nestorini de partibus illis. Dicuntur 
Organa, quia solebant esse optimi Organistae vel Citharistae, vt 
dicebatur mihi. Ibi primo vidi Idolatrias, de quibus noueritis, 
quod sunt multse sectae in Oriente. 

10 Quod Nestorini et Saracen! sunt mixti & Idolatry. 

PRimi sunt lugures, quorum terra contiguatur cum terra prae- lugures 
dicta Organum inter montes illos versus Orientem: Et in jdoialrae. 
omnibus ciuitatibus eorum sunt mixti Nestorini & Saraceni. Et 
ipsi etia sunt diflFusi versus Persidem in ciuitatibus Saracenorum. 

15 In predicta ciuitate Cealac habebant etiam ipsi tres Idolatrias, Caiiac. 
quarum duas intraui, vt viderem stultitias eorum. In prima inueni 
quendam, qui habebat cruciculam de atramento super manum 
suam. Vnde credidi quod esset Christianus : quia ad omnia quae 
quaerebam ab eo, respondebat vt Christianus. Vnde qugsiui ab 

20 eo : Quare ergo non habetis crucem & imaginem lesu Christi ? 
Et ipse respondit, non habemus consuetudinem. vnde ego credidi 
quod essent Christiani: sed ex defectu doctring omitterent. 
Videbam enim ibi post quandam cistam, quae erat eis loco 
altaris, super quam ponunt lucernas & oblationes, quandam ima- 

25 ginationem habentem alas quasi Sancti Michaelis : & alias quasi 
ipsorum tenentes digitos sicut ad benedicendum. Illo sero non 
potui aliud inuenire. Quia Saraceni in tantu inuitant eos, quod 
nee etiam volunt loqui inde eis. Vnde quando quaerebam a 
Sararcenis de ritu talium, ipsi scandalizabantur. In crastino fu- 

30 erunt kalendae & pascha Saracenorum & mutaui hospitium : ita 
quod fui hospitatus prope aliam Idolatriam. Homines enim 
coUigunt nuncios, quilibet secuudum posse suum vel portionem 
suam. Tunc intrans Idolatriam praedictam inueni sacerdotes 
Idolorum. In kalendis enim aperiunt templa sua, & ornant se 

35 sacerdotes, & offerunt populi oblationes de pane & fructibus. 
Prim6 ergo describo vobis ritus communes omnes Idolatrarum: 
& postea istorum lugurum; qui sunt quasi secta diuisa ab alijs. lugures 
Omnes adorant ad Aquilonem complosis manibus: & proster- ab*^^ifs"'** 
nentes se genibus flexis ad terram, ponentes frontem super manus. I'lo'oia"^- 

40 Vnde Nestorini in partibus illis nullo modo iungunt manus orando : 


sed orant extensis palmis ante pectus. Porrigunt templa sua ab 

Oriente in Occidentem: &: in latere Aquilonari faciunt cameram 

vnam quasi eoru exeuntem : vel aliter, Si est domus quadrata, 

in medio domus ad latus aquilonare intercludunt vnam cameram 

in loco chori. Ibi ergo coUocant vnam arcam longam & latam 5 

sicut mensam vnam. Et post illam arcam contra meridiem 

Fuitapud collocant principale idolum: quod ego vidi apud Caracarum, ita 

fniterWii- magnum sicut pingitur Sanctus Christopherus. Et dixit mihi 

' ""*■ quidam sacerdos Nestorinus, qui venerat ex Cataya, quod in terra 

ilia est Idolum ita magnum, quod potest videri k duabus dietis. 10 
Et collocant alia idola in circuitu, omnia pulcherrime deaurata: 
Super cistam illam, quje est quasi mensa vna, ponunt lucernas 
& oblationes. Omnes portae templorum sunt apertae ad meridiem 
contrario modo Saracenis. Item habent campanas magnas sicut 
nos. Ideo credo quod orientales Christiani noluerunt habere eas. 15 
Ruteni tamen habent & Graeci in Gasaria. 

[p- 91] I De tempHs eorum & idolis, & qualiter se habent 

in officio deorum suorum. 

OMnes sacerdotes eorum rasum habent totum caput & bar- 
bam ; sunt vestiti de croceo, & seruant castitatem, ex quo 20 
radunt caput: Et viuunt pariter centum vel ducenti in vna con- 
gregatione. Diebus quibus intrant templum, ponunt duo scamna, 
& sedent ^ regione chorus contra chorum habentes libros in 
manibus, quos aliquando deponunt super ilia scamna: & habent 
capita discooperta quadiu insunt in tSplo, legentes in silencio, 25 
& tenentes silencium. Vnde cCim ingressus fuissem apud Ora- 
torium quoddam eorum, & inuenissem eos ita sedentes, multis 
modis tentaui eos prouocare ad verba, & nullo modo potui. 
Habent etiam quocunque vadunt quendam restem centum vel 
ducentorum nucleorum, sicut nos portamus pater noster : Et 30 
dicunt semper haec verba : Ou mam Hactaui: hoc est, Deus tu 
nosti; secundum quod quidem eorum interpretatus est mihi. 
Et toties expectant remunerationem h. Deo, quoties hoc dicendo 
memoratur Dei. Circa templum suum semper faciunt pulchrum 
atrium, quod bene includunt muro: & ad meridiem faciunt 35 
portam magnam, in qua sedent ad colloquendum. Et super 
illam portam erigunt perticam longam, quae emineat si possint, 
super totam villam. Et per illam perticam potest cognosci, quod 
domus ilia sit templum Idolorum. Ista communia sunt omnibus 
Idolatris. Quando ergo ingressus fui predictam Idolatriam, in- 40 




ueni sacerdotes sedentes sub porta exteriori. lUi quos vidi, 
videbantur mihi fratres Franci esse rasis barbis. Tyaras habe- Tyar? 
bant in capitibus cartaceas. Istorum lugurum sacerdotes habent '="'^<=**- 
talem habitum quocunque vadunt : semper sunt in tunicis croceis 
5 satis strictis accincti desuper recte sicut Franci: & habent pallium 
super humerum sinistrum descendens inuolutu per pectus & 
dorsum ad latus dextrum sicut diaconus portans casulam in quad- 
ragesima. Istorum literas acceperunt Tartari. Ipsi incipiunt Chinenses 
scribere sursum, & ducunt lineam deorsum, & eodem modo ipsi so-ibunt. 

lo legunt & multiplicant lineas a sinistra ad dextram. Isti multum 

vtuutur cartis & caracteribus pro sortilegio. Vnde templa sua Sortiiegi. 
plena sunt breuibus suspensis, Et Mangu-cham mittit vobis 
literas in idiomate Moal & literatura eorum. Isti comburunt 
mortuos suos secundum antiquum modum, & recondunt puluerem 

IS in summitate pyramidis. Cum ergo sedissem iuxta praedictos 
sacerdotes, postquam ingressus fueram templum & vidissem idola 
eorum multa magna & parua : quaesiui ab eis, quid ipsi crederent de 
Deo. Qui responderunt, Non credimus nisi vnum Deum. Et 
ego quaesiui. Creditis quod ipse sit spiritus vel aliquid corporale ? 

20 Dixerunt, credimus quod sit spiritus. Et ego: Creditis quod 
nunquam sumpserit humanam naturam? Dixerunt, minime. Tunc 
ego: ex quo creditis, quod non sit nisi vnus spiritus, quare facitis 
ei imagines corporales, & tot insuper? Et ex quo non creditis 
quod factus sit homo, quare facitis ei magis imagines hominum, 

25 quam alterius animalis ? Tunc responderunt, Nos non figuramus 
istas imagines Deo. Sed quando aliquis diues moritur ex nostris, 
vel filius, vel vxor, vel aliquis charus eius facit fieri imaginem 
defuncti, & ponit eam hie: & nos veneramur eam ad memoriam 
eius. Quibus ego. Tunc ergo non facitis ista nisi propter adu- 

30 lationem hominum. Immo dixerunt ad memoriam. Tunc quae- 
siuerunt k me quasi deridendo: vbi est Deus? Quibus ego. 
Vbi est anima vestra? Dixerunt, in corpore nostro. Quibus 
ego. Nonne est vbique in corpore tuo & totum regit, & tamen 
non videtur ? Ita Deus vbique est, & omnia gubernat, inuisibilis 

35 tamen, quia intellectus & sapientia est. Tunc cum vellem plura 
ratiocinari cum illis, interpres meus fatigatus, non valens verba 
exprimere, fecit me tacere. Istorum sectg sunt Moal siue Tartari, 
quantum ad hoc, quod ipsi non credunt nisi vnum Deum: tamen 
faciunt de filtro imagines defunctorum suorum, & induunt eas 

40 quinque pannis preciocissimis, & ponunt in vna biga vel duabus, 
& illas bigas nullus audet tangere: & sunt sub custodia diui- 
natorum suorum, qui sunt eorum sacerdotes, de quibus postea 
narrabo vobis. Isti diuinatores semper sunt ante curiam ipsius 



Mangu & alioril diuitum: pauperes enim non habent eos; nisi 
illi qui sunt de genere Chingis. Et cum debent bigare, ipsi praece- 
dunt, sicut columna nubis filios Israel, & ipsi considerant locum 
metandi castra, & post deponunt domos suas ; & post eos tota 
curia. Et tunc cum sit dies festus sive kalendae ipsi extrahunt 5 
prsedictas imagines & ponunt eas ordinate per circuitum in domo 
sua. Tunc veniunt Moal & ingrediuntur domum illam, & in- 
clinant se imaginibus illis & venerantur illas. Et illam domum 
nemini ingredi extraneo licet: Quadam enim vice volui ingredi 
& multum dur^ increpatus fui. 10 

[p- 92] I De diuersis nationibus, & de illis qui comedere 

solebant parentes sues. 




Tan gut 

Boues pilosis 
caudis : his 
similes sunt 
in Quiuera 

Tebet populi. 

Auri abun- 

PRaedicti vero lugures, qui sunt mixti cum Christianis & Sara- 
cenis, per frequentes disputationes, vt credo, peruenerunt 
ad hoc, quod non credunt nisi vnum deum. Et isti fuerunt 15 
habitantes in ciuitatibus, qui post obediuerunt Chingis Cham: 
vnde ipse dedit regi eorum filiam suam. Et ipsa Caracarum est 
quasi in territorio eorum: Et tota terra regis siue presbyteri 
lohannis & Vut fratris eius circa terras eorum: Sed isti in pascuis 
ad aquilonem, illi lugures inter monies ad meridiem. Inde est 20 
quod ipsi Moal sumpserunt literas eorum. Et ipsi sunt magni 
scriptores eorum: & omnes fere Nestorini sciunt literas eorum. 
Post istos sunt ipsi Tangut ad orientem inter montes illos, 
homines fortissimi, qui ceperunt Chingis in bello. Et pace facta 
dimissus ab eis, postea subiugauit eos. Isti habent boues fortis- 25 
simos habentes caudas plenas pilis sicut equi, & ventres pilosos 
& dorsa. Bassiores sunt alijs bobus in tibijs, sed ferociores 
multum. Isti trahunt magnas domos Moallorum : & habent cornua 
gracilia, longa, acuosa, acutissima: ita quod oportet semper secare 
summitates eorum. Vacca non permittit se iniungi nisi cantetur 30 
ei. Habent etiam naturam bubali quia si vident hominem in- 
dutum rubeis, insiliunt in eum volentes interficere. Post illos 
sunt Tebet homines solentes comedere parentes suos defunctos, 
ut causa pietatis non facerent aliud sepulchrum eis nisi viscera 
sua. Modo tamen hoc dimiserunt, quia abominabiles erant omni 35 
nationi. Tamen adhuc faciunt pulchros ciphos de capitibus 
parentum, vt illis bibentes habeant memoriam eorum in iocun- 
ditate sua. Hoc dixit mihi qui viderat. Isti habent multum de 
auro in terra sua. Vnde qui indiget auro, fodit donee reperiat, 
& accipiat quando indiget, residuum condens in terra : quia si re- 40 



poneret in area vel in thesauro, crederet quod Deus auferret ei 
aliud quod est in terra. De istis hominibus vidi personas multum 
deformes. Tangut vidi homines magnos sed fuscos. lugures 
sunt mediocris staturae sicut nostri. Apud lugures est fons & 
5 radix ideomatis Turci & Comanici. Post Tebet sunt Langa 
& Solanga, quorum nuncios vidi in curia : Qui adduxerant magnas 
bigas plusquam decem, quarum quaelibet trahebatur sex bobus. 
Isti sunt parui homines & fusci sicut Hispani : & habent tunicas 
sicut supertunicale diaconi manicis parum strictioribus : & habent 

10 in capitibus mitras sicut episcopi. Sed pars anterior est parum 
interior qu^m posterior, & non terminatur in vnum angulum: 
sed sunt quadras desuper, & sunt de stramine rigidato per calorem 
magnum, & limato in tantum, quod fulget ad radium solis sicut 
speculum vel galea bene burnita. Et circa tempora habent longas 

15 bendas de eadem materia assutas ipsi mitrae; quae se extendunt 
ad ventum sicut duo cornua egredientia de temporibus. Et 
quando ventus nimis iactat eas plicant eas per medium mitrae 
superius a tempore in tempus : & iacent sicut circulus ex trans- 
uerso capitis. Et principalis nuncius quando veniebat ad curiam, 

20 habebat tabulam de dente elephantino ad longitudinem vnius 
cubiti, & ad latitudinem vnius palmi, rasam multum : Et quando- 
cunque loquebatur ipsi Cham, vel alicui magno viro, semper 
aspiciebat in illam tabulam, ac si inueniret ibi ea quae dicebat: 
nee respiciebat ad dextram vel sinistram, nee in faciem illius cui 

25 loquebatur. Etiam accedens coram domino & recedens nusquam 
respicit nisi in tabulam suam. Vltra istos sunt alij homines, vt 
intellexi pro vero, qui dicuntur Muc, qui habent villas, sed nulla 
animalia sibi appropriant: tamen sunt multi greges & multa 
armenta in terra ipsorum, & nullus custodit ea. Sed cum aliquis 

30 indiget aliquo, ascendit collem & clamat, & omnia animalia au- 
dientia clamorem accedunt circa ilium, & permittunt se tractari 
quasi domestica. Et si nuncius vel aliquis extraneus accedat ad 
regionem illam, ipsi includunt eum in domo, & ministrant ei 
necessaria: donee negocium eius fuerit expeditum. Quia si iret 

35 extraneus per regionem, animalia ad odorem eius fugerent, & 
efficerentur syluestria. Vltra est magna Cathaya, cuius incolae 
antiquitus vt credo dicebantur Seres. Ab ipsis enim veniunt 
optimi panni serici. Et ille populus dicitur Seres a quodam 
oppido eorum. Bene intellexi, quod in ilia regione est oppidum 

40 habens muros argenteos & propugnacula aurea. In ista terra 
sunt multae prouinciae, quarum plures adhuc non obediunt Moallis. 
Et inter* 

Aliqua desiderantur. 

magni sed 

Langa & 

& fusci. 

Tabula de 



Muc popuH. 



[p- 93] I The iournal of frier William de Rubrtiquis a French 
man of the order of the minorite friers, vnto the East 
parts of the worlde. An. Dom. 1253. 

|0 his most Soueraigne, & most Christian Lord 
Lewis, by Gods grace the renowmed king of 5 
France, frier William de Rubruk, the meanest of 
the Minorites order, wisheth health & cotinual 
triumph in CHRIST. 
Eccius. 39. ^^K ^&^ Ij J5 w^ritten in the booke of Ecclesiasticus con- 

cerning the wise man : He shall trauell into forren 10 
countries, and good and euill shall he trie in all things. The very 
same action (my lord and king) haue I atchieued : howbeit I wish 
that I haue done it like a wise man, and not like a foole. For 
many there be, that performe the same action which a wise man 
doth, not wisely but more vndiscreetly : of which number I feare 15 
my selfe to be one. Notwithstanding howsoeuer I haue done it, 
because you commanded mee, when I departed from your highnes, 
to write all things vnto you, which I should see among the Tartars, 
and you wished me also that I should not feare to write long 
letters, I haue done as your maiestie inioined me : yet with feare 20 
and reuerence, because I want wordes and eloquence sufficient to 
wTite vnto so great a maiestie. Be it knowen . therefore vnto your 
sacred Maiestie, that in the yeare of our Lord 1253. about the 
Nones of May, we entered into the sea of Pontus, which the 
Bulgarians call the great sea. It containeth in length (as I learned 25 
of certaine merchants) 1008 miles, and is in a maner, diuided into 
two parts. About the midst thereof are two prouinces, one to- 
wards the North, and another towards the South. The South 
prouince is called Synopolis, and it is the castle and porte of the 
Soldan of Turkic : but the North prouince is called of the Latines, 30 
Gasaria : of the Greeks, which inhabite vpon the sea shore 
thereof, it is called Cassaria, that is to say Caesaria. And there 
are certaine head lands stretching foorth into the sea towards 
Synopolis. Also, there are 300. miles of distance betweene 
Synopolis and Cassaria. Insomuch that the distance from those 35 
points or places to Constantinople, in length and breadth is about 
700. miles : and 700. miles also from thence to the East, namely 
to the countrey of Hiberia which is a prouince of Georgia. At 
Gasaria. the prouince of Gasaria or Cassaria we arriued, which prouince is, 

in a maner, three square, hauing a citie on the West part thereof 40 

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 185 

called Kersoua, wherein S. Clement suffered martyrdome. And 
sayling before the said citie, we sawe an island, in which a Church 
is sayd to be built by the hands of angels. But about the midst 
of the said prouince toward the South, as it were, vpon a sharpe 
5 angle or point, standeth a citie called Soldaia directly ouer Soidaia. 
against Synopolis. And there doe all the Turkie merchants, 
which traffique into the North countries, in their iourney outward, . 
arriue, and as they returne homeward also from Russia, and the 
said Northerne regions, into Turkie. The foresaid merchants 
10 transport thither ermines and gray furres, with other rich and 
costly skinnes. Others carrie cloathes made of cotton or bom- 
bast, and silke, and diuers kindes of spices. But vpon the East 
part of the said prouince standeth a citie called Matriga, where the The citie of 

. . • 1 r n u Matriga. 

nuer Tanais dischargeth his streames mto the sea 01 rontus, the 

IS mouth wherof is twelue miles in breadth. For this riuer, before it 
entreth into the sea of Pontus, maketh a little sea, which hath in 
breadth and length seuen hundreth miles, & it is in no place thereof 
aboue sixe paces deepe, whereupon great vessels cannot sayle ouer 
it. Howbeit the merchants of Constantinople, arriuing at the 

20 foresayd citie of *Materta, send their barkes vnto the riuer of 
Tanais to buy dried fishes. Sturgeons, Thosses, Barbils, and an 
infinite number of other fishes. The foresayd prouince of Cassaria 
is compassed in with the sea on three sides thereof : namely on 
the West side, where Kersoua the citie of Saint Clement is situate : 

25 on the South side the citie of Soldaia whereat we arriued : on the 
East side Maricandis, and there stands the citie of Matriga vpon 
the mouth of the riuer Tanais. Beyond the sayd mouth standeth 
Zikia, which is not in subiection vnto the Tartars : also the people zikia. 
called Sueui and Hiberi towards the East, who likewise are not 

30 vnder the Tartars dominion. Moreouer towards the South, standeth 
the citie of Trapesunda, which hath a gouernour proper to it 
selfe, named Guydo, being of the linage of the emperours of Con- 
stantinople, and is subiect vnto the Tartars. Next vnto that is 
Synopolis the citie of the Soldan of Turkie, who likewise is in 

35 subiection vnto them. Next vnto these lyeth the countrey of 
Vastacius, whose sonne is called Astar, of his grandfather by the 
mothers side, who is not in subiection. All the land from the 
mouth of Tanais Westward as farre as Danubius is vnder their 
iurisdiction. Yea beyond Danubius also, towards Constantinople, 

40 Valakia, which is the land of Assanus, and Bulgaria minor as farre 

as Solonia, doe all pay tribute vnto them. And besides the | tribute [p. 94] 

* Matriga. 


imposed, they haue also, of late yeares, exacted of euery houshold 
an axe, and all such come as they found lying on heapes. We 
arriued therefore at Soldaia the twelfth of the Kalends of lune. 
And diuers merchants of Constantinople, which were arriued 
there before vs, reported that certaine messengers were comming 5 
thither from the holy land, who were desirous to trauell vnto 
Sartach. Notwithstanding I my self had publikely giuen out vpon 
Palme Sunday within y'= Church of Sancta Sophia, that I was not 
your nor any other mans messenger, but that I trauailed vnto those 
infidels according to the rule of our order. And being arriued, the 10 
said merchats admonished me to take diligent heede what I spake : 
because they hauing reported me to be a messenger, if I should 
say the contrary, that I were no messenger, I could not haue free 
passage granted vnto me. The I spake after this maner vnto the 
gouernors of the citie, or rather vnto their Lieutenats, because 15 
the gouernors theselues were gone to pay tribute vnto Baatu, & 
were not as yet returned. We heard of your lord Sartach (quoth I) 
in the holy land, that he was become a Christian : and the 
Christians were exceeding glad therof, & especially the most 
Christian king of France, who is there now in pilgrimage, 20 
& fighteth against the Saracens to redeeme the holy places out of 
their handes : wherfore I am determined to go vnto Sartach, & to 
deliuer vnto him y« letters of my lord the king, wherein he 
admonisheth him concerning the good and commoditie of all 
Christendome. And they receiued vs with gladnes, and gaue vs 25 
enterteinement in the cathedrall Church. The bishop of which 
Church was with Sartach, who told me many good things concern- 
ing the saide Sartach, which afterward I found to be nothing so. 
Then put they vs to our choyce, whither we woulde haue cartes 
and oxen, or packe horses to transport our cariages. And the 30 
marchants of Constantinople aduised me, not to take cartes of the 
citizens of Soldaia, but to buy couered cartes of mine owne, (such 
as the Russians carrie their skins in) and to put all our carriages, 
which I would daylie take out, into them : because, if I should vse 
horses, I must be constrained at euery baite to take downe my 35 
carriages, and to lift them vp againe on sundry horses backs : and 
besides, that I should ride a more gentle pace by the oxen draw- 
ing the cartes. Wherfore, contenting my selfe with their euil 
counsel, I was traueiling vnto Sartach 2. moneths which I could 
haue done in one, if I had gone by horse. I brought with me 40 
from Constantinople (being by the marchants aduised so to doe) 
pleasant fruits, muscadel wine, and delicate bisket bread to pre- 
sent vnto the gouernours of Soldaia, to the end I might obtaine free 

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 187 

passage : because they looke fauourablie vpon no man which 
commeth with an emptie hand. All which thinges I bestowed in 
one of my cartes, (not finding the gouernours of the citie at home) 
for they told me, if I could carrie them to Sartach, that they 
5 would be most acceptable vnto him. Wee tooke our iourney 
therefore about the kalends of June, with fower couered cartes of 
our owne and with two other which wee borrowed of them, wherein 
we carried our bedding to rest vpon in the night, and they allowed 
vs fiue horses to ride vpon. For there were iust fiue persons in 

10 our company : namely, I my selfe and mine associate frier Frier Bar- 
Bartholomew of Cremona, and Goset the bearer of these presents, de Cremona. 
the man of God Turgemannus, and Nicolas my seruant, whome I 
bought at Constantinople with some part of the almes bestowed 
vpon me. Moreouer, they allowed vs two men, which draue our 

15 carts and gaue attendance vnto our oxen and horses. There be 
high promontories on the sea shore from Kersoua vnto the mouth 
of Tanais. Also there are fortie castles betweene Kersoua and 
Soldaia, euery one of which almost haue their proper languages : 
amongst whom there were many Gothes, who spake the Dutch 

20 tongue. Beyond the said mountaines towards the North, there is 
a most beautifull wood growing on a plaine ful of fountaines 
& freshets. And beyond the wood there is a mightie plaine 
champion, continuing fiue dayes iourney vnto the very extremitie 
and borders of the said prouince northward, and there it is a 

25 narrow Isthmus or neck land, hauing sea on the East & West The necke 
sides therof, insomuch that there is a ditch made fro one sea vnto cher^sonesus. 
the other. In the same plaine (before the Tartars sprang vp) were 
the Comanians wont to inhabite, who compelled the foresayd cities 
and castles to pay tribute vnto them. But when the Tartars came 

30 vpon them, the multitude of the Comanians entred into the fore 
said prouince, and fled all of them, euen vnto the sea shore, being 
in such extreame famine, that they which were aliue, were con- 
strained to eate vp those which were dead : and (as a marchant 
reported vnto me who sawe it with his owne eyes) that the liuing 

35 men deuoured and tore with their teeth, the raw flesh of the dead, 
as dogges would gnawe vpon carrion. Towards the borders of 
the sayd prouince there be many great lakes : vpon the bankes 
whereof are salt pits or fountaines, the water of which so soone as 
it entereth into the lake, becommeth hard salte like vnto ice. 

40 And out of those salte pittes Baatu and Sartach haue great 
reuenues : for they repayre thither out of all Russia for salte : and 
for each carte loade they giue two webbes of cotton amounting 
to the value of half an Yperpera. There come by sea also many 


ships for salt, which pay tribute euery one of them according to 

their burden. The third day after wee were departed out of the 
The Tartars, precincts of Soldaia, we found the Tartars. Amongst whome 
[p- 95] being enjtered, me thought I was come into a new world. Whose 

life and maners I wil describe vnto your Highnes aswell as s 

I can. 

Of the Tartars, and of their houses. Chap. 2. 

THey haue in no place any setled citie to abide in, neither 
knowe they of the celestiall citie to come. They haue 
diuided all Scythia among themselues, which stretcheth from the 10 
riuer Danubius euen vnto the rising of the sunne. And euery of 
their captaines, according to the great or or small number of his 
people, knoweth the bounds of his pastures, and where he ought 
to feed his cattel winter and summer. Spring and autumne. For 
in the winter they descend vnto the warme regions southward. 15 
And in the summer they ascend vnto the colde regions northward. 
In vrinter when snowe lyeth vpon the ground, they feede their 
cattell vpon pastures without water, because then they vse snow 
in stead of water. Their houses wherein they sleepe, they ground 
vpon a round foundation of wickers artificially wrought and com- 20 
pacted together : the roofe whereof consisteth, (in like sortc) of 
wickers, meeting aboue into one little roundell, out of which 
roundell ascendeth vpward a necke like vnto a chimney, which 
they couer with white felte, and oftentimes they lay morter or 
white earth vpon the sayd felt, with the powder of bones, that it 25 
may shine white. And sometimes also they couer it with blacke 
felte. The sayd felte on the necke of their house, they doe 
garnish ouer with beautifull varietie of pictures. Before the doore 
likewise they hang a felt curiously painted ouer. For they spend 
all their coloured felt, in painting vines, trees, birds, and beastes 30 
thereupon. The sayd houses they make so large, that they con- 
teine thirtie foote in breadth. For measuring once the breadth 
betweene the wheele-ruts of one of their cartes, I found it to be 
20 feete ouer : and when the house was vpon the carte, it stretched 
ouer the wheeles on each side fiue feete at the least. I told 35 
22. oxen in one teame, drawing an house vpon a cart, eleuen in 
one order according to the breadth of the carte, and eleuen more 
before them : the axletree of the carte was of an huge bignes like 
vnto the mast of a ship. And a fellow stood in the doore of the 
house, vpon the forestall of the carte driuing forth the oxen. 40 

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 189 

Moreouer, they make certaine fouresquare baskets of small slender 
wickers as big as great chestes : and afterward, from one side to 
another, they frame an hollow lidde or couer of such like wickers, 
and make a doore in the fore side thereof. And then they couer 

5 the sayd chest or little house with black felt rubbed ouer with 
tallow or sheeps milke to keepe the raine from soaking through, 
which they decke likewise with painting or with feathers. And in 
such chests they put their whole houshold stuffe & treasure. Also 
the same chests they do strongly bind vpon other carts, which are 

10 drawen with camels, to y^ end they may wade through riuers. 
Neither do they at any time take down the sayd chests from off 
their carts. When they take down their dwelling houses, they 
turne the doores alwayes to the South : & next of all they place 
the carts laden with their chests, here & there, within half a stones 

15 cast of y^ house : insomuch that the house standeth between two 
ranks of carts, as it were, between two wals. The matrons make 
for theselues most beautiful carts, which I am not able to describe 
vnto your maiestie but by pictures onlie : for I would right willingly The benefite 
haue painted al things for you, had my skill bin ought in that art. °n strange '^ 

20 One rich Moal or Tartar hath 200. or 100. such cartes with chests. '^°"°"^"*- 
Duke Baatu hath sixteene wiues, euery one of which hath one 
great house, besides other little houses, which they place behind 
the great one, being as it were chambers for their maidens to 
dwel in. And vnto euery of the said houses do belong 200. 

25 cartes. When they take their houses from off the cartes, the 
principal wife placeth her court on the West frontier, and so all 
the rest in their order : so that the last wife dwelleth vpon the East 
frontier : and one of the said ladies courts is distant from another 
about a stones cast. Whereupon the court of one rich Moal or 

30 Tartar will appeare like vnto a great village, very few men abiding 
in the same. One woman will guide 20. or 30. cartes at once, for 
their countries are very plaine, and they binde the cartes with 
camels or oxen, one behind another. And there sittes a wench in 
the foremost carte driuing the oxen, and al the residue follow 

35 on a like pace. When they chance to come at any bad passage, 
they let them loose, and guide them ouer one by one : for they 
goe a slowe pace, as fast as a lambe or an oxe can walke. 

Of their beds, and of their drinking pots. Chap. 3. 

HAuing taken downe their houses from off their cartes, and 
turning the doores Southward, they place the bed of the 
master of the house, at the North part thereof. The womens 


place is alwaies on the East side, namely on the left hand of the 
good man of the house sitting vpon his bed with his face South- 
wards : but the mens place is vpon y« West side, namely at the 
right hand of their master. Men when they enter into the house, 
[p. 96] wil not in any case hang their quiuers on | the womens side. Ouer 5 
the masters head there is alwayes an image, like a puppet, made of 
felte, which they call the masters brother : and another ouer the 
head of the good wife or mistresse, which they call her brother 
being fastened to the wall : and aboue betweene both of them, 
there is a little leane one, which is, as it were the keeper of the 10 
whole house. The good wife or mistresse of the house placeth 
aloft at her beds feete, on the right hand, the skinne of a Kidde 
stuffed with wooll or some other matter, and neare vnto that a little 
image or puppet looking towards the maidens and women. Next 
vnto the doore also on the womens side, there is another image 15 
with a cowes vdder, for the women that milk the kine. For it is 
the duety of their women to milke kine. On the other side of the 
doore next vnto the men, there is another image with the vdder 
of a mare, for the men which milke mares. And when they come 
together to drinke and make merie, they sprinckle parte of their 20 
drinke vpon the image which is aboue the masters head : after- 
ward vpon other images in order : then goeth a seruant out of the 
house with a cuppe full of drinke sprinckling it thrise towards 
the South, and bowing his knee at euer)' time : and this is done 
for the honour of the fire. Then perfourmeth he the like super- 25 
stitious idolatrie towards the East, for the honour of the ayre : 
and then to the West for the honour of the water : & lastly to the 
North in the behalfe of the dead. When the maister holdeth 
a cuppe in his hande to drinke, before he tasteth thereof, hee 
powreth his part vpon the ground. If he drinketh sitting on horse 30 
backe, hee powreth out part thereof vpon the necke or maine of 
his horse before hee himselfe drinketh. After the seruaunt afore- 
saide hath so discharged his cuppes to the fower quarters of the 
world, hee retumeth into the house : and two other seruants stand 
ready with two cuppes, and two basons, to carrie drinke vnto their 35 
master and his wife, sitting together vpon a bed. And if he hath 
more wiues then one, she with whome hee slept the night before, 
sitteth by his side the daye following : and all his other wiues 
must that day resorte vnto the same house to drinke : and there 
is the court holden for that day : the giftes also which are pre- 40 
sented that daye are layd vp in the chests of the sayd wife. And 
vpon a bench stands a vessell of milke or of other drinke and 
drinking cuppes. 

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 191 

Of their drinkes, and how they prouoke one 
another to drinking. Chap. 4. 

IN winter time they make excellent drinke of Rise, of Mill, 
and of honie, being well and high coloured like wine. Also 

5 they haue wine brought vnto them from farre countries. In 
summer time they care not for any drinke, but Cosmos. And it 
standeth alwaies within the entrance of his doore, and next vnto it 
stands a minstrell with his fidle. I sawe there no such citerns and 
vials as ours commonly be, but many other musicall instruments 

10 which are not vsed among vs. And when the master of the house 
begins to drinke, one of his seruants cryeth out with a lowde voice 
HA, and the minstrell playes vpon his fidle. And when they They vse the 
make any great solemne feast, they all of them clap their hands in Florida. 
& daunce to the noyse of musique, the men before their master 

15 and the women before their mistresse. And when the master 
hath drunke, then cries out his seruant as before, and the minstrell 
stayeth his musique. Then drinke they all around both men and 
women : and sometimes they carowse for the victory very filthily 
and drunkenly. Also when they will prouoke any man, they pul 

20 him by the eares to the drinke, and so lug and draw him strongly 
to stretch out his throate clapping their handes and dauncing 
before him. Moreouer when some of them will make great 
feasting and reioycing, one of the company takes a full cuppe, and 
two other stand, one on his right hand and another on his left, 

25 and so they three come singing to the man who is to haue the 
cuppe reached vnto him, still singing and dauncing before him : 
and when he stretcheth foorth his hand to receiue the cuppe, they 
leape suddenly backe, returning againe as they did before, and so 
hauing deluded him thrice or fower times by drawing backe the 

30 cuppe vntill he be merie, and hath gotten a good appetite, then 
they giue him the cuppe, singing and dauncing and stamping with 
their feete, vntill he hath done drinking. 

Of their foode and victuals. Chap. 5. 

Concerning their foode and victuals, be it knowen vnto your 
Highnesse that they do, without al difference or exception, 
eat all their dead carrions. And amongst so many droues it 
cannot be, but some cattell must needes die. Howbeit in 
summer, so long as their Cosmos, that is, their mares milke 


lasteth, they care not for any foode. And if they chance to haue 
Drwig of an oxe or an horse dye, they drie the flesh thereof : for cutting it 
wind.'" ' ' into thin slices and hanging it vp against the Sunne and the wind, 
it is presently dried without salt, and also without stenche or 
[p. 97] corruption. They | make better puddings of their horses then of S 
their hogs, which they eate being new made : the rest of the flesh 
they reserue vntill winter. They make of their oxe skins great 
bladders or bags, which they doe wonderfully dry in the smoake. 
Of the hinder part of their horse hides they make very fine sandals 
& pantofles. They giue vnto 50. or an 100. men the flesh of one 10 
ram to eat. For they mince it in a bowle with salt and water 
(other sauce they haue none) and then with the point of a knife, 
or a litle forke which they make for the same purpose (such as 
wee vse to take rosted peares or apples out of wine withal) they 
reach vnto euery one of the company a morsell or twaine, accord- 15 
ing to the multitude of guestes. The master of the house, before 
the rams flesh be distributed, first of all himselfe taketh thereof, 
what he pleaseth. Also, if he giueth vnto any of the company 
a speciall part, the receiuer therof must eat it alone, and must 
not impart ought therof vnto any other. Not being able to eate 20 
it vp all, he caries it with him, or deliuers it vnto his boy, if he be 
present, to keepe it : if not, he puts it vp into his Saptargat, that 
is to say, his foure square buget, which they vse to cary about with 
them for the sauing of all such prouision, and wherein they lay vp 
their bones, when they haue not time to gnaw them throughly, 25 
that they may burnish them afterward, to the end that no whit of 
their food may come to nought. 

How they make their drinke called Cosmos. 
Chap. 6. 

THeir drinke called Cosmos, which is mares milke, is prepared 30 
after this maner. They fasten a long line vnto 2. posts 
standing firmely in the ground, & vnto the same line they tie the 
young foles of those mares, which they mean to milke. Then 
come the dams to stand by their foles gently suffering themselues 
to be milked. And if any of them be too vnruly, then one takes 35 
her fole, & puts it vnder her, letting it suck a while, and presently 
carying it away againe, there comes another man to milke the said 
mare. And hauing gotten a good quantity of this milke together 
(being as sweet as cowes milke) while it is newe they powre it into a 
great bladder or bag, and they beat the said bag with a piece of 40 

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 193 

wood made for the purpose, hauing a club at the lower ende like 
a mans head, which is hollow within : and so soone as they beat 
vpon it, it begins to boile like newe wine, & to be sower and sharp 
of taste, and they beate it in that maner till butter come thereof. 
5 Then taste they thereof, and being indifferently sharpe they drinke 
it : for it biteth a mans tongue like the wine of raspes, when it is 
drunk. After a man hath taken a draught therof, it leaueth 
behind it a taste like the taste of almon milke, and goeth downe 
very pleasantly, intoxicating weake braines : also it causeth vrine 

10 to be auoided in great measure. Likewise Caracosmos, that is to 
say black Cosmos, for great lords to drink, they make on this 
maner. First they beat the said milke so long till the thickest 
part thereof descend right downe to the bottome like the lees of 
white wine, and that which is thin and pure remaineth aboue, 

15 being like vnto whay or white must. The said lees or dregs being 
very white, are giuen to seruants, and will cause them to sleepe 
exceedingly. That which is thinne and cleare their masters 
drinke : and in very deed it is marueilous sweete and holesome 
liquor. Duke Baatu hath thirty cottages or granges within a daies 

20 iourney of his abiding place : euery one of which serueth him 
dayly with the Caracosmos of an hundreth mares milk, and so all 
of them together euery day with the milke of 3000. mares, besides 
white milke which other of his subiects bring. For euen as the 
husbandmen of Syria bestow the third part of their fruicts and 

25 carie it vnto the courts of their lords, euen so doe they their mares 
milke euery third day. Out of their cowes milke they first churne 
butter, boyling the which butter vnto a perfect decoction, they put 
it into rams skinnes, which they reserue for the same purpose. 
Neither doe they salte their butter : and yet by reason of the long 

30 seething, it putrifieth not : and they keepe it in store for winter. 
The churnmilke which remaineth of the butter, they let alone till 
it be as sowre as possibly it may be, then they boile it and in 
boiling, it is turned all into curdes, which curds they drie in the 
sun, making them as hard as the drosse of iron : and this kind of 

35 food also they store vp in sachels against winter. In the winter 
season when milke faileth them, they put the foresaid curds 
(which they cal Gry-vt) into a bladder, and powring hot water 
thereinto, they beat it lustily till they have resolued it into the said 
water, which is thereby made exceedingly sowre, and that they 

40 drinke in stead of milke. They are very scrupulous, and take 
diligent heed that they drinke not fayre water by it selfe. 



Of the beastes which they eat, of their garments, 
and of their maner of hunting. Chap. 7. 

GReat lords haue cottages or granges towards the South, from 
whence their tenants bring them Millet and meale agamst 
winter. The poorer sort prouide themselues of -ch necessanes 5 
for v* exchange of rams, & of other beasts skms. The 1 artars 
slaurs fil their bellies with thick water, & are therewithall con- 
tented They wil neither eate mise with long tailes nor any kmde 
of mise with short tailes. They haue also certame htle beasts 
r nS^ llTd by the Sogur, which lie in a caue I twenty or thirty of them 10 

^'- ^ SX al the Ihde winter sleeping there for the space of s.xe 
moneths: and these they take in g-^Vf ""f "^*^;^ /^^^^^ ^ 
also a kind of conies hauing long tayles like vnto cats 6^ on the 
outside of their tailes grow blacke & white haires. Ihey haue 
niany other small beasts good to eat, which they know and 15 
disceme right well. 1 saw no Deere there, & but a fewe hares, 
but a great nQber of Roes. I saw wild asses in great abundance, 
which be like vnto Mules. Also I saw another kind of beast 
Lied /^ak, hauing in al resemblance the body o a ram 
& crooked homes, which are of such bignes, that I could scarce 
Uft u7a paire of them with one hand: & of these homes they 
mike greafdrinking cups./They haue Falcons, Gerfalcons & other 
b:7.. hatkes^n great pleLy: all which they caryvponth.^^^^^^^^ 
foi A.o>h., , j bout their Falcons necks a string ol leatner, 

, SSriSU ^'l"^ Ceth dol to r -id^' of 'heir gorges, by the .5 

S=.. Cdthey bow downe the heads & breasts of the sayd hauk^ 
S they should be tossed vp St downe, & beaten w,th the w,nd 
oT^lit they should soare too high. Wherefore they get a great 
. -. _ plrt^ hel victuals, by hunting & hauking/Concer^ngh^^^ 

Uents and attire be '^J^^^ZT: ^^^^^^^ 
r. -es : ri'oX tht rCU v^o the™ of 
Ske cloth of gold, & cotton cloth, which they weare in time of 

— • '"'T ".^^^'^^^^^ 
l:Z;^::r^:T^<^'^^^^U ». of .any other 
countries of the North, which are subiect vnto them, the ujhabit^ 
a^ts bring them rich and costly skins of diuers -'- (whch I 
neuer saw in our countries) wherewithal they are clad in wmter. 40 
Td alwaies against winter ihey make themselues two gownes, one 

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 195 

with the fur inward to their skin, & another with the furre out- 
ward, to defend them from wind & snow, which for the most part 
are made of woolues skins, or Fox skins, or els of Papions. And 
whe they sit within the house, they haue a finer gowne to weare. 
5 The poorer sort make their vpper gowne of dogs or of goats skins. 
When they goe to hunt for wild beasts, there meets a great 
company of them together, & inuironing the place round about, 
where they are sure to find some game, by litle & litle they 
approch on al sides, til they haue gotten the wild beasts into 

10 the midst, as it were into a circle, & then they discharge their 
arrowes at them. Also they make theselues breeches of skins. 
The rich Tartars somtimes fur their gowns with pelluce or silke 
shag, which is exceeding soft, light, & warme. The poorer sort do 
line their clothes with cotto cloth which is made of the finest 

15 wooU they can pick out, & of the courser part of the said wool, 
they make felt to couer their houses and their chests, and for their 
bedding also. Of the same wool, being mixed with one third part 
of horse haire, they make all their cordage. They make also of Great 
the said felt couerings for their stooles, and caps to defende their of wooU. 

20 heads from the weather : for all which purposes they spend a 
great quantity of their wooU. And thus much concerning the 
attyre of the men. 

Of the fashion which the Tartars vse in cutting 
their haire, and of the attire of their women. 
25 Chap. 8. 

THe men shaue a plot foure square vpon the crownes of their 
heads, and from the two formost corners they shaue, as it 
were, two seames downe to their temples : they shaue also their 
temples and the hinder part of their head euen vnto the nape of 

30 the necke : likewise they shaue the forepart of their scalp downe 
to their foreheads, & vpon their foreheads they leaue a locke 
of hayre reaching downe vnto their eye browes : vpon the two 
hindermost corners of their heads, they haue two lockes also, 
which they twine and braid into knots and so bind and knit them 

35 vnder each eare one. Moreouer their womens garments differ not 
from their mens, sauing that they are somwhat longer. But on 
the morrowe after one of their women is maried, shee shaues her 
scalpe from the middest of her head down to her forehead, 
& weares a wide garment like vnto the hood of a Nunne, yea 

40 larger and longer in all parts then a Nuns hood, being open before 



and girt vnto them vnder the right side. For herein doe the 
Tartars differ from the Turkes : because the Turkes fasten their 
garments to their bodies on the left side : but the Tartars alwaies 
on the right side. They haue also an ornament for their heads 
which they call Botta, being made of the barke of a tree, or of 5 
some such other lighter matter as they can find, which by reason 
of the thicknes & roundnes therof cannot be holden but in both 
hands together : & it hath a square sharp spire rising fro the top 
therof, being more then a cubite in length, & fashioned like vnto 
a pinacle. The said Botta they couer al ouer with a piece of rich 10 
silke : & it is hollow within : & vpon the midst of the sayd spire 
or square toppe, they put a bunch of quils or of slender canes 
a cubite long and more : & the sayd bunch, on the top thereof, 
they beautifie with Peacocks feathers, & round about al y' length 
therof, with the feathers of a Malards taile, & with precious 15 
stones also. Great ladies weare this kind of ornament vpon their 
heads binding it strongly with a certain hat or coyfe, which hath 
[p- 99] ^" ^o^^ in the crowne, fit for the spire to | come through it : & 
vnder the foresaid ornament they couer the haires of their heads, 
which they gather vp round together fro the hinder part therof to 20 
the crowne, & so lap them vp in a knot or bundel within the said 
Botta, which afterward they bind strongly vnder their throtes. 
Hereup>on when a great company of such gentlewomen ride 
together, and are beheld afar off, they seem to be souldiers with 
helmets on their heads carrying their launces vpright : for the 25 
said Botta appeareth like an helmet with a launce ouer it. Al 
their women sit on horsebacke bestriding their horses like men : 
& they bind their hoods or gownes about their wastes with a skie 
coloured silke skarfe, & with another skarfe they girde it aboue 
their breasts : & they bind also a piece of white silke like a mufler 30 
or maske vnder their eyes, reaching down vnto their breast. 
These gentlewomen are exceeding fat, & the lesser their noses be, 
the fairer are they esteemed : they daube ouer their sweet faces 
with grease too shamefully : and they neuer lie in bed for their 
trauel of childbirth. 35 


Of the dueties inioined vnto the Tartarian women, 

and of their labours, and also of their mariages. ^ 

Chap. 9. jn 

THe duties of women are, to driue carts, to lay their houses ''^ 
vpon carts & to take them downe again : to milke kine : 40 

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 197 

to make butter & Gry-vt : to dresse skins & to sow them, which 
they vsually sowe mth thread made of sinewes, for they diuide 
sinewes into slender threads, & then twine the into one long 
thread. They make sandals & socks & other garments. Howbeit 
5 they neuer wash any apparel : for they say that God is then angry, 
& that dreadful thunder wil ensue, if washed garmets be hanged 
forth to drie : yea, they beat such as wash, & take their garments 
fro them. They are wonderfully afraid of thunder : for in the 
time of thunder they thrust all strangers out of their houses, 

10 & then wrapping thgselues in black felt, they lie hidden therein, 
til the thunder be ouerpast. They neuer wash their dishes or 
bowles : yea, when their flesh is sodden, they wash the platter 
wherein it must be put, with scalding hot broth out of the pot, 
& then powre the said broth into the pot againe. They make 

15 felte also, & couer their houses therewith. The duties of the men 
are to make bowes & arrowes, stirrops, bridles, and saddles : to 
build houses & carts, to keepe horses : to milke mares : to churne 
Cosmos and mares milke, & to make bags wherein to put it : they 
keepe camels also & lay burthens vpon them. As for sheepe 

20 & goates they tend and milke them, aswell the men as the 
women. With sheeps milke thicked & salted they dresse and tan 
their hides. When they wil wash their hands or their heads, they 
fil their mouthes full of water, & spouting it into their hands 
by little and little, they sprinckle their haire & wash their heades 

25 therwith. As touching mariages, your Highnes is to vnderstand, 
that no man can haue a wife among them till he hath bought her: 
whereupon sometimes their maids are very stale before they be 
maried, for their parents alwaies keepe th§ till they can sel them. 
They keepe the first and second degrees of consanguinitie in- 

30 uiolable, as we do : but they haue no regard of the degrees of 
affinity : for they wil marrie together, or by succession, two sisters. 
Their widowes marie not at al, for this reason : because they 
beleeue, that al who haue serued them in this life, shall do them 
seruice in the life to come also. Whereupon they are perswaded, 

35 that euery widow after death shal returne vnto her own husband. 
And herehence ariseth an abominable & filthy custome among 
them, namely that the sonne marieth sometimes all his fathers wiues 
except his own mother : For the court or house of the father or 
mother falleth by inheritance alwaies to the yonger son. Where- 

40 upon he is to prouide for all his fathers wiues, because they are 
part of his inheritance aswel as his fathers possessions. And then 
if he will he vseth them for his owne wiues : for he thinks it no 
iniurie or disparagement vnto himselfe, although they returne vnto 


his father after death. Therfore wh5 any man hath bargained 
with another for a maid, the father of the said damosel makes him 
a feast : in the meane while she fleeth vnto some of her kinsfolks 
to hide her selfe. Then saith her father vnto the bridegrome : 
Loe, my daughter is yours, take her wheresoeuer you can find her. 5 
Then he and his friends seek for her till they can find her, and 
hauing found her hee must take her by force and cary her, as it 
were, violently vnto his owne house. 

Of their execution of iustice and iudgement : and of 

their deaths and burials. Chap. lo. lo 

Concerning their lawes or their execution of iustice, your 
Maiesty is to be aduertised, that when two men fight, no 
third man dare intrude himself to part them. Yea, the father 
dare not help his owne sonne. But he that goes by the worst 
must appeale vnto the court of his lord. And whosoeuer els 15 
offereth him any violence after appeale, is put to death. But he 
must go presently without all delay : and he that hath suffered the 
iniury, carieth him, as it were captiue. They punish no man with 
sentence of death, vnles hee bee taken in the deede doing, or con- 
fesseth the same. But being accused by the multitude, they put 20 
him vnto extreme torture to make him confesse the trueth. They 
punish murther with death, and carnall copulation also with any 
[p. 100] j other besides his owne. By his own, I meane his wife or his maid 
seruant, for he may vse his slaue as he listeth himself. Heinous 
theft also or felony they punish with death. For a light theft, as 25 
namely for stealing of a ram, the party (not being apprehended in 
the deed doing, but otherwise detected) is cruelly beaten. And if 
y* executioner laies on an loo. strokes, he must haue an 100. staues, 
namely for such as are beaten vpon sent§ce giuen in the court. 
Also counterfeit messengers, because they feine themselues to be 30 
messengers, when as indeed they are none at all, they punish with 
death. Sacrilegious persons they vse in like maner (of which kind 
of malefactors your Maiesty shall vnderstand more fully hereafter) 
because they esteeme such to be witches. When any man dieth, 
they lament & howle most pitifully for him : & the said mourners 35 
are free from paying any tribute for one whole yeare after. Also 
whosoeuer is present at the house where any one growen to mans 
estate lieth dead, he must not enter into the court of Mangu-Can 
til one whole yere be expired. If it were a child deceased he 
must not enter into the said court til the next moneth after. 40 

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 199 

Neere vnto the graue of the partie deceased they alwaies leaue one 
cottage. If any of their nobles (being of the stock of Chingis, 
who was their first lord & father) deceaseth, his sepulcher is 
vnknowen. And alwayes about those places where they interre 
5 their nobles, there is one house of men to keep the sepulchers. 
I could not learn that they vse to hide treasures in the graues 
of their dead. The Comanias build a great toomb ouer their 
dead, & erect the image of the dead party thereupon, with his 
face towards the East, holding a drinking cup in his hand, before 

10 his nauel. They erect also vpon the monuments of rich men, 
Pyramides, that is to say, litle sharpe houses or pinacles : & in 
some places I saw mighty towers made of brick, in other places 
Pyramides made of stones, albeit there are no stones to be found 
thereabout. I saw one newly buried, in whose behalfe they 

15 hanged vp 16. horse hides, vnto each quarter of the world 4, 
betweene certain high posts : & they set besides his graue 
Cosmos for him to drink, & flesh to eat : & yet they sayd that he 
was baptized. I beheld other kinds of sepulchers also towards 
the East : namely large flowres or pauemets made of stone, some 

20 roud & some square, & then 4. long stones pitched vpright, about 
the said pauement towards the 4. regions of the world. When 
any man is sicke, he lieth in his bed, & causeth a signe to 
be set vpon his house, to signifie that there lieth a sicke person 
there, to the end that no man may enter into the sayd house : 

25 whereupon none at all visit any sicke party but his seruant only. 
Moreouer, when any one is sicke in their great courts, they appoint 
watchmen to stand round about the said court, who wil not suffer 
any person to enter within the precincts thereof. For they feare 
lest euill spirits or winds should come together with the parties 

30 that enter in. They esteeme of soothsayers, as of their priests. 

Of our first entrance among the Tartars, and of 
their ingratitude. Chap, 11. 

ANd being come amogst those barbarous people, me thought 
(as I said before) y' I was entred into a new world : for 
35 they came flocking about vs on horse back, after they had made 
vs a long time to awaite for them sitting in the shadow, vnder 
their black carts. The first question which they demanded was 
whether we had euer bin with them heretofore, or no ? And giuing 
thg answere that we had not, they began impudently to beg our 
40 victuals fro us. And we gaue them some of our bisket & wine, 


which we had brought with vs from the towne of Soldaia. And 
hauing drunke off one flagon of our wine they demanded another, 
saying, that a man goeth not into the house with one foote. How- 
beit we gaue them no more, excusing our selues that we had but 
a litle. Then they asked vs, whence we came, & whither we were s 
bound ? I answered them with the words aboue mentioned : that 
we had heard concerning duke Sartach, that he was become a 
Christian, & that vnto him our determination was to trauel, hauing 
your Maiesties letters to deliuer vnto him. They were very in- 
quisitiue to know whether I came of mine own accord, or whether lo 
I were sent? I answered that no man compelled me to come, 
neither had I come, vnles I my selfe had bin willing : & that 
therefore I was come according to mine own wil, tS: to the will of 
my superior. I tooke diligent heed neuer to say that I was your 
Maiesties ambassador. Then they asked what I had in my carts; 15 
whether it were gold or siluer, or rich garments to carie vnto 
Sartach? I answered that Sartach should see what we had 
brought, when we were once come vnto him, & that they had 
nothing to do to aske such questions, but rather ought to conduct 
me vnto their captaine, and that he, if he thought good, should 20 
cause me to be directed vnto Sartach : if not, that I would returne. 
For there was in the same prouince one of Baatu his kinsmen 
called Scacati, vnto whom my lord the Emperor of Constantinople 
had written letters of request, to suffer me to passe through his 
territory. With this answere of ours they were satisfied, giuing vs 25 
horses & oxen, & two men to conduct vs. Howbeit before they 
would allow vs the foresayd necessaries for our iourney, they made 
vs to awayt a long while, begging our bread for their yong brats, 
wondering at all things which they sawe about our seruants, as 
their kniues, gloues, purses, & points, and desiring to haue them. 30 
[p. lOI] I excused my self that | we had a long way to trauel, & that we 
must in no wise so soon depriue our selues of things necessary, to 
finish so long a iourney. Then they said that I was a very varlet. 
True it is, that they tooke nothing by force fro me : howbeit they 
wil beg that which they see very importunatly & shamelesly. 35 
And if a man bestow ought vpon th§, it is but cost lost, for they 
are thankles wretches. They esteeme thSselues lords & think y' 
nothing should be denied th§ by any man. If a man giues them 
nought, & afterward stands in neede of their seruice, they will do 
right nought for him. They gaue vs of their cowes milke to drink 40 
after y^ butter was cherned out of it, being very sower, which they 
cal Apram. And so we departed from th§. And in very deed it 
seemed to me y' we were escaped out of the hands of diuels. 

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 201 

On the morrow we were come vnto the captain. From the time 
wherin we departed fro Soldaia till we arriued at the court of 
Sartach, which was the space of two moneths, we neuer lay in 
house or tent, but alwaies vnder the starry canopy, & in the open 
5 aire, or vnder our carts. Neither yet saw we any village, nor any 
mention of building where a village had bin, but the graues of 
the Comanians in great abundance. The same evening our 
guide which had conducted vs, gaue vs some Cosmos. After 
I had drunke thereof I sweat most extreamly for the nouelty and 
10 strangenes, because I neuer dranke of it before. Notwithstanding 
me thought it was very sauory, as indeed it was. 

Of the court of Scacatai: and how the Christians 
drinke no Cosmos. Chap. 12. 

ON the morrowe after we met with the cartes of Scacatai laden 
with houses, and me thought that a mighty citie came to 
meete me. I wodered also at the great multitude of huge droues 
of oxen, & horses, and at the flockes of sheepe. I could see but 
a fewe men that guided all these matters : wherupon I inquired 
how many men he had vnder him, & they told me that he had not 

20 aboue 500. in all, the one halfe of which number we were come 
past, as they lay in another lodging. Then the seruant which was 
our guide told me, that I must present somwhat vnto Scacatay : 
& so he caused vs to stay, going himselfe before to giue notice of 
our comming. By this time it was past three of the clocke, and 

25 they vnladed their houses nere vnto a certain water : And there 
came vnto vs his interpreter, who being aduertised by vs that wee 
were neuer there before, demanded some of our victuals, & we 
yeelded vnto his request. Also he required of vs some garment 
for a reward, because he was to interpret our sayings vnto his 

30 master. Howbeit we excused our selues as well as wee could. 
Then he asked vs, what we would present vnto his Lord ? And 
we tooke a flagon of wine, & filled a maund with bisket, & a 
platter with apples and other fruits. But he was not contented 
therewith, because we brought him not some rich garment. Not- 

35 withstanding we entred so into his presence with feare and bash- 
fulnes. He sate vpon his bed holding a citron in his hand, and 
his wife sate by him : who (as I verily thinke) had cut and pared 
her nose betweene the eyes, that she might seeme to be more 
flat and saddle-nosed : for she had left her selfe no nose at all 

40 in that place, hauing annointed the very same place with a black 


ointment, and her eye browes also : which sight seemed most vgly 
in our eies. Then I rehearsed vnto him the same wordes, which 
I had spoken in other places before. For it stoode vs in hand 
A caueat to vse One and the same speech in all places. For we were wel 
"he noting. ^ forewarned of this circumstance by some which had been amongst 5 
the Tartars, that we should neuer varie in our tale. Then I 
besought him, that he would vouchsafe to accept that small gifte 
of our hands, excusing my selfe that I was a Monke, and that it 
was against our profession to possesse gold, or siluer, or precious 
garments, and therefore that I had not any such thing to giue 10 
him, howbeit he should receiue some part of our victuals in stead 
of a blessing. Hereupon he caused our present to be receiued, 
and immediately distributed the same among his men, who were 
mette together for the same purpose, to drinke and make merrie. 
I deliuered also vnto him the Emperor of Constantinople his 15 
letters (this was eight dayes after the feast of Ascension) who sent 
them forthwith to Soldaia to haue them interpreted there : for they 
were written in Greeke, and he had none about him that was 
skilfull in the Greeke tongue. He asked vs also whether we 
would drink any Cosmos, that is to say mares milke? (For those 20 
that are Christians among them, as namely the Russians, Grecians, 
and Alanians, who keep their own law very strictly, wil in no case 
drinke thereof, yea, they accompt themselues no Christians after 
they haue once drunke of it, & their priests reconcile them vnto 
the Church as if they had renounced the Christian faith.) I gaue 25 
him answere, that we had as yet sufficient of our owne to drinke, 
and that when our drinke failed vs, we must be constrained to 
drink such as should be giuen vnto vs. He enquired also what 
was contained in our letters, which your Maiestie sent vnto 
Sartach ? I answered : that they were sealed vp, and that there 30 
was nothing conteined in them, but good and friendly wordes. 
And he asked what wordes wee would deliuer vnto Sartach? 
I answered : the words of Christian faith. He asked again what 
these words were ? For he was very desirous to heare thS. Then 
[p. 102] I expouded vnto him as well as I | could, by mine interpreter, 35 
(who had no wit nor any vtterance of speech) the Apostles creed. 
Which after he had heard, holding his peace, he shooke his head. 
Then hee assigned vnto vs two men, who shoulde giue attendance 
vpon our selues, vpon our horses, and vpon our Oxen. And hee 
caused vs to ride in his companie, till the messenger whome hee 40 
had sent for the interpretation of the Emperours letters, was 
returned. And so we traueiled in his companie till the morowe 
after Pentecost. 

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 203 

Howe the Alanians came vnto vs on Pentecost or 
Whitson euen. Chap. 13. 

VPon the euen of Pentecost, there came vnto vs certaine 
Alanians, who are there called *Acias, being Christians 

5 after the maner of the Grecians, vsing greeke bookes and Grecian 
priests : howbeit they are not schismatiques as the Grecians are, 
but without acceptio of persons, they honour al Christias. And 
they brought vnto vs sodden flesh, requesting vs to eat of their 
meat, and to pray for one of their company being dead. Then 

10 1 sayd, because it was the euen of so great and so solemne 
a feast day, that we would not eate any flesh for that time. And 
I expounded vnto them the solemnitie of the sayd feast, whereat 
they greatly reioyced : for they were ignorant of all things apper- 
tayning to Christian religion, except only the name of Christ. 

15 They and many other Christians, both Russians, and Hungarians 

demanded of vs, whether they might be saued or no, because they 

were constrained to drinke Cosmos, & to eate the dead carkases of 

.such things, as were slaine by the Saracens, and other infidels? 

Which euen the Greeke & Russian priests themselues also esteeme 

20 as things strangled or offered vnto idoles : because they were 
ignorant of the times of fasting, neither could they haue obserued 
them albeit they had knowen them. Then instructed I them 
aswell as I could and strengthened them in the faith. As for the 
flesh which they had brought we reserued it vntill the feast day. 

25 For there was nothing to be sold among the Tartars for gold 

& siluer, but only for cloth and garments, of the which kind of ciothis 
marchandise wee had none at all. When our seruants offered marchadise 
them any coine called Yperpera, they rubbed it with their fingers, 
and put it vnto their noses, to try by the smell whether it were 

30 copper or no. Neither did they allow vs any foode but cowes 
milke onely which was very sowre & filthy. There was one thing 
most necessary greatly wanting vnto vs. For the water was so 
foule and muddy by reason of their horses, that it was not 
meete to be drunk. And but for certaine bisket, which was 

35 by the goodnes of God remaining vnto vs, we had vndoubtedly 

♦ Or, Akas. 

in Tartarie. 


Of a Saracen which said that he would be baptized : 

and of certaine men which seemed to be lepers. 

Chap. 14. 


Ton the day of Pentecost there came vnto vs a certain 
Saracen, vnto whome, as hee talked with vs, we expounded 5 
the Christian faith, ^^'ho (hearing of Gods benefits exhibited 
vnto mankind by the incarnation of our Sauiour Christ, and the 
resurrection of the dead, & the iudgement to come, & that in 
baptisme was a washing away of sinnes) sayd, that hee would be 
baptized. But when we prepared our selues to the baptizing of 10 
him, he suddenly mounted on horsebacke, saying that he would 
goe home and consult with his wife what were best to be done. 
And on the morrow after he told vs, that he durst in no case 
receiue baptisme, because then he should drinke no more Cosmos. 
For the Christians of that place affirme that no true Christians 15 
ought to drinke thereof : and that without the said liquor he could 
not Hue in that desert. From which opinion, I could not for my 
life remoue him. Wherefore be it knowen of a certainty vnto 
your highnes, that they are much estranged from the Christian 
faith by reason of that opinion which hath bin broached & con- 20 
firmed among them by the Russians, of whom there is a great 
multitude in that place. The same day Scacatay the captaine 
aforesayd gaue vs one man to conduct vs to Sartach, and two 
other to guide vs vnto the next lodging, which was distant from 
that place fiue dayes iourney for oxen to trauell. They gaue vnto 25 
vs also a goate for victuals, and a great many bladders of cowes 
milke, & but a little Cosmos, because it is of so great estimation 
among them. And so taking our iourney directly toward the 
North, me thought that wee had passed through one of hell gates. 
The seruants which conducted vs began to play the bold theeues 30 
with vs, seeing vs take so little heed vnto our selues. At length 
hauing lost much by their theeuery, harme taught vs wisdome. 
And then we came vnto the extremity of that prouince, which 
is fortified with a ditch from one sea vnto another : without the 
bounds wherof their lodging was situate. Into the which, so 35 
sooue as we had entred, al the inhabitants there seemed vnto vs 
to be infected with leprosie : for certain base fellowes were placed 
Salt pits. there to receiue tribute of al such as tooke salt out of the salt pits 
[p. 103] aforesaid. From that place | they told vs that we must trauel 

fifteen dales iourney, before we shuld find any other people. With 40 



them wee dranke Cosmos, and gaue vnto them a basket full of 
fruites and of bisket. And they gaue vnto vs eight oxen and 
one goate, to sustaine vs in so great a iourney, and I knowe not 
how many bladders of milke. And so changing our oxen, we 
5 tooke our iournie which we finished in tenne dayes, arriuing at Tendayes 
another lodging : neither found we any water all that way, but '°"''"^y" 
onely in certaine ditches made in the valleys, except two small 
riuers. And from the time wherein we departed out of the fore- 
said prouince of Gasaria, we trauailed directly Eastward, hauing 

10 a Sea on the South side of vs, and a waste desert on the North, 
which desert, in some places, reacheth twenty daies iourney in 
breadth, and there is neither tree, mountaine, nor stone therein. 
And it is most excellent pasture. Here the Comanians, which 
were called Capthac, were wont to feede their cattell. Howbeit 

15 by the Dutch men they are called Valani, and the prouince it selfe 
Valania. But Isidore calleth all that tract of land stretching from 
the riuer of Tanais to the lake of Meotis, and so along ac farre as 
Danubius, the countrey of Alania. And the same land continueth 
in length from Danubius vnto Tanais (which diuideth Asia from 

20 Europe) for the space of two moneths iourney, albeit a man 
should ride poste as fast as the Tartars vse to ride : and it was all 
ouer inhabited by the Comanians, called Capthac : yea and be- 
yond Tanais, as farre as the riuer of Edil or Volga : the space 
betweene the two which riuers is a great and long iourney to bee 

25 trauailed in ten dayes. To the North of the same prouince 

lieth Russia, which is full of wood in all places, and stretcheth Russia, 
from Polonia and Hungaria, euen to the riuer of Tanais : and 
it hath bene wasted all ouer by the Tartars, and as yet is daily 
wasted by them. 

The length 
of Comania. 

30 Of our afflictions which we sustained : and of the 
Comanians maner of buriall. Chap. 15. 

THey preferre the Saracens before the Russians, because they 
are Christians, and when they are able to giue them no 
more golde nor siluer, they driue them and their children like 
35 flockes of sheepe into the wildernes, constraining them to keepe 

their cattell there. Beyond Russia lieth the countrey of Prussia, Prussia, 
which the Dutch knights of the order of Saint Maries hospitall of 
lerusalem haue of late wholly conquered and subdued. And in 
very deede they might easily winne Russia, if they would put to 
40 their helping hand. For if the Tartars should but once knowe, 


that the great Priest, that is to say, the Pope did cause the ensigne 
of the crosse to bee displaied against them, they would flee all 
into their desert and solitarie places. We therefore went on 
towards the East, seeing nothing but heauen and earth, and some- 
times the sea on our right hand, called the Sea of Tanais, and the s 
sepulchres of the Comanians, which appeared vnto vs two leagues 
off, in which places they were wont to burie their kinred altogether. 
So long as we were trauelling through the desert, it went reason- 
ably well with vs. For I cannot sufficiently expresse in words 
the irkesome and tedious troubles which I susteined, when I came lo 
at any of their places of abode. For our guide would haue vs goe 
in vnto euery Captaine with a present, and our expenses would 
not extend so farre. P^or we were euery day eight persons of vs 
spending our waifaring prouision, for the Tartars seruants would all 
of them eate of our victuals. We our selues were fiue in number, 15 
and the seruants our guides were three, two to driue our carts, and 
one to conduct vs vnto Sartach. The flesh which they gaue vs 
was not sufficient for vs : neither could we finde any thing to be 
bought for our money. And as we sate vnder our carts in the 
Extreme coolc shadowe, by reason of the extreame and vehement heate 20 
Sommer. which was there at that time, they did so importunately and 
shamelesly intrude themselues into our companie, that they would 
euen tread vpon vs, to see whatsoeuer things we had. Hauing 
list at any time to ease themselues, the filthy lozels had not the 
maners to withdrawe themselues farther from vs, then a beane 25 
can bee cast. Yea, like vile slouens they would lay their tailes 
in our presence, while they were yet talking with vs : many other 
things they committed, which were most tedious and loathsome 
vnto vs. But aboue all things it grieued me to the very heart, 
that when I would vtter ought vnto them, which might tend 30 
to their edification, my foolish interpreter would say : you shall 
not make me become a Preacher now : I tell you, I cannot nor 
I will not rehearse any such wordes. And true it was which he 
saide, For I perceiued afterward, when I began to haue a litle 
smattering in the language, that when I spake one thing, he would 35 
say quite another, whatsoeuer came next vnto his witlesse tongues 
end. Then seeing the danger I might incurre in speaking by such 
an interpreter, I resolued much rather to holde my peace, and 
thus we traueiled with great toile from lodging to lodging, till at 
the length, a fewe dayes before the feast of Saint Marie Magdalene, 40 
Tanais. wc arriucd at the banke of the mightie riuer Tanais which diuideth 
Asia from Europa, euen as the riuer Nilus of ^^gypt disioyneth 
Asia from Africa. At the same place where wee arriued, Baatu 


NAVIGATIONS, etc. 207 

and Sartach did cause a certaine cot|tage to be built, vpon [p. IO4] 
the Easterne banke of the riuer, for a companie of Russians to 
dwell in to the ende they might transport Ambassadours and 
merchants in ferrie-boates ouer that part of the riuer. First they 
5 ferried vs ouer, and then our carts, putting one wheele into one 
lyter, and the other wheele into another lyter, hauing bounde both 
the lyters together, and so they rowe them ouer. In this place 
our guide played the foole most extreamely. For hee imagining 
that the said Russians, dwelling in the cottage, should haue 

10 prouided vs horses, sent home the beasts which we brought with 
vs, in another cart, y^ they might returne vnto their owne masters. 
And when we demanded to haue some beasts of th9, they 
answered, that they had a priuiledge from Baatu, wherby they 
were bound to none other seruice, but only to ferry ouer goers 

15 & commers : and that they receiued great tribute of marchants in 
regard therof. We staied therfore by the said riuers side three 
daies. The first day they gaue vnto vs a great fresh turbut : the 
second day they bestowed rye bread, and a litle flesh vpon vs, 
which the purueyer of the village had taken vp at euerie house for 

20 vs : and the third day dried fishes, which they haue there in great 

abundance. The saide riuer was euen as broad in that place, as The breadth 
the riuer of Sein is at Paris. And before we came there, we passed ° ^"^'^' 
ouer many goodly waters, and full of fish : howbeit the barbarous 
and rude Tartars know not how to take them : neither do they 

25 make any reckoning of any fish, except it be so great, that they 
may pray vpon the flesh therof, as vpon the flesh of a ram. This 
riuer is the limite of the East part of Russia, and it springeth out He is much 
of the fennes of Maeotis, which fennes stretch vnto the North ^ "^^ ' 
Ocean. And it runneth Southward into a certain great sea 700. 

30 miles about, before it falleth into the sea called Potus Euxinus. 
And al the riuers, which we passed ouer, ran with ful stream into 
those quarters. The foresaid riuer hath great store of wood also 
growing vpon the West side thereof. Beyond this place the 
Tartars ascend no farther vnto the North : for at that season of 

35 the yeere, about the first of August, they begin to returne backe About the 
vnto the South. And therfore there is another cottage somwhat of August, 
lower, where passengers are ferried ouer in Winter time. And in retum^e'^'^* 
this place wee were driuen to great extremitie, by reason that we Southward, 
could get neither horses, nor oxen for any money. At length, 

40 after I had declared vnto them, that my comming was to labour 
for the common good of all Christians, they sent vs oxen & men ; 
howbeit we our selues were faine to trauel on foote. At this time 
they were reaping their rye. Wheat prospereth not wel in that 


soile. They haue the seed of Millium in great abundance. The 
Russian women attire their heads like vnto our women. They 
imbroder their safegards or gowns on the outside, from their feet 
vnto their knees with particoloured or grey stuffe. The Russian 
men weare caps like vnto the Dutch men. Also they weare vpon 5 
their heads certain sharpe, & high-crowned hats made of felt, 
much like vnto a sugar loafe. Then traueiled we 3. daies together, 
not finding any people. And when our selues and our oxen were 
exceeding weary and faint, not knowing how far off we should 
find any Tartars, on the sudden, there came two horses running 10 
towards vs, which we tooke with great ioy, and our guide and 
interpreter mounted vpon their backes, to see, how far off they 
could descry any people. At length vpon the fourth day of our 
iourney, hauing found some inhabitants, we reioyced like sea- 
faring men, which had escaped out of a dangerous tempest, and 15 
had newly recouered the hauen. Then hauing taken fresh horses, 
and oxen, we passed on from lodging to lodging, till at the last, 
vpon the second of the Kalends of August, we arriued at the 
habitation of Duke Sartach himselfe. 

Of the dominion of Sartach, and of his Subiects. 20 
Chap. 16. 

THe region lying beyond Tanais, is a very goodly countrey, 
hauing store of riuers and woods toward the North part 
thereof There be mighty huge woods which two sorts of people 
The people do inhabite. One of them is called Moxel, being meere Pagans, 25 
Pagans. and without law. They haue neither townes nor cities, but only 
cottages in y* woods. Their lord & a great part of themselues 
were put to the sword in high Germanie. Whereupon they highly 
commend the braue courage of the Almans, hoping as yet to be 
deliuered out of the bondage of the Tartars, by their meanes. If 30 
any merchant come vnto them, he must prouide things necessary 
for him, with whom he is first of all enterteined, all the time of 
his abode among them. If any lieth with another mans wife, her 
husband, vnles he be an eiewitnes therof, regardeth it not : for 
they are not ielous ouer their wiues. They haue abundance of 35 
hogs, and great store of hony & waxe, and diuers sorts of rich 
N^ and costly skins, and plentie of falcons. Next vnto them are 
The people other people called Merclas, which the Latines call Merdui, and 
Merdui they are Saracens. Beyond them is the riuer of Etilia or Volga, 
s^ens. which is y' mightiest riuer that euer I saw. And it issueth from 40 



The circuite 
of the Cas- 
pian sea. 

the North part of Bulgaria the greater, & so trending along South- 
ward, disimboqueth into a certain lake cotaining in circuit the 
space of 4. moneths trauel, whereof I will speak hereafter. The 
two foresaid riuers, namely Tanais & Etilia, otherwise called 
5 Volga, towards the Northern regions through the which we 
traueiled, are not distat asunder aboue x. daies iourney, | but [p. 105] 
Southward they are diuided a great space one from another. For 
Tanais descSdeth into the sea of Pontus : Etilia maketh the fore- 
said sea or lake, with the help of many other riuers which fal 

10 therinto out of Persia. And we had to the South of vs huge high 
mountains, vpon the sides wherof, towards the said desert, doe 
the people called Cergis, and the Alani or Acas inhabit, who are 
as yet Christians, & wage warre against the Tartars. Beyond thg, 
next vnto the sea or lake of Etilia, there are certaine Saracens 

15 called Lesgi, who are in subiection vnto the Tartars. Beyond 
these is Porta ferrea, or the yron gate, no we called Derbent, which 
Alexander built to exclude the barbarous nations out of Persia. 
Concerning the situation whereof, your maiestie shall vnderstand 
more about the end of this Treatise : for I trauailed in my returne 

20 by the very same place. Betweene the two foresaid riuers, in the 
regions through the which we passed did the Comanians of olde 
time inhabite, before they were ouerrun by the Tartars. 

Kergis or 


called Lesgi. 

by Derbent. 


Of the Court of Sartach, and of the magnificence 
thereof. Chap. 17. 

ANd we found Sartach lying within three daies iourney of the 


riuer Etilia : whose Court seemed vnto vs to be very great. 
For he himselfe had sixe wiues, and his eldest sonne also had 
three wiues : euery one of which women hath a great house, 
& they haue ech one of them about 200. cartes. Our guide went 

30 vnto a certaine Nestorian named Coiat, who is a man of great Coiat the 
authoritie in Sartachs Court. He made vs to goe very farre vnto 
the Lordes gate. For so they call him, who hath the office of 
enterteining Ambassadours. In the euening Coiac commanded 
vs to come vnto him. Then our guide began to enquire what we 

35 would present him withal, & was exceedingly offended, when he 
saw that we had nothing ready to present. We stoode before him, 
and he sate maiestically, hauing musicke and dauncing in his 
presence. Then I spake vnto him in the wordes before recited, 
telling him, for what purpose I was come vnto his lorde, and 

40 requesting so much fauour at his hands, as to bring our letters 
H. 14 


vnto the sight of his Lord. I excused my selfe also, that I was 
a Monke, not hauing, nor receiuing, nor vsing any golde, or siluer, 
or any other precious thing, saue onely our bookes, and the vesti- 
ments wherein wee serued God : and that this was the cause why 
I brought no present vnto him, nor vnto his Ix)rd. For I that 5 
had abandoned mine owne goods, could not be a transporter of 
things for other men. Then hee answered very courteously, that 
being a Monke, and so doing, I did well : for so I should obserue 
my vowe : neither did himselfe stand in neede of ought that we 
had, but rather was readie to bestow vpon vs such things as we 10 
our selues stood in neede of : and he caused vs to sit downe, and 
to drinke of his milke. And presently after he requested vs to say 
our deuotions for him : and we did so. He enquired also who 
was the greatest Prince among the Franckes? And I saide, the 
Emperour, if he could inioy his owne dominions in quiet. No 15 
(quoth he) but the king of France. For he had heard of your 
Highnes by lord Baldwine of Henault. I found there also one of 
the Knights of the Temple, who had bene in Cyprus, and had 
made report of all things which he sawe there. Then returned 
wee vnto our lodging. And on the morow we sent him a flagon of 20 
Muscadel wine (which had lasted very wel in so long a iourney) 
and a boxe full of bisket, which was most acceptable vnto him. 
And he kept our seruants with him for that euening. The next 
morning he commanded me to come vnto the Court, and to bring 
the kings letters and my vestimentes, and bookes with me : because 25 
his Lorde was desirous to see them. Which we did accordingly, 
lading one cart with our bookes and vestiments, and another with 
bisket, wine, and fruites. Then he caused all our bookes and 
vestiments to bee laide forth. And there stoode round about vs 
many Tartars, Christians and Saracens on horseback. At the 30 
sight whereof, he demanded whether I would bestow all those 
things vpon his Lord or no ? Which saying made me to tremble, 
and grieued me full sore. Howbeit, dissembling our griefe as well 
as we could, we shaped him this answere : Sir, our humble request 
is, that our Lorde your master would vouchsafe to accept our 35 
bread, wine, and fruits, not as a present, because it is too meane, 
but as a benediction, least we should come with an emptie hand 
before him. And he shall see the letters of my souereigne Lord 
the king, and by them he shall vnderstand for what cause we are 
come vnto him, and then both our selues, and all that we haue, 40 
shall stand to his curtesie : for our vestiments be holy, and it is 
vnlawfuU for any but Priests to touch them. Then he com- 
maunded vs to inuest our selues in the saide garments, that we 


might goe before his Lord : and wee did so. Then I my selfe 
putting on our most precious ornaments, tooke in mine armes 
a very faire cushion, and the Bible which your Maiesty gaue me, 
and a most beautiful! Psalter, which the Queenes Grace bestowed 
5 vpon me, wherein there were goodly pictures. Mine associate 
tooke a missal and a crosse : and the clearke hauing put on his 
surplesse, tooke a censer in his hand. And so wee came vnto the 
presence of his Lord : and they lifted vp the felt hanging before 
his doore, that hee might | behold vs. Then they caused the [p. I06] 

lo clearke and the interpreter thrise to bow the knee : but of vs they 
required no such submission. And they diligently admonished vs 
to take heed, that in going in, and in comming out, we touched 
not the threshold of the house, and requested vs to sing a benedic- 
tion for him. Then we entred in, singing Salue Regina. And 

IS within the entrance of the doore, stood a bench with cosmos, and 
drinking cups thereupon. And all his wiues were there assembled. 
Also the Moals or rich Tartars thrusting in with vs pressed vs sore. 
Then Coiat caried vnto his lord the censer with incense, which he 
beheld very diligently, holding it in his hand. Afterward hee 

20 caried the Psalter vnto him, which he looked earnestly vpon, and 
his wife also that sate beside him. After that he caried the Bible : 
then Sartach asked if the Gospel were contained therein? Yea 
(said I) and all the holy scriptures besides. He tooke the crosse 
also in his hand, and demanded concerning the image, whether it 

25 were the image of Christ or no ? I said it was. The Nestorians 
& the Armenians do neuer make the figure of Christ vpo their 
crosses. Wherfore either they seem not to think wel of his No good 
passion, or els they are ashamed of it. Then he caused them that 
stood about vs, to stand aside, that he might more fully behold 

30 our ornaments. Afterward I deliuered vnto him your Maiesties 
letters, with the translation therof into the Arabike, & Syriake 
languages. For I caused them to be translated at Aeon into the 
character, & dialect of both the saide tongues. And there were 
certain Armenian priests, which had skil in the Turkish & 

35 Arabian languages. The aforesaid knight also of the order of the 
Temple had knowledge in the Syriake, Turkish, & Arabian tongues. 
Then we departed forth, and put off our vestiments, and there 
came vnto vs certaine Scribes together with the foresaid Coiat, 
& caused our letters to be interpreted. Which letters being heard, 

40 he caused our bread, wine and fruits to be receiued. And he 
permitted vs also to carie our vestiments and bookes vnto our 
owne lodging. This was done vpon the feast of S. Peter ad 




How they were giuen in charge to goe vnto Baatu 
the Father of Sartach. Chap. i8. 

THe next morning betimes came vnto vs a certaine Priest, who 
was brother vnto Coiat, requesting to haue our boxe of 
Chrisme, because Sartach (as he said) was desirous to see it : and 5 
so we gaue it him. About euentide Coiat sent for vs, saying : My 
lord your king wrote good words vnto my lord and master Sartach. 
Howbeit there are certaine matters of difficulty in them concerning 
which he dare not determine ought, without the aduise and 
counsell of his father. And therfore of necessitie you must 10 
depart vnto his father, leauing behind you the two carts, which 
you brought hither yesterday with vestiments and bookes, in my 
custodie : because my lorde is desirous to take more diligent view 
thereof I presently suspecting what mischiefe might ensue by his 
couetousnes, said vnto him : Sir, we will not onely leaue those 15 
with you, but the two other carts also, which we haue in our 
possession, will we commit vnto your custodie. You shall not 
(quoth he) leaue those behinde you, but for the other two carts 
first named, we will satisfie your request. I saide that this could 
not conueniently be done : but needes we must leaue all with 20 
him. Then he asked, whether we meant to tarie in the land ? I 
answered : If you throughly vnderstand the letters of my lorde the 
king, you know that we are euen so determined. Then he replied, 
that we ought to bee patient and lowly : and so we departed from 
him that euening. On the morrowe after he sent a Nestorian 25 
Priest for the carts, and we caused all the foure carts to be 
deliuered. Then came the foresaid brother of Coiat to meet vs, 
and separated all those things, which we had brought the day 
before vnto the Court, from the rest, namely, the bookes and 
vestiments, and tooke them away with him. Howbeit Coiat had 30 
commanded, that we should carie those vestiments with vs, which 
wee ware in the presence of Sartach, that we might put them on 
before Baatu, if neede should require : but the said Priest tooke 
them from vs by violence, saying : thou hast brought them vnto 
Sartach, and wouldest thou carie them vnto Baatu ? And when I 35 
would have rendred a reason, he answered : be not too talkatiue, 
but goe your wayes. Then I sawe that there was no remedie but 
patience : for wee could haue no accesse vnto Sartach himselfe, 
neither was there any other, that would doe vs iustice. I was 
afraide also in regard of the interpreter, least he had spoken other 40 


things then I saide vnto him : for his will was good that we 
should have giuen away all that wee had. There was yet one 
comfort remaining vnto me : for when I once perceiued their 
couetous intent, I conueyed from among our bookes the Bible, 
5 and the sentences, and certaine other bookes which I made special! 
account of. Howbeit I durst not take away the Psalter of my 
soueraigne Lady the Queene, because it was too wel known, by 
reason of the golden pictures therein. And so we returned with 
the two other carts vnto our lodging. Then came he that was 

10 appointed to be our guide vnto the court of Baatu, willing vs to 
take our iourney in all poste-haste : vnto whom I said, that I would 
in no case haue the carts to goe with me. Which thing he 
declared vnto Coiat. Then Coiat commaun|ded, that we should [p. 107] 
leaue them and our seruant with him : And we did as he com- 

15 manded. And so traueling directly Eastward towards Baatu, the 

third day we came to Etilia or Volga : the streams whereof when They are 
I beheld, I wondered from what regions of the North such huge as Volga, 
and mighty waters should descend. Before we were departed 
from Sartach, the foresaid Coiat, with many other Scribes of the 

20 court said vnto vs : doe not make report that our Lord is a The Tartars 
Christian, but a Moal. Because the name of a Christian seemeth Moai. 
vnto them to be the name of some nation. So great is their pride, 
that albeit they beleeue perhaps some things concerning Christ, 
yet will they not bee called Christians, being desirous that their 

25 owne name, that is to say, Moal should be exalted aboue all other 
names. Neither wil they be called by the name of Tartars. For 
the Tartars were another nation, as I was informed by them. 

Howe Sartach, and Mangu-Can, and Ken-Can doe 
reuerence vnto Christians. Chap. 19. 

30 AT the same time when the P>ench-men tooke Antioch, a This history 

J~\. certaine man named Con Can had dominion ouer the lohnln th" 

Northren regions, lying thereabouts. Con is a proper name : Can ^aiiead^ed 

is a name of authority or dignitie, which signifieth a diuiner or oe'rardus''^ 

soothsayer. All diuiners are called Can amongst them. Where- Mercator in 

•^ _ " his general! 

35 upon their princes are called Can, because that vnto them mappe. 
belongeth the gouernment of the people by diuination. Wee doe 
reade also in the historic of Antiochia, that the Turkes sent for 
aide against the French-men, vnto the kingdome of Con Can. 
For out of those parts the whole nation of the Turkes first came, whe'nce the 

40 The said Con was of the nation of Kara-Catay. Kara signifieth Jj^^^g '*''*' 



An Ocean 



The place of 
Ken Kan 

Vut Can, or 

The village 
of Cara 
Crit and 

Moal in olde 
time a 

The place of 
the Tartars. 


blacke, and Catay is the name of a countrey. So that Kara- 
Catay signifieth the blacke Catay. This name was giuen to make 
a difference between the foresaid people, and the people of 
Catay, inhabiting Eastward ouer against y*= Ocean sea : concerning 
whom your maiesty shall vnderstand more hereafter. These S 
Catayans dwelt vpon certaine Alpes, by the which I trauailed. 
And in a certain plaine countrey within those Alpes, there in- 
habited a Nestorian shepheard, being a mighty gouernour ouer the 
people called Yayman, which were Christians, following the sect 
of Nestorius. After the death of Con Can, the said Nestorian lo 
exalted himselfe to the kingdome, and they called him King lohn, 
reporting ten times more of him then was true. For so the 
Nestorians which come out of those parts, vse to doe. For they 
blaze abroade great rumors, and reports vpon iust nothing. Where- 
upon they gaue out concerning Sartach, that he was become 15 
a Christian, and the like also they reported concerning Mangu 
Can, and Ken Can : namely because these Tartars make more 
account of Christians, then they doe of other people, and yet in 
very deede, themselues are no Christians. So likewise there went 
foorth a great report concerning the said king lohn. Howbeit, 20 
when I trauailed along by his territories, there was no man that 
knew any thing of him, but onely a fewe Nestorians. In his 
pastures or territories dwelleth Ken Can, at whose Court Frier 
Andrew was. And I my selfe passed by it at my returne. This 
lohn had a brother, being a mightie man also, and a shepheard 25 
like himselfe, called Vut, and he inhabited beyond the Alpes of 
Cara Catay, being distant from his brother lohn, the space of 
three weekes iourney. He was lord ouer a certain village, called 
Cara Carum, hauing people also for his subiects, named Crit, or 
Merkit, who were Christians of the sect of Nestorius. But their 30 
Lorde abandoning the worship of Christ, followed after idoles, 
reteining with him Priests of the saide idoles, who all of them are 
worshippers of deuils and sorcerers. Beyond his pastures some 
tenne or fifteene dayes iourney, were the pastures of Moal, who 
were a poore and beggerly nation, without gouernour, and without 35 
Lawe, except their soothsayings, and their diuinations, vnto the 
which detestable studies, all in those partes doe apply their mindes. 
Neere vnto Moal were other poore people called Tartars. The 
foresaid king lohn died without issue male, and thereupon his 
brother Vut was greatly inriched, and caused himselfe to be 40 
named Can : and his droues and flockes raunged euen vnto the 
borders of Moal. About the same time there was one Cyngis, 
a blacke smith among the people of Moal. This Cyngis stole as 


NAVIGATIONS, etc. 215 

many cattel from Vut Can, as he could possibly get : insomuch 
that the shepheards of Vut complained vnto their Lord. Then 
prouided he an armie, and marched vp into the countrey of Moal 
e to seeke for the saide Cyngis. But Cyngis fiedde among the 
Tartars, and hidde himselfe amongest them. And Vut hauing taken 
some spoiles both from Moal, and also from the Tartars, returned 
home. Then spake Cyngis vnto the Tartars, and vnto the people 
of Moal, saying : Sirs, because we are destitute of a gouernour 

10 and Captaine, you see howe our neighbours do oppresse vs. And 
the Tartars and Moals appointed him to be their Chieftaine. 
Then hauing secretly gathered together an armie, he brake in 
suddenly vpon Vut, and ouercame him, and Vut fiedde into 
Cataya. At the same time was the daughter of Vut taken, which 

15 Cyngis | married vnto one of his sonnes, by whom she conceiued, [p. 108] 
& brought forth the great Can, which now reigneth, called Mangu- Mangu-Can. 
Can. Then Cyngis sent y^ Tartars before him in al places where 
he came : and thereupon was their name published and spread 
abroade : for in all places the people woulde crie out : Loe, the 

20 Tartars come, the Tartars come. Howbeit, through continuall 
warres, they are nowe, all of them in a maner, consumed and 
brought to nought. Whereupon the Moals indeuour what they 
can, to extinguish the name of the Tartars, that they may exalt 
their owne name. The countrey wherein they first inhabited, and 

2c where the Court of Cyngis Can as yet remaineth, is called 

Mancherule. But because Tartaria is the region, about which Mancheruie. 
they haue obtained their conquests, they esteeme that as their 
royall and chiefe citie, and there for the most part doe they elect 
their great Can. 

Of the Russians, Hungarians, and Alanians : and 
of the Caspian Sea. Chap. 20. 

NOw, as concerning Sartach, whether he beleeues in Christ, or 
no, I knowe not. This I am sure of, that he will not be 
called a Christian. Yea rather he seemeth vnto mee to deride 

~r and skoffe at Christians. He lieth in the way of the Christians, as 
namely of the Russians, the Valachians, the Bulgarians of Bulgaria 
the lesser, the Soldaianes, the Kerkis, and the Alanians : who all 
of them passe by him, as they are going to the Court of his father 
Baatu, to carie giftes : whereupon he is more in league with them. 

40 Howbeit, if the Saracens come, and bring greater giftes then they, 
they are dispatched sooner. He hath about him certaine Nestorian 


Priestes, who pray vpon their beades, and sing their deuotions. 

Or, Berca. Also, there is another vnder Baatu called Berta, who feedeth his 
cattell toward Porta ferrea, or Derbent, where lieth the passage of 
all those Saracens, which come out of Persia, and out of Turkic to 
goe vnto Baatu, and passing by, they giue rewards vnto him. 5 
And he professeth himselfe to be a Saracene, and will not permit 
swines flesh to be eaten in his dominions. Howbeit, at the time 
of our retume, Baatu commanded him to remoue himselfe from 
that place, and to inhabite vpon the East side of Volga : for hee 
was vnwilling that the Saracens messengers should passe by the 10 
saide Berta, because he sawe it was not for his profite. For the 
space of foure dayes while we remained in the court of Sartach, we 
had not any victuals at all allowed vs, but once onely a litle 
Cosmos. And in our iourney betweene him and his father, wee 
traueiled in great feare. For certaine Russians, Hungarians, and 15 
Alanians being seruants vnto the Tartars (of whom they haue 
great multitudes among them) assemble themselues twentie or 
thirtie in a companie, and so secretly in the night conueying 
themselues from home, they take bowes and arrowes with them, 
and whomesoeuer they finde in the night season, they put him to 20 
death, hiding themselues in the day time. And hauing tired their 
horses, they goe in the night vnto a company of other horses 
feeding in some pasture, and change them for newe, taking with 
them also one or two horses besides, to eate them when they 
stand in neede. Our guide therefore was sore afraide, least we 25 
should haue met with such companions. In this iourney wee 
had died for famine, had we not caried some of our bisket with vs. 
At length we came vnto the mighty riuer of Etilia, or Volga. For 
it is foure times greater, then the riuer of Sein, and of a wonderfull 
depth : and issuing forth of Bulgaria the greater, it runneth into a 3° 
certaine lake or ^a, which of late they cal the Hircan sea, accord- 
ing to the name of a certain citie in Persia, standing vpon the 
shore thereof. Howbeit Isidore calleth it the Caspian sea. For 
it hath the Caspian mountaines and the land of Persia situate on 
the South side thereof : and the mountaines of Musihet, that is to 35 
say, of the people called Assassini towards the East, which moun- 
taines are conioyned vnto the Caspian mountaines : but on the 
North side thereof lieth the same desert, wherein the Tartars doe 
now inhabite. Howbeit heretofore there dwelt certaine people 

Changiae. called Changlse. And on that side it receiueth the streams of 40 
Etilia ; which riuer increaseth in Sommer time, like vnto the riuer 
Nilus in ^gypt. Upon the West part thereof, it hath the moun- 
taines of Alani, and Lesgi, and Porta ferrea, or Derbent, and the 

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 217 

mountaines of Georgia. This Sea therefore is compassed in on 
three sides with the mountaines, but on the North side with 
plaine grounde. Frier Andrew, in his iourney traueiled round Frier 
about two sides therof, namely the South and the East sides : 
5 and I my selfe about other two, that is to say, the North side in 
going from Baatu to Mangu-Can, and in returning likewise : and 
the West side in comming home from Baatu into Syria. A man 
may trauel round about it in foure moneths. And it is not true 
which Isidore reporteth, namely that this Sea is a bay or gulfe 
10 comming forth of the Ocean : for it doeth, in no part thereof, 
ioyne with the Ocean, but is inuironed on all sides with lande. 

Of the court of Baatu : and howe we were inter- [p. 109] 
teined by him. Chap. 21. 


L the region extending from the West shore of the foresaid 
sea, where Alexanders Iron gate, otherwise called the city of 
Derbent, is situate, and from the mountaines of Alania, all along 
by the fennes of Meotis, whereinto the riuer of Tanais falleth, and 
so forth, to the North Ocean, was wont to be called Albania. Of The North 
which countrey Isidore reporteth, that there be dogs of such an 

20 huge stature, and so fierce, that they are able in fight to match 
bulles, and to master lions. Which is true, as I vnderstand by 
diuers, who tolde me, that there towardes the North Ocean they The North 
make their dogges to draw in carts like oxen, by reason of their 
bignesse and strength. Moreouer, vpon that part of Etilia where 

25 we arriued, there is a new cottage built, wherein they haue placed 
Tartars and Russians both together, to ferrie ouer, and transport 
messengers going and comming to and fro the court of Baatu. 
For Baatu remaineth vpon the farther side towards the East. 
Neither ascendeth hee in Sommer time more Northward then the 

30 foresaide place where we arriued, but was euen then descending to 
the South. From lanuarie vntill August both he and all other 
Tartars ascend by the banks of riuers towards cold and Northerly 
regions, and in August they begin to returne backe againe. We He descend- 
passed downe the streame therefore in a barke, from the foresaid the riuer 

35 cottage vnto his court. From the same place vnto the villages of barke.*"* 
Bulgaria the greater, standing toward the North, it is fiue dayes 
iourney. I wonder what deuill caried the religion of Mahomet 
thither. For, from Derbent, which is vpon the extreame borders 
of Persia, it is aboue 30. daies iourney to passe ouerthwart the 

40 desert, and so to ascend by the banke of Etilia, into the foresaid 


countrey of Bulgaria. All which way there is no citie, but onely 
Astracan. ccrtainc cottages neere vnto that place where Etilia falleth into the 
sea. Those Bulgarians are most wicked Saracens, more earnestly 
professing the danable religion of Mahomet, then any other nation 
The descrip- whatsoeuer. Moreouer, when I first beheld the court of Baatu, I 5 
his court. was astonicd at the sight thereof : for his houses or tents seemed 
as though they had bene some huge and mighty citie, stretching 
out a great way in length, the people ranging vp and downe about 
it for the space of some three or foure leagues. And euen as the 
people of Israel knew euery man, on which side of the tabernacle 10 
to pitch his tent : euen so euery one of them knoweth right well, 
towards what side of the court he ought to place his house when 
he takes it from off the cart. Wherupon the court is called in 
Horda sjgni- their language Horda, which signifieth, the midst : because the 
midst. gouernour or chieftaine among them dwels alwaies in the middest 15 

of his people : except onely that directly towards the South no 
subiect or inferiour person placeth himselfe, because towards that 
region the court gates are set open : but vnto the right hand, and 
the left hand they extend thSselues as farre as they will, according 
to the conueniencie of places, so that they place not their houses 20 
directly opposite against the court. At our arriual we were con- 
ducted vnto a Saracen, who prouided not for vs any victuals at 
all. The day following, we were brought vnto the court : and 
Baatu had caused a large tent to be erected, because his house or 
ordinarie tent could not containe so many men and women as 25 
were assembled. Our guide admonished vs not to speake, till 
Baatu had giuen vs commandement so to doe, and that then we 
should speake our mindes briefly. Then Baatu demanded whether 
your Maiestie had sent Ambassadours vnto him or no ? I answered, 
that your Maiestie had sent messengers to Ken-Can : and that 30 
you would not haue sent messengers vnto him, or letters vnto 
Sartach, had not your Highnes bene pers waded that they were 
become Christians : because you sent not vnto them for any feare, 
but onely for congratulation, and curtesies sake, in regard that you 
heard they were conuerted to Christianitie. Then led he vs vnto 35 
his pauilion : and wee were charged not to touch the cordes of the 
tent, which they account in stead of the threshold of the house. 
There we stoode in our habite bare-footed, and bare-headed, and 
were a great and strange spectacle in their eyes. For indeed Frier 
lohn de lohn dc Plano Carpini had byn there before my coming : howbeit, 40 
Ca^?ni. because he was the Popes messenger, he changed his habit that he 
might not be contemned. Then we were brought into the very 
midst of the tent, neither required they of vs to do any reuerence 

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 219 

by bowing our knees, as they vse to doe of other messengers. 
Wee stood therefore before him for the space wherein a man 
might haue rehearsed the Psalme, Miserere mei Deus : and there 
was great silence kept of all men. Baatu himselfe sate vpon 
5 a seate long and broad like vnto a bed, guilt all ouer, with three 
staires to ascend thereunto, and one of his ladies sate beside him. 
The men there assembled, sate downe scattering, some on the 
right hand of the saide Lady, and some on the left. Those places 
on the one side which the women filled not vp (for there were 

10 only the wiues of Baatu) were supplied by the men. Also, at the 
very entrance of the tent, stoode a bench furnished with cosmos, 
and with stately great cuppes of siluer, and golde, beeing richly set 
with precious stones. Baatu beheld vs earnestly, and we him : 
and he seemed to me to resemble in personage, Mon|sieur lohn [p. 1 10] 

15 de beau mont, whose soule resteth in peace. And hee had 
a fresh ruddie colour in his countenance. At length he com- 
manded vs to speake. Then our guide gaue vs direction, that 
wee should bow our knees & speak. VVherupon I bowed one 
knee as vnto a man : then he signified that I should kneele vpon 

20 both knees : and I did so, being loath to contend about such 
circumstaunces. And again he commanded me to speak. Then I 
thinking of praier vnto God, because I kneeled on both my knees, 
began to pray on this wise : Sir, we beseech the Lord, from whom 
all good things doe proceed, and who hath giuen you these earthly 

25 benefites, that it would please him hereafter to make you partaker 
of his heauSly blessings : because the former without these are but 
vain and improfitable. And I added further. Be it knowen vnto 
you of a certainty, that you shal not obtain the ioyes of heauen, 
vnles you become a Christian : for God saith, Whosoeuer be- 

30 leeueth & is baptized, shalbe saued : but he that beleeueth not, 
shalbe condemned. At this word he modestly smiled : but the 
other Moals began to clap their hands, and to deride vs. And my 
silly interpreter, of whom especially I should haue receiued com- 
fort in time of need, was himself abashed & vtterly dasht out of 

35 countenance. Then, after silence made, I said vnto him, I came 
vnto your sonne, because we heard that he was become a 
Christian : and I brought vnto him letters on the behalfe of my The letters 
souereigne Lord the king of France: and your sonne sent me French king, 
hither vnto you. The cause of my comming therefore is best 

40 known vnto your selfe. Then he caused me to rise vp. And he 
enquired your maiesties name, and my name, and the name of 
mine associate and interpreter, and caused them all to be put 
down in writing. He demaunded likewise (because he had bene 


informed, that you were departed out of your owne countreys with 
an armie) against whom you waged warre ? I answered : against 
the Saracens, who had defiled the house of God at lerusalem. 
He asked also, whether your Highnes had euer before that time 
sent any messengers vnto him, or no? To you sir? (said I) neuer. 5 
Then caused he vs to sit downe, and gaue vs of his milke to 
drinke, which they account to be a great fauour, especially when 
any man is admitted to drinke Cosmos with him in his own house. 
And as I sate looking downe vpon the ground, he commanded me 
to lift vp my countenance, being desirous as yet to take more 10 
diligent view of vs, or els perhaps for a kinde of superstitious 
obseruation. For they esteeme it a signe of ill lucke, or a prog- 
nostication of euill vnto them, when any man sits in their 
presence, holding downe his head, as if he were sad : especially 
when he leanes his cheeke or chinne vpon his hand. Then we 15 
departed forth, and immediatly after came our guide vnto vs, and 
conducting vs vnto our lodging, saide vnto me : Your master the 
King requesteth that you may remaine in this land, which request 
Baatu cannot satisfie without the knowledge and consent of 
Mangu-Can. Wherefore you, and your interpreter must of 20 
necessitie goe vnto Mangu-Can. Howbeit your associate, and 
the other man shall returne vnto the court of Sartach, staying 
there for you, till you come backe. Then began the man of God 
mine interpreter to lament, esteeming himselfe but a dead man. 
Mine associate also protested, that they should sooner chop off 25 
his head, then withdrawe him out of my companie. Moreouer I 
my selfe saide, that without mine associate I coulde not goe : and 
that we stood in neede of two seruants at the least, to attend vpon 
vs, because, if one should chance to fall sicke, we could not be 
without another. Then returning vnto the court, he told these 30 
sayings vnto Baatu. And Baatu commanded saying : let the two 
Priests and the interpreter goe together, but let the clearke returne 
vnto Sartach. And comming againe vnto vs, hee tolde vs euen so. 
And when I would haue spoken for the clearke to haue had him 
with vs, he saide : No more words : for Baatu hath resolued, 35 
that so it shall be, and therefore I dare not goe vnto the court any 
more. Goset the clearke had remaining of the almes money 
bestowed vpon him, 26. Yperperas, and no more ; 10. whereof he 
kept for himselfe and for the lad, and 1 6. he gaue vnto the man of 
God for vs. And thus were we parted asunder with teares : he 40 
returning vnto the court of Sartach, and our selues remaining still 
in the same place. 



They trauell 
fiue weekes 
by the banke 
of Etilia. 

[p. Ill] 


Of our iourney towards the Court of Mangu Can. 

Chap. 22. 

VPon Assumption euen our clearke arriued at the court of 
Sartach. And on the morrow after, the Nestorian Priestes 
5 were adorned with our vestments in the presence of the saide 
Sartach. Then wee our selues were conducted vnto anbther 
hoste, who was appointed to prouide vs houseroome, victualles, 
and horses. But because wee had not ought to bestowe vpon 
him, hee did all things vntowardly for vs. Then wee rode on for- 

lo warde with Baatu, descending along by the banke of Etilia, for the 
space of fiue weekes together : Sometimes mine associate was so 
extremelie hungric, that hee would tell mee in a manner weeping, 
that it fared with him as though hee had neuer eaten any thing in 
all his life before. There is a faire or market following the court 

15 of Baatu at all times : but it was so farre distant from vs that we 
could I not haue recourse thereunto. For wee were constrained to 
walke on foote for want of horses. At length certaine Hungarians 
(who had sometime bene after a sort Cleargie men) found vs out : 
and one of them could as yet sing many songs without booke, and 

20 was accompted of other Hungarians as a Priest, and was sent for 
vnto the funerals of his deceased countrey men. There was 
another of them also pretily wel instructed in his Grammer : for 
hee could vnderstand the meaning of any thing that wee spake, 
but could not answere vs. These Hungarians were a great 

25 comfort vnto vs, bringing vs Cosmos to drinke, yea, and some- 
times flesh for to eate also : who, when they requested to haue 
some bookes of vs, and I had not any to giue them (for indeede 
we had none but onely a Bible, and a breuiarie) it grieued mee 
exceedingly. And I saide vnto them : Bring mee some inke and 

30 paper, and I will write for you so long as we shall remaine here : 
and they did so. And I copied out for them Horas beatae 
Virginis, and Officium defunctorum. Moreouer, vpon a certaine 
day, there was a Comanian that accompanied vs, saluting vs in AComanian, 
Latine, and saying : Saluete Domini. Wondering thereat and 

35 saluting him againe, I demaunded of him, who had taught him 
that kinde of salutation ? Hee saide that hee was baptized in 
Hungaria by our Friers, and that of them hee learned it. He 
saide moreouer, that Baatu had enquired many things of him 
concerning vs, and that hee tolde him the estate of our order. 

40 Afterwarde I sawe Baatu riding with his companie, and all his 



A loumey 

subiects that were housholders or masters of families riding with 
him, and (in mine estimation) they were not fiue hundred persons 
in all. At length about the ende of Holy roode, there came 
a certaine rich Moal vnto vs (whose father was a Millenarie, which 
is a great office among them) saying : I am the man that must 5 
conduct you vnto Mangu-Can, and wee haue thither a iourney of 
from'vdga!* foure moneths long to trauell, and there is such extreame colde in 
those parts, that stones and trees doe euen riue asunder in regarde 
thereof. Therefore I would wish you throughly to aduise your 
selues, whether you be able to indure it or no. Vnto whome I 10 
answered : I hope by Gods helpe that we shalbe able to brooke 
that which other men can indure. Then he saide : if you cannot 
indure it, I wil forsake you by the way. And I answered him : it 
were not iust dealing for you so to doe : for wee goe not thither 
vpon anie businesse of our owne, but by reason that we are sent 15 
by your lord. \Vherfore sithence we are committed vnto your 
charge, you ought in no wise to forsake vs. Then he saide : all 
shalbe well. Afterward he caused vs to shewe him all our 
garments : and whatsoeuer hee deemed to be lesse needfull for vs, 
he willed vs to leaue it behind in the custodie of our hoste. On 20 
the morrow they brought vnto ech of vs a furred gowne, made all 
of rammes skinnes, with the wool stil vpon them, and breeches of 
the same, and bootes also or buskins according to their fashion, 
and shooes made of felt, and hoods also made of skinnes after their 
maner. The second day after Holy rood, we began to set forward 25 
on our iourney, hauing three guides to direct vs : and we rode 
continually Eastward, till the feast of All Saints. Throughout all 
that region, and beyonde also did the people of Changle inhabite, 
who were by parentage descended from the Romanes. Vpon the 
North side of vs, wee had Bulgaria the greater, and on the South, 30 
the foresaid Caspian sea. 

The i6. of 

46. dayes. 

Or, Kan- 

Or, laic. 

laic twelue 
from Volga. 

Of the riuer of lagac : and of diuers regions or 
nations. Chap. 23. 

HAuing traueiled twelue dayes iourney from Etilia, wee found 
a mightie riuer called lagac : which riuer issuing out of 35 
the North, from the land of Pascatir, descSdeth into the foresaid 
sea. The language of Pascatir, and of the Hungarians is all one, 
and they are all of them shepheards, not hauing any cities. And 
their countrey bordereth vpon Bulgaria the greater, on the West 
frontier thereof. From the Northeast part of the said countrey, 40 


NAVIGATIONS, etc. 223 

there is no citie at all. For Bulgaria the greater is the farthest 
countrey that way, that hath any citie therein. Out of the fore- 
named region of Pascatir, proceeded the Hunnes of olde time, 
who afterwarde were called Hungarians. Next vnto it is Bulgaria The 
5 the greater. Isidore reporteth concerning the people of this descfndeT* 
nation, that with swift horses they trauersed the impregnable Ba&cirdes. 
walles and bounds of Alexander, (which, together with the rocks 
of Caucasus, serued to restraine those barbarous and blood-thirstie 
people from inuading the regions of the South) insomuch that 

10 they had tribute paied vnto them, as farre as ^gypt. Likewise they 
wasted all countreis euen vnto France. Whereupon they were more 
mightie then the Tartars as yet are. And vnto them the Blacians, 
the Bulgarians, and the Vandals ioyned themselues. For out of 
Bulgaria the greater, came those Bulgarians. Moreouer, they Vaiachians. 

15 which inhabit beyond Danubius, neere vnto Constantinople, and 
not farre from Pascatir, are called Ilac, which (sauing the pro- 
nCiciation) is al one with Blac, (for the Tartars cannot pronounce 
the letter B) from whom also descended the people which inhabit 
the land of Assani. For they are both of thS called Ilac (both 

20 these, & the other) in y* languages of the Russians, y^ Polonians, 

&: the Bohemians. | The Sclauonians speake all one language [p. II2] 
with the Vandals, all which banded themselues with the Hunnes : 
and now for the most part, they vnite themselues vnto the Tartars : 
who God hath raised vp from the vtmost partes of the earth, 

25 according to that which the Lord saith : I will prouoke them to Deut. 32. 
enuy (namely such as keepe not his Law) by a people, which is no Rom. 10. 
people, and by a foolish nation will I anger them. This prophecie ^' ''' 
is fulfilled, according to the literal sense thereof, vpon all nations 
which obserue not the Law of God. All this which I haue written 

30 concerning the land of Pascatir, was told me by certaine Friers 
predicants, which trauailed thither before euer the Tartars came 
abroad. And from that time they were subdued vnto their neigh- 
bors the Bulgarians being Saracens, whereupon many of them 
proued Saracens also. Other matters concerning this people, may 

35 be known out of Chronicles. For it is manifest, that those pro- 
uinces beyond Constantinople, which are now called Bulgaria, 
Valachia, & Sclauonia, were of old time prouinces belonging to 
the Greekes. Also Hungaria was heretofore called Pannonia. 
And wee were riding ouer the land of Cangle, from the feast of Cangie an 

40 Holy roode, vntill the feast of All Saints : traueiling almost euery countrey.'^ 
day (according to mine estimation) as farre, as from Paris to 
Orleans, and sometimes farther, as we were prouided of poste 
horses : for some dayes we had change of horses twise or thrise in 



a day. Sometimes we trauailed two or three daies together, not 
finding any people, and then we were constrained not to ride so 
fast. Of 20. or 30. horses we had alwayes the woorst, because 
wee were strangers. For euery one tooke their choice of the best 
horses before vs. They prouided mee alwaies of a strong horse, 5 
because I was very corpulent & heauy : but whether he ambled 
a gentle pase or no, I durst not make any question. Neither yet 
durst I complaine, although he trotted full sore. But euery man 
must be contented with his lot as it fell. Whereupon wee were 
exceedingly troubled : for oftentimes our horses were tired before 10 
we could come at any people. And then wee were constrained to 
beate and whip on our horses, and to lay our garments vpon other 
emptie horses : yea and sometimes two of vs to ride vpon one 

Of the hunger, and thirst, and other miseries, which 15 
wee sustained in our iourney. Chap. 24. 


jF hunger and thirst, colde and wearinesse, there was no end. 
For they gaue vs no victuals, but onely in the euening. In 
the morning they vsed to giue vs a little drinke, or some sodden 
Millet to sup off. In the euening they bestowed flesh vpon vs, as 20 
namely, a shoulder and breast of rams mutton, and euery man 
a measured quantitie of broath to drinke. When we had sufficient 
of the fiesh-broath, we were maruellously wel refreshed. And it 
seemed to me most pleasant, and most nourishing drinke. Euery 
Saterday I remained fasting vntil night, without eating or drinking 25 
of ought. And when night came, I was constrained, to my great 
grief and sorow, to eat flesh. Sometimes we were faine to eate 
flesh halfe sodden, or almost rawe, and all for want of fewel to 
seethe it withal : especially when we lay in the fields, or were 
benighted before we came at our iourneis end : because we could 30 
not then conueniently gather together the doung of horses or oxS : 
for other fewel we found but seldome, except perhaps a few thornes 
Certaine in some placcs. Likewise vpon the bankes of some riuers, there 
are woods growing here and there. Howbeit they are very rare. 
In the beginning our guide highly disdained vs, and it was tedious 35 
vnto him to conduct such base fellowes. Afterward, when he 
began to know vs somewhat better, he directed vs on our way by 
the courts of rich Moals, and we were requested to pray for them. 
Wherefore, had I caried a good interpreter with me, I should haue 
had opportunitie to haue done much good. The foresaid Chingis, 40 



who was the first great Can or Emperour of the Tartars, had foure 
sonnes, of whome proceeded by naturall descent many children, 
euery one of which doeth at this day enioy great possessions : 
and they are daily multiplied and dispersed ouer that huge and 
5 waste desert, which is, in dimensions, like vnto the Ocean Sea. 
Our guide therefore directed vs, as we were going on our iourney, 
vnto many of their habitations. And they marueiled exceedingly, 
that we would receiue neither gold, nor siluer, nor precious and 
costly garments at their hands. They inquired also, concerning 

10 the great Pope, whether he was of so lasting an age as they had 
heard ? For there had gone a report among them, that he was 
500. yeeres olde. They inquired likewise of our countreis, whether 
there were abundance of sheep, oxen, & horses or no? Con- 
cerning the Ocean sea, they could not coceiue of it, because it was 

15 without limits or banks. Vpon the euen of y^ feast of Al Saints, 
we forsook the way leading towards the East, (because the people 
were now descended very much South) and we went on our 
iourney by certaine Alpes, or mountaines directly Southward, for 
the space of 8. dayes together. In the foresaid desert I saw many 

20 asses (which they cal Colan) being rather like vnto mules : these 
did our guide &: his companions chase very eagerly : howbeit, they 
did but lose their labour : for the beastes were two swift for them. 
Vpon the 7. day there appeared to the South of vs huge high 
I mountaines, and we entred into a place which was well watered, 

25 and fresh as a garden, and found land tilled and manured. The 
eight day after the feast of All Saints, we arriued at a certain towne 
of the Saracens, named Kenchat, the gouernour whereof met our 
guide at the townes end with ale and cups. For it is their maner 
at all townes and villages, subiect vnto them, to meet the mes- 

30 sengers of Baatu and Mangu-Can with meate and drinke. At the 
same time of the yere, they went vpon the yce in that countrey. 
And before the feast of S. Michael, we had frost in the desert. I 
enquired the name of that prouince : but being now in a strange 
territorie, they could not tell mee the name thereof, but onely 

35 the name of a very smal citie in the same prouince. And there 
descended a great riuer downe from the mountaines, which watered 
the whole region, according as the inhabitants would giue it 
passage, by making diuers chanels and sluces : neither did this 
riuer exonerate it selfe into any sea, but was swallowed vp by an 

40 hideous gulfe into the bowels of the earth : and it caused many 
fennes or lakes. Also I saw many vines, and dranke of the wine 

Eight dayes 



Asses swift 
of foote. 


[P- 113] 


Kenchat a 
village of the 

The 7. day of 

A great 

Many lakes. 



How Ban was put to death : and concerning the 
habitation of the Dutch men. Chap. 25. 

A cottage. 'T^He day following, we came vnto another cottage neere vnto 
The mou- X the mountains. And I enquired what mountains they were, 
Cauc^us which I vnderstood to be the mountains of Caucasus, which are 5 
are extended strctchcd forth, & Continued on both parts to the sea, from the 

vnto the ' '■ 

Es^teme West vnto the East : and on the West part they are conioyned 

Thecitieof vnto the foresaid Caspian sea, wherinto the riuer of Volga dis- 

^Mitoias. chargeth his streams. I enquired also of the city of Talas, wherein 

Frier were certaine Dutchmen seruants vnto one Buri, of whom Frier 10 

Andrew. . ^ . , , _ . , 

Andrew made mention. Concernmg whom also I enquired very 
diligently in the courts of Sartach & Baatu. Howbeit I could 
haue no intelligence of them, but onely that their lord & master 
Ban was put to death vpon the occasion following : This Ban was 
not placed in good and fertile pastures. And vpon a certain day 15 
being drunken, he spake on this wise vnto his men. Am not I of 
the stocke and kinred of Chingis Can, as well as Baatu ? (for in 
very deede he was brother or nephew vnto Baatu.) Why then doe 
I not passe and repasse vpon the banke of Etilia, to feed my cattel 
there, as freely as Baatu himselfe doeth ? Which speeches of his 20 
were reported vnto Baatu. Whereupon Baatu wrote vnto his 
seruants to bring their Lorde bound vnto him. And they did so. 
Then Baatu demanded of him whether he had spoken any such 
words ? And hee confessed that he had. Howbeit, (because it is 
the Tartars maner to pardon drunken men) he excused himselfe 25 
that he was drunken at the same time. Howe durst thou (quoth 
Baatu) once name mee in thy drunkennesse ? And with that hee 
caused his head to be chopt off. Concerning the foresaid Dutch- 
men, I could not vnderstand ought, till I was come vnto the court 
of Mangu-Can. And there I was informed that Mangu-Can had 3° 
remoued them out of the iurisdiction of Baatu, for the space of a 
moneths iourney from Talas Eastward, vnto a certaine village. 
The village called Bolac : where they are set to dig gold, and to make armour. 

ofBolac. ■' o o ' 

\Vhereupon I could neither goe nor come by them. I passed 
very neere the saide citie in going forth, as namely, within three 35 
dayes iourney thereof : but I was ignorant that I did so : neither 
could I haue turned out of my way, albeit I had knowen so much. 
From the foresaide cottage we went directly Eastward, by the 
mountaines aforesaid. And from that time we trauailed among 
the people of Mangu-Can, who in all places sang and daunced 40 


NAVIGATIONS, etc. 227 

before our guide, because hee was the messenger of Baatu. For 
this curtesie they doe affoord eche to other : namely, the people 
of Mangu-Can receiuing the messengers of Baatu in maner 
aforesaide : and so likewise the people of Baatu intertaining the 
5 messengers of Mangu-Can. Notwithstanding the people of Baatu He entreth 
are more surlie and stoute, and shewe not so much curtesie vnto ler^itorfesof 
the subiectes of Mangu-Can, as they doe vnto them. A fewe ^'^"g^-Can. 

■^ •' Certain 

dayes after, wee entered vpon those Alpes where the Cara Aipes 

Catayans were woont to inhabite. And there wee found a mightie the Cara 

10 riuer : insomuch that wee were constrained to imbarke our selues, inhabited. 

and to saile ouer it. Afterward we came into a certaine valley, 4 mighty 

•' ' nuer. 

where I saw a castle destroyed, the walles whereof were onely of 
mudde : and in that place the ground was tilled also. And Ground 
there wee founde a certaine village, named Equius, wherein were Equius. 

15 Saracens, speaking the Persian language : howbeit they dwelt an 
huge distance from Persia. The day following, hauing passed 
ouer the foresaide Alpes which descended from the great moun- 
tains Southward, we entred into a most beautiful plaine, hauing 
high mountaines on our right hande, and on the left hande of vs 

20 a certaine Sea or lake, which containeth fifteene dayes iourney in a lake of 

.... ,. , , fifteene 

circuite. All the foresayde plame is most commodiously watered dayes 
with certaine freshets distilling from the said mountaines, all which compalse. 
do fall into the lake. In Sommer time wee returned by the North 
shore of the saide lake, and there were great mountaines on that 

25 side also. Vpon the forenamed plaine there were wont to bee great 
store of villages : but for the most part they were all wasted, in 
regarde of the fertile pastures, that the Tartars might | feede their [p. II4] 
cattel there. Wee found one great citie there named Cailac, Caiiaca 
wherein was a mart, and great store of Merchants frequenting it. fnd^fuTi'cTf 

30 In this citie wee remained fifteene dayes, staying for a certaine "^^'^'^ ^"'^' 
Scribe or Secretarie of Baatu, who ought to haue accompanied 
our guide for the dispatching of certaine affaires in the court of 
Mangu. All this countrey was wont to be called Organum : and 
the people thereof had their proper language, and their peculiar 

35 kinde of writing. But it was altogether inhabited of the people 

called Contomanni. The Nestorians likewise in those parts vsed Contomanni. 
the very same kinde of language and writing. They are called 
Organa, because they were wont to be most skilfuU in playing 
vpon the Organes or citherne, as it was reported vnto me. Here 

40 first did I see worshippers of idoles, concerning whom, bee it 
knowen vnto your maiestie, that there be many sects of them in 
the East countries. 



How the Nestorians, Saracens, and Idolaters are 
ioyned together. Chap. 26. 
The people 'T^Hc first sort of thesc idolaters are called lugures : whose 




lugures J_ land bordereth vpon the foresaid land of Organum, within 

the said mountains Eastward : and in al their cities Nestorians 5 
do inhabit together, and they are dispersed likewise towards Persia 
in the cities of the Saracens. The citizens of y* foresaid city of 
Cailac had 3. idole-Temples : and I entred into two of them, to 
beholde their foolish superstitions. In the first of which I found 
a man hauing a crosse painted with ink vpo his hand, wherupon 10 
I supposed him to be a Christian : for he answered like a Christian 
vnto al questions which I demanded of him. And I asked him, 
Why therefore haue you not the crosse with the image of lesu 
Christ therupon ? And he answered : We haue no such custome. 
Whereupon I coniectured that they were indeede Christians : but, 15 
that for lacke of instruction they omitted the foresaide ceremonie. 
For I saw there behind a certaine chest (which was vnto them 
in steed of an altar, whereupon they set candles and oblations) an 
image hauing wings like vnto the image of Saint Michael, and 
other images also, holding their fingers, as if they would blesse 20 
some body. That euening I could not find any thing els. For 
the Saracens doe onely inuite men thither, but they will not haue 
them speake of their religion. And therfore, when I enquired of 
the Saracens concerning such ceremonies, they were offended 
thereat. On the morrow after were the Kalends, and the Saracens 25 
feast of Passeouer. And changing mine Inne or lodging the 
same day, I tooke vp mine abode neere vnto another idole- 
Temple. For the citizens of the said citie of Cailac doe curteously 
inuite, & louingly intertaine all messengers, euery man of them 
according to his abilitie and portion. And entring into the fore- 30 
said idole-Temple, I found the Priests of the said idoles there. 
For alwayes at the Kalends they set open their Temples, and the 
priests adorne themselues, and offer vp the peoples oblations of 
bread and fruits. First therefore I will describe vnto you those 
rites and ceremonies, which are common vnto all their idole- 35 
Temples : and then the superstitions of the foresaid lugures, which 
be, as it were, a sect distinguished from the rest. They doe all of 
them worship towards the North, clapping their hands together, 
and prostrating themselues on their knees vpon y^ earth, holding 
also their foreheads in their hands. Wherupon the Nestorians of 40 
those parts will in no case ioyne their hands together in time of 


NAVIGATIONS, etc. 229 ' 

prayer : but they pray, displaying their hands before their breasts. 
They extend their Temples in length East and West : and vpon 
the North side they build a chamber, in maner of a Vestry for 
themselues to goe forth into. Or sometimes it is otherwise. If it 
5 be a foure square Temple, in the midst of the Temple towards the 
North side therof, they take in one chamber in that place where 
the quire should stand. And within the said chamber they place 
a chest long and broad like vnto a table : and behinde the saide 
chest towardes the South stands their principall idole : which I 

10 sawe at Caracarum, and it was as bigge as the idole of Saint 
Christopher. Also a certaine Nestorian priest, which had bin in Frier 
Catay, saide that in that countrey there is an idole of so huge was at 
a bignes, that it may be seen two daies iourney before a man come »^<=*™°*' 
at it. And so they place other idoles round about the foresaid 

15 principal idole, being all of them finely gilt ouer with pure golde : 
and vpon the saide chest, which is in manner of a table, they set 
candles and oblations. The doores of their Temples are alwayes 
opened towards the South, contrary to the custome of the 
Saracens. They haue also great belles like vnto vs. And that is 

20 the cause (as I thinke) why the Christians of the East will in no 
case vse great belles. Notwithstanding they are common among 
the Russians, and Grecians of Gasaria. 

Of their Temples and idoles : and howe they 
behaue themselues in worshipping their false gods. 
25 Chap. 27. 

A LI their Priests had their heads and beards shauen quite ouer : 
1\. and they are clad in saffron coloured garments : and being 
once shauen, they lead an vnmaried life from that time forward : 
I and they Hue an hundreth or two hundreth of them together in [p. II5] 

30 one cloister or couent. Vpon those dayes when they enter into 
their temples, they place two long foormes therein : and so sitting 
vpon the sayd foormes like singing men in a quier, namely the one 
halfe of them directly ouer against the other, they haue certaine 
books in their hands, which sometimes they lay downe by them Bookes. 

35 vpon the foormes : and their heads are bare so long as they 
remaine in the temple. And there they reade softly vnto them- 
selues, not vttering any voice at all. Whereupon comming in 
amongst them, at the time of their superstitious deuotions, and 
finding them all siting mute in maner aforesayde, I attempted 

40 diuers waies to prouoke them vnto speach, and yet could not by 



So do the 
people of 
China vse 
to write, 
their lines 
& not as 
we doe from 
the right 
hand to the 

any means possible. They haue with them also whithersoeuer 
they goe, a certaine string with an hundreth or two hundreth 
nutshels thereupon, much like to our bead-roule which we cary 
about with vs. And they doe alwayes vtter these words : On 
mam Hactani, (iod thou knowest : as one of them expounded it 5 
vnto me. And so often doe they expect a reward at Gods hands, 
as they pronounce these words in remembrance of God. Round 
about their temple they doe alwayes make a faire court, like vnto 
a churchyard, which they enuiron with a good wall : and vpon the 
South part thereof they build a great portal, wherein they sit and 10 
conferre together. And vpon the top of the said portall they 
pitch a long pole right vp, exalting it, if they can, aboue all the 
whole towne besides. And by the same pole all men may knowe, 
that there stands the temple of their idoles. These rites and 
ceremonies aforesayd be common vnto all idolaters in those parts. 15 
Going vpon a time towardes the foresayd idole-temple, I found 
certain priests sitting in the outward portal. And those which I 
sawe, seemed vnto me, by their shauen beards, as if they had bene 
French men. They wore certaine ornaments vpon their heads 
made of paper. The priestes of the foresaide lugures doe vse 20 
such attire whithersoeuer they goe. They are alwaies in their 
saffron coloured iackets, which be very straight being laced or 
buttened from the bosome right downe, after the French fashion. 
And they haue a cloake vpon their left shoulder descending before 
and behind vnder their right arme, like vnto a deacon carying the 25 
houssel-boxe in time of lent. Their letters or kind of writing the 
Tartars did receiue. They begin to write at the top of their paper 
drawing their lines right downe : and so they reade and multiply 
their lines from the left hand to the right. They doe vse certaine 
papers and characters in their magical practises. Whereupon their 30 
temples are full of such short scroules hanged round about them. 
Also Mangu-Can hath sent letters vnto your Maiestie written in 
the language of the Moals or Tartars, and in the foresayd hand or 
letter of the lugures. They burne their dead according to the 
anncient custome, and lay vp the ashes in the top of a Pyramis. 35 
Now, after I had sit a while by the foresaid priests, and entred 
into their temple and seene many of their images both great and 
small, I demanded of them what they beleeued concerning God ? 
And they answered : We beleeue that there is onely one God. 
And I demaunded farther : Whether do you beleue that he is 40 
a spirit, or some bodily substance ? They saide : We beleeue that 
he is a spirite. Then said I : Doe you beleeue that God euer 
tooke mans nature vpon him ? They answered : Noe. And 

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 231 

againe I saide : Sithence ye beleeue that he is a spirit, to what end 
doe you make so many bodily images to represent him ? Sithence 
also you beleeue not that hee was made man : why doe you 
resemble him rather vnto the image of a man then of any other 
5 creature ? Then they answered saying : we frame not those images 
whereby to represent God. But when any rich man amongst vs, 
or his Sonne, or his wife, or any of his friends deceaseth, hee 
causeth the image of the dead party to be made, and to be placed 
here : and we in remembrance of him doe reuerence thereunto. 

10 Then I replyed : you doe these things onely for the friendship and 
flatterie of men. Noe (said they) but for their memory. Then 
they demanded of me, as it were in scoffing wise : Where is God ? 
To whom I answered : where is your soule ? They said, in our 
bodies. Then saide I, is it not in euery part of your bodie, ruling 

15 and guiding the whole bodie, and yet notwithstanding is not scene 
or perceiued ? Euen so God is euery where and ruleth all things, 
and yet is he inuisible, being vnderstanding and wisedome it selfe. 
Then being desirous to haue had some more conference with 
them, by reason, that mine interpreter was weary, and not able to 

20 expresse my meaning, I was constrained to keepe silence. The 
Moals or Tartars are in this regard of their sect : namely they 
beleeue that there is but one God : howbeit they make images of 
felt, in remSbrance of their deceased friends, couering them with 
fiue most rich and costly garments, and putting them into one or 

25 two carts, which carts no man dare once touch : and they are in 
the custody of their soothsayers, who are their priests, concerning 
whom I will giue your Highnesse more at large to vijderstand 
hereafter. These soothsayers or diuiners do alwaies attend vpon 
the court of Mangu and of other great personages. As for the 

30 poorer or meaner sorte, they haue them not, but such onely as are 
of the stocke and kindred of Chingis. And when they are to 
remoue or to take any iourney, the said diuiners goe before them, 
euen as the cloudie piller went before the children of Israel. And 
they appoint ground where the tents must be pitched, and first of 

35 al they take down their | owne houses : & after them the whole [p. II6] 
court doth the like. Also vpon their festiual daies or kalends 
they take forth the foresayd images, and place them in order 
round, or circle wise within the house. Then come the Moals or 
Tartars, and enter into the same house, bowing themselues before 

40 the said images and worship them. Moreouer, it is not lawfull 
for any stranger to enter into that house. For vpon a certaine 
time I my selfe would haue gone in, but I was chidden full well 
for my labour. 




countrey of 



The people 

of golde. 

Of diuers and sundry nations : and of certaine 

people which were wont to eate their owne parents. 

Chap. 28. 

BVt the foresayd lugures (who Hue among the Christians, and 
the Saracens) by their sundry disputations, as I suppose, 
haue bene brought vnto this, to beleeue, that there is but one 
onely God. And they dwelt in certaine cities, which afterward 
were brought in subiection vnto Chingis Can : whereupon he gaue 
his daughter in mariage vnto their king. Also the citie of 
Caracarum it selfe is in a manner within their territory : and the 
whole countrey of king or Presbyter lohn, & of his brother Vut 
lyeth neere vnto their dominions : sauing, that they inhabite in 
certaine pastures Northward, and the sayde lugures betweene the 
mountaines towardes the South. Whereupon it came to passe, 
that the Moals receiued letters from them. And they are the 
Tartars principall scribes : & al the Nestorians almost can skill of 
their letters. Next vnto them, between the foresaid mountaines 
Eastward, inhabiteth the nation of Tangut, who are a most valiant 
people, and tooke Chingis in battell. But after the conclusion of 
a league hee was set at libertie by them, and afterward subdued 
them. These people of Tangut haue oxen of great strength, with 
tailes like vnto horses, and with long shagge haire vpon their backes 
and bellyes. They haue legges greater then other oxen haue, and 
they are exceedingly fierce. These oxen dr^we the great houses 
of the Moals : and their homes are slender, long, streight, and 
most sharpe pointed : insomuch that their owners are faine to cut 
off the endes of them. A cowe will not suffer her selfe to be 
coupled vnto one of them, vnles they whistle or sing vnto her. 
They haue also the qualities of a Buffe : for if they see a man 
clothed in red, they run vpon him immediately to kill him. Next 
vnto them are the people of Tebet, men which were wont to eate 
the carkases of their deceased parents : that for pities sake, they 
might make no other sepulchre for them, then their owne bowels. 
Howbeit of late they haue left off this custome, because that 
thereby they became abominable and odious vnto al other nations. 
Notwithstanding vnto this day they make fine cups of the skuls of 
their parents, to the ende that when they drinke out of them, they 
may amidst all their iollities and delights call their dead parents 
to remembrance. This was tolde mee by one that saw it. The 
sayd people of Tebet haue great plentie of golde in their land. 





NAVIGATIONS, etc. 233 

Whosoeuer therefore wanteth golde, diggeth till he hath found 
some quantitie, and then taking so much thereof as will serue his 
turne, he layeth vp the residue within the earth : because, if he 
should put it into his chest or storehouse, hee is of opinion that 
5 God would withholde from him all other gold within the earth. 
I sawe some of those people, being very deformed creatures. In 
Tangut I saw lusty tall men, but browne and swart in colour. 
The lugures are of a middle stature like vnto our French men. J/^^l'^g^"^^^ 
Amongst the lugures is the originall and roote of the Turkish, and "'^ J*"8ut. 
10 Comanian languages. Next vnto Tebet are the people of Langa lugures. 
and Solanga, whose messengers I saw in the Tartars court. And |^i"^g* 
they had brought more then ten great cartes with them, euery one 
of which was drawen with sixe oxen. They be little browne men The people 

of Solanga 

like vnto Spaniards. Also they haue lackets, like vnto the vpper resemble 

IS vestment of a deacon, sauing that the sleeues are somewhat 
streighter. And they haue miters vpon their heads like bishops. 
But the fore part of their miter is not so hollow within as the 
hinder part : neither is it sharpe pointed or cornered at the toppe : 
but there hang downe certaine square flappes compacted of a 

20 kinde of strawe which is made rough and rugged with extreme 
heat, and is so trimmed, that it glittereth in the sunne beames, 
like vnto a glasse, or an helmet well burnished. And about their 
temples they haue long bands of the foresayd matter fastened vnto 
their miters, which houer in the wind, as if two long homes grewe 

25 out of their heads. And when the winde tosseth them vp and 
downe too much, they tie them ouer the midst of their miter from 
one temple to another : and so they lie circle wise ouerthwart their 
heads. Moreouer their principal messenger comming vnto the 
Tartars court had a table of elephants tooth about him of a cubite 

30 in length, and a handfull in breadth, being very smoothe. And a taWe of 

, , , , ^ ' °. ^^ elephants 

whensoeuer hee spake vnto the Emperor himselfe, or vnto any tooth, 
other great personage, hee alwayes beheld that table, as if hee had 
found therein those things which hee spake : neither did he cast 
his eyes to the right hand, nor to the lefte, nor vpon his face, with 

35 whom he talked. Yea, going too and fro before his lord, he 
looketh no where but only vpon his table. Beyond the (as I 
vnderstand of a certainty) there are other | people called Muc, [p. 1 17] 
hauing villages, but no one particular man of them appropriating The people 
any cattell vnto himselfe. Notwithstanding there are many flockes '^^"^'^ ^*"'^* 

40 and droues of cattell in their countrey, & no man appointed to 
keepe them. But when any one of them standeth in neede of 
any beast, hee ascendeth vp vnto an hill, and there maketh a 
shout, and all the cattell which are within hearing of the noyse, 


come flocking about him, and suffer themselues to be handled and 
taken, as if they were tame. And when any messenger or stranger 
commeth into their countrie, they shut him vp into an house, 
ministring there things necessary vnto him, vntill his businesse 
be dispatched. For if anie stranger should trauell through that 5 
countrie, the cattell would flee away at the very sent of him, and 
Great SO would bccomc wildc. Beyond Muc is great Cathaya, the 

inhabitants whereof (as I suppose) were of olde time, called Seres. 
For from them are brought most excellent stuffes of silke. And 
this people is called Seres of a certain towne in the same countrey. 10 
I was crediblie informed, that in the said countrey, there is one 
towne hauing walles of siluer, and bulwarkes or towers of golde. 
There be many prouinces in that land, the greater part whereof 
are not as yet subdued vnto the Tartars. And amongst* 

Soninuhat is wanting. 15 




§ I. Extracts from Geoffrey of Monmouth, Lambarde 
AND Bede. pp. I — 4. 

The page numbers in the middle of the text, in square brackets, refer to 
Hakkiyt's original edition : the page and line numbers in the margins refer to 
the present volume. 

[p. 1] 

1. Anno Christi 517, etc.: the text of Geoffrey of Monmouth, Book ix. p. 1 1. 13 
ch. 10, both in the Heidelberg edition of 1587, p. 67, from which Hak. cites, 

in the Oxford edition (ed. Giles, 1844) and in that of Halle (ed. A. Schulz, 
1854), does not give the first line of Hak.'s quotation. Anno Chnsti...anno, 
which appears to be a gratuitous addition of the Elizabethan compiler; but 
begins adveniente. ..sequenti aestate. ..snbhigatis itaqtie totitis Hiberniae. See the 
text of Geoffrey, ed. Commelin, on pp. i — 92 of the Rertim Britannicanivi... 
Scriptores, Heidelberg, 1587; this was the second printed edition; the first 
was brought out at Paris in 1 508 and edited by Ascensius and Cavellatus. 

For Gotlandiae Heidelberg reads Gcdlandiae ; Halle, Gothlandiae. 

For Gunfacitis Heidelb., p. 67, and Halle, read Gtinfasius. 

See the notes in the Halle edition, p. 382, which notices the forms 
Giinnasius, Grynvas, Gonvals, etc. 

2. Missis deinde...Legatis€iz.: Hak. here transcribes with even more than p. 2 1,8 
his usual carelessness. Heidelb. reads (pp. 69 — 70) Hiberniae iox Hyherniae\ 
Godlandiae iox Gotlandiae; Gunuasius iox Gnnnasius; Orcadiim iox Orchadum ; 
No}-wegiae for Norvegiae ; Dacoriini for Danorum. 

See the notes to Geoffrey ix. 12, on pp. 388, 391, 392 of the Halle edition, 
which notices the forms Islonl; Doldav, Dolvan, Doldonitis; Godland, 
Ysgottlant, Gelandia; Gtiillamnrius, Gillomanins; Aschillius, Aciliiis, Achel, 
Ethel; etc. 

3. At reges, etc. : 

Much the same variants occur here in Heidelb. p. 73 {Geoffrey text. Book IX. I. 23 

ch. 19) e.g. Hiberniae for Hyberniae, Godlandiae for Gotlandiae, N^onvegiae 
for Norvegiae, etc. Halle (p. 396) notes the forms Iverdon, Ork, Islont, 
Ysgotlont, etc., as before. It is curious that Hak. should have begun his 
great collection with GeofTrey's and Lambarde's legends, when we remember 
that he attempted rigorously to exclude from the final edition of the Principal 
Navigations anything that seemed (like David Ingram's narrative of his American 
wanderings after Hawkins' disaster at S. Juan d'Ulua) to be even in part 
untrustworthy and exaggerated. From the first Geoffrey's fabrications had 
been denounced (as by William of Newbury), but Hak. swallows the whole. 


[p. a] 

p. 3 1.3 4. ^l/.Zaw^izrt/ A»> 'Ap^cotovoyu/o: Hak.'s citation from William Lambarde's 

'Apxo-iovdfiia si7'e de priscis Anglomm Ugihus (London, 1568) fol. 137 (verso; 
i.e. Hak.'s/fl^. 2) differs from the text he copies, in reading, e.g. Britanniae 
for Brytanniae; Britonum for Brytonum ; Stucfwidam for Snechordam (Hak.'s 
Szveueltjnd; see his version below) ; Cherelam for Cherrelam ; multas iusulas 
for m^' alias ins^\ omits a sentence after Norweia vacatur, viz. Fturunt 
gent£s ferae... omne malum, before Fuerunt autem ibi Christiani, etc.; omits 
per before coniugia etc. 

In Lambarde this passage is headed De iure et appendiciis coronae regni 
Brytanniae and professes to be an extract from the Leges Regis Edouardi, 
quas Gulielmus Bastardus postea confirmavit {'Apx<!uov6fiia, from fol. 126 
verso to end of vol., at fol. 141 verso). The words propitiquus nosier, not 
translated by Hak., are therefore William the Conqueror's supposed reference 
to his predecessor. In the translation, the words These people roere wild... 
comtneth from the North are translated from Lanibarde's original text. They 
are not in Hak.'s Latin. It is astonishing that Hak. can have taken this passage 
of the 'Apx«'o*'^Mt« seriously. 

p. « 1. 7 

[p. a] 

6. Vortiporio...Malgo\ here, in its text of Geoffrey XI. 7, Heidelb. p. 84 
reads (with Halle) cui for Vortiporio [successit]; coinprouinciales for con- 
proutnciales \ f/iberiiiiim iox Hy hernia m (here Halle agrees with Hak.); God- 
landiam for Gotlandiam ; Norwegiam for Noruegiam. 

On Malgo (Maelgwyn Gwynedd) see the note pp. 436 — 8 in Halle edition, 
which notices the forms Malvus, Mailgo. In Gildas, Epistle, §§ 7 — 9, it is 
Alagloeuna or Magiocune; in Nennius, History of the Britons, ch. 62, I\lail- 
cunus. The historical element is greater in Malgo than in Arthur or most of 
the British heroes: Maelgwyn, son of Cadwallon, I'rince of Gwynedd or North 
Wales, traditionally reigned ^.x", — 547; he is bitterly reproached by Gildas for 
his sins, but his prowess in anus is admitted. Denmarke is for Daciam. 
'•'9 6. Eduinits etc.: after Editinus Hak. omits rex; the omitted word 

appears in Heidelb., 1587, p. 180, as in other editions. For Cantuarios 
Heidelb. reads Cantuariis; for Menauias, Meuanias; iox poteslati, imperio; 
in all these readings, Hak. is not supported by the best Mss., which agree 
with Heidelb. Cf. Plummer's text of Hede 11. 5 {Baedae Opera Historica, 
Oxford, 1896, vol. 1. p. 89) where also Ednini is read for Eduinus; Nor- 
danhymhroruni for A^ordanhuinbroriim ; Hittnbie for Humbri; Briitaniam for 
Britanniam; Brettonum for Britonum. On the subject-matter cf. Plummer's 
notes, II. 86; William of Malmesbury, Gesta Kegum, ed. Stubbs, Rolls Series, 

I. 49, 50; Sigebert of Gemblours, ad ami. 628; Alcuin, De Sanctis Ebor., 

II. 120 — 124. Anglesey is usually supposed to take this name from Eadwine's 
conquest here recorded : for Meuanias insulas certainly refer to Anglesey and 

p. 9 1. 12 7. Anno...sexcentesimo vicesimo, etc.: in this citation of Bede ll. 9, Hak.'s 

date is in the original text merely quo tempore etiam ; cf. Heidelb., pp. 182 — 183 
and Plummer, I. 97. The latter reads aquilonalem for aquilonarem ; habitabat 
for habitat; habitabant for habitabantiir; acciperet for acceperit, besides minor 
differences and variations of name-forms {Humbre for Humbri) as noticed 
before. Plummer also omits fecit after ante emu: but supports Hak. in 

NOTES. 237 

reading trecentarum \et tdtra\ against Heidelb.'s trecentonim. On the subject- p- • 
matter see notes in Plummer's ed., 11. 94; and cf. Will. Malmesb., Gesta 
Ke^s^tm, ed. Stubbs, I. 50; Orkneyiiiga Saga, pp. 70, 73. 

Hak.'s trans, of Menauias insulas by Hebrides here is as strange as it is 
mistaken: in the previous excerpt he rightly rendered the very same words by 
Isles of Man and Anglesey. The larger and richer of the two {sitti amplior, 
etc.) is Anglesey. 

[p. 4] 

8. Anno...sexcentesimooctogesiino,e\.c.: in this citation Hak. agrees exactly p. 7 1. 12 
with the Heidelb. of 1587 (p. 145). Plummer, l. 266, makes this chap. 24 
(instead of 26 as in Hak. and Heidelb.) of Book iv. and has various small 
differences, e.g. Bercto for Bcrto, Ecgfrid for Ecfridus, ne for nee, etc. 

On the subject-matter, cf. Plummer's notes, 11. •260 ; Chronicon Scotonim, 
Rolls Series, i. 265; Anttals of Ulster, Rolls Series, 684, which last places the 
English devastation in the E. part of Old Meath. 

The texts of Scripture referred to by Bede here are i Cor. vi. 10, and 
XV. 50. 

§ 2. The Voyages of Ohthere and Wulfstan, c. a.d. 890. 
pp. 4—6. 

1. Oct her said, etc. : this narrative comes from King Alfred's Orosius, p. 8 1. 4 
Book I. chap, i (Geography of Europe), near the end. It relates to the first 

recorded journey to the White Sea and the Northern Dvina : it is possible, 
however, that other Northmen ventured at least some way along this route 
before Ohthere, cf. Beazley, Daivn of Modern Geography, 11. 31 — 34; Egil 
Skallagrimson' s Saga, chaps, vii — ix. The explorer's name is best spelt 
Ohthere in its Old-English form ; it is the same as the Norse Ottar (cf. the 
Saga of St Olaf, ch. Ixix. In Alfred's form of it the words 'Oht' (fear) and 
'Here' (army) seem to make it up: Ohthere is the reading of the Laud and 
Cotton Mss. 

The sentence Octher said... Helgoland is interpolated from a later part of 
O.'s narrative, the beginning of the Second Voyage, as given in Hak.'s second 
extract, p. 5 (foot). 

A good commentary on the full text of the voyages of Ohthere and 
Wulfstan, as given in ^Elfred's Orosius, may be found in Joseph Bosworth's 
King Alfred's Description of Europe, 1855, pp. 7 — 22. In Hak., Wulfstan's 
narrative is greatly abridged. The three voyages (Ohthere's northern ven- 
ture, his southern journey, and Wulfstan's Baltic voyage) together form a 
Periplus or Coast-Survey from the extreme North of Europe, and the White 
Sea, round Scandinavia, to the mouth of the Vistula and the island of 

2. Helgoland: later, at the beginning of the second Ohthere narrative 1. 5 
(p. 5, at foot), Hak. spells it Halgoland: it is usually Halogaland in the Sagas 

(e.g. of the Heiniskringla; cf. St Olaf's Saga ch. cxliii.), answering to 
the modern Helgeland, in the S. part of the province of Norrland, in the 
middle of the Trondhjem territory. Finmark was N. of it. It is a narrow 
but long coastal region, separated from Sweden (at about 60 miles from the sea) 
by the Kiolen mountains. In Ohthere's time it seems to have included the 


p. 8 whole of the present Norrland and a part of Tromso; it is now limited to the 

coast between 65° 10' N. Lat. and the immediate neighbourhood of the Arctic 

The region 'where certeine Finnes dwell vpon the coast' refers to the 
Finmark of the Sagas and of modern geography, the extremest North of the 
Norwegian realm or sphere of influence. For Hak.'s /e// t'tt/o a fantasie and 
desire the original says simply he 'oas desirous. 

I. 18 3. Steercboord...L'ereboord: i.e. Right and Left; in the ox'xgva^ steor-bord, 

and baec-bord, 'starboard' and 'backboard' or 'larboard.' ¥ or as commonly 
the whale hunters vse to trauell read as the whale hunters go at the furtlust. 

!• '5 4. For he knew not how farre read he kne7v not which. So, a little later, 

for Hak.'s he could not tell how farre, we should read he kiuw not which. 

[p- »] 

1. 34 6. And at the fifth... riuer, etc.: or rather There lay a great river up in 

that land (simply). This was no doubt the Northern Dvina, though other 
suggestions have been or might be made e.g. the Gulf of Kola, the Ponoi, etc. 
For Hak.'s At the entrie of which riuer he stayed his course... turned backe 
againe, for he durst not ettter thereinto read They then turned up into that 
river, because they durst not sail on by that river, i.e. coast along on the other 
side of it. Also for the maine ocean read a wide sea. 
p. 9 1. 4 6. Biannes: in original, Beornias. See Bosworth's note 41 (p. 9 of 
Alfred's Description of Europe). The coast region of the present Arkhangelsk 
or Archangel Government seems always to be called Biarmland in the Sagas 
(cf., in the Hcimskringla, St Olafs Saga, ch. cxliii. ; Saga of Harald Grey- 
cloak, ch. xiv. and elsewhere; Egil Skallagrimson's Saga, ch. xxxvii. ; Burttt 
Nial's Saga, ch. xxviii.). The modern names of Perm, Permians, Permiaks, 
etc. are derived by many from the Biarms and Biannaland (or Biarmland). 
Ohthere's remark is doubtless correct that the Fynnes and Biarmes speake but 
one language (or rather, nearly one language). The whole of our North, 
North- West, and East Russia was then peopled by Finnish tribes. 

For indifferent well read well; for he was afrayd to go vpon shore read they 
did not dare to come thereon. 
L 6 7. The couutrey of the Tetfynnes: i.e. the present Lapland, including the 
Russian Lapp or 'Murman' (Norman) coast, from Varanger Fiord to the 
entrance of the White Sea. 

1. 1 1 8. Hr' was tu)t vpon land, nor: an addition of Hak.'s. 

1. 15 9. For the more commoditie...horsewhales, etc.: the text really says here 

that Ohthere's chief purpose was to see the country, and, besides this, to 
prospect for walrus fishing ('on account of the hors-hwaels^ ; the last word is 
a version of hwal-ros, 'whale-horse,' the Russian 'morse,' the W. European 
'walrus'). These animals have never, within historical times, been noticed 
as numerous in the Baltic, but were and are common enough along the 
Lapland coast. 

On walrus and whale-measurements (modern figures compared with 
Ohthere's), cf. Bosworth, Alfred's... Europe, notes 44 — 45, pp. 9 — 11. 

1. 23 10- Some be 48 elks. ..and some 50: read some are 48 ells and most 

50. Ohthere's asserted feat of killing 60 of these largest whales, with five 
companions, in two days (not three days, as in Hak.) is considered by most 
people now to be a rather tall story. Cp. Bosworth, Alfred'' s... Europe, note 46. 

1.28 H- Tame Deere: in ongina.\ unsold tame deer. After wherein the wealth 

NOTES. 239 

of that countrey doth comist the original adds, that is, in wild deer. For stall p. 9 
Hane Deere modern English would say decoy rein-deer. 

12. After 10 kine Hak. omits and 20 sheep. !• 3* 

13. Richest.. .one Beare: in original one bear-skin. For bushels, the 1. 38 
original has ambers, which is about the same measure ; for a coat of a Beares 

skintie, read a bear- or otter-skin kirtle. 

14. Countrey of Norway... small: in original Northmen's land... narrow, p. lO 1. i 
for in some places inhabited by the Fynnes the original has the Finns inhabit 

these mountains. 

18. For South read East (twice). The measurement of threescore miles is '• 7 

apparently in Ohthere's own Norse reckoning; i Norse mile = 5 Anglo-Saxon 
or Old English. 

For smallest... it proueth not three miles from the Sea read narrowest .. .it 
might be three miles broad. 

16. Swethland; i.e. Sweden, in A.-S. Sweoland; the Sweons being often 1. 16 
identified with the Suiones of Tacitus. 

After Sweolatid the original adds to that land northwards, and defines 
Cwenaland (Hak.'s Queeneland) as along that land northwards. 

As to Cwena-land or Cwenland, the region of the Bothnia Gulf both E. 
and W. ; the identification of the Cwen-Sea with the Gulf of Bothnia rather 
than the White Sea; and Adam of Bremen's notice of the Cwens, mistaken 
by him for Amazons, cf. Beazley, Dawn of Modern Geography, 11. 545 — 46; 
Adam of Bremen, Gesta Pontificutn Hammaburg. Eccl., iii. 15; iv. 14, 17, 
19, 25; Bosworth, Alfred's... Europe, notes 36, 42, which last quotes the 14th 
century Icelandic description of the Duae Quenlandiae quae ulterius quant 
Biarmia boream versus extendnnttir [Antiquitates Americanae, p. 290). 

17. Octher...Halgoland...Hetha: this second voyage of Ohthere's was from 1. 25 
his far Northern home in about 65° or 66° N. Lat. to ^t-Haethum (Schleswig, 

not Wismar or Rostock as Hak. surmises) in 54^° N. Lat. It forms the second 
part of the Periplus given in Alfred's Orosius, from the White Sea and the 
extreme N. of Europe round Scandinavia into the Baltic up to Esthonia; of 
this periplus Ohthere's Biarma-land voyage formed the first part, Ohthere's 
southern voyage the second, Wulfstan's the third. 

For countrey [wherein he dwelled] the original has shire {scir). 

[p. •] 

18. Scirings hall: in full the original reads, there is likewise a port to the !• 31 
South of that land [Halogaland], called Sciringes-heal: prob. some harbour on 

the W. of Christiania Fiord (very far S. of Halogaland, as Ohthere says) is 
here referred to : cf. the Ynglinga Saga, ch. xlix, where ' Skaereid at Ski- 
ringsal' is mentioned as if in Westfold (W. of Christiania Fiord). 

The maine gulfe of the Sea which entreth into the land at Sciringes-heal is 
apparently the Skager Rak and Kattegat. 

For lizk.'s if he lay still by flight, alt hough... euery day, tie, the original has 
if he landed at night and every day, etc. 

19. Iutland...Iutland : the Cotton MS., which is the only source for the I. 35 
text here, reads Iraland, and this reading is supported by Dahlmann, Forsch- 

ungen, 1822, and others, but most editors read /ra/awd!' (Iceland). Assuming, 
like Strabo, that Ireland lay north of Britain, or even north-west, there would be 
no need to amend the (ms.) text here. There is no authority for 'Jutland.' This 


p. lO cou»ire}> is Bnta'm : the Islands... bctivixt this cotintrey an J Iraland {sX. Isaland; 

for Hak.'s Jutland) in any case must refer to Orkneys, Shetlands, Faroes, etc. 

1. 36 20. For still along the coast of this countrey...larboord, the original has then 

it is this land [i.e. Britain] until he comes to Sciringes-heal, and all the 'way on the 
larboard, Norway. 

1. 37 21. At Scirings hall. ..a maine gtilfe of the Sea: the original has to the 

south of Sciringes-heal a very great sea : for on the other side against the same. . . 
Gotland... Silland read Jutland [Gothland'\ is opposite on the other side and then 
Zealand [Seelanif\. The A.-S. forms are Gotland &nd Sillende. 
Cf. Bosworth, A If red's... Europe, note 56. 
p. 11 1. 2 22. Many hundreth miles vp into the land', read many miles up into that 
1. 4 23. Hetha: in original /Et-IIeathum ; see note 17. The name is thought 
to have survived in the modern Haddeby, also mentioned by the Old English 
chroniclers ^thelweard and William of Malmesbury. 
1. 5 24. IVemMs : i.e. Wends, Vandals, or Vinedi, the Slavs of the South 
Baltic Littoral in the modem Mecklenburg, Pomerania, and Prussia. 

26. For whereunto it is subiect the original has and belongs to the Danes. 
1.7 26. Steereboord Denmarke...leereboord the maine sea: in original Z>tv/w<ir>6 

was on his left [baecbord] and on the right [steorbord] a 7c>ide sea. Also for 
Gotland on leerboord we should read Jutland [Gothland] on the right (starboard). 
It has been suggested that the Denmark on the left refers to the old Danish 
provinces of Halland and Scania in the extreme S. of the modern Sweden, but 
there appears to be a simple mistake, of left for right, in this clause. 
The comma in Hak. between before and he is certainly wrong. 
It is noteworthy that i^*Llfred here makes the English [Engle] inhabit Jutland 
[Gotland], Zealand [Silland or Sillende], and many [diuers other] islands, before 
they came to Britain. For in that countrey we should read in these lands. 
The main settlements of Engles and Saxons were usually supposed to be on the 
mainland: cf. Bede, Eccl. Hist. I. 15: see also Anglo-Saxon Chronicle a.d. 
449, and Procopius, Gothic War, Book IV. The mention oi Denmark {Dena- 
mearc in the A.-S.) is said to be one of the first occurrences of the name. 

1. 12 27. Islands... subiect to Denmarke: i.e. Moen, etc. From this it would 

seem that Ohthere passed between Zealand and Moen. 

1. 13 28. lVolstans...7yusco : here begins the third and last part of the northern 
Periplus recorded by /Elfred. As of Ohthere, nothing is known of Wulfstan 
except what is said by the West-Saxon king. Both were probably (Ohthere 
certainly) Northmen who had entered /Elfred's service. Trusco is Truso on 
Lake Truso or Drausen, from which the Elbing takes its course. 

1. 19 29. JVenedland: in the A.-S. Artwwrf/a«^, i.e. the land of the Wends: see 
note 24. 

1. 20 30. Langland, Lay land... Sconie: the original has Langaland, Laeland... 
Sconeg, the regions of Langland, Laaland and Sconey (Sconeg, 'the beautiful 
island '). 

1. 22 31. Bargenland: A.-S. Burgenda-land, i.e. Bomholm, contracted from 

For a priuate king, modern English would say of course a king of its own. 

1.24 32. Blekingie, Meere, Eland, Gotland: K.-S. Blecinga-eg,Meore, Eowland, 

Gotland; by these are meant (i) Bleking province in S.W. Sweden, (2) the 
Upper and Lower Moehre region in the Smaland province of Sweden, 
(3) Oeland island, (4) Gothland island. 

1. 17 33. Wixel: A.-S. iVisle, i.e. the Vistula (Polish Wisla, German Weichsel). 

NOTES. 241 

On this river in the earlier Middle Ages, cf. Jordanes (Jornandes), De reb. p. 11 
Get., ch. 3. 

34. Witland: the ordinary mediaeval term, at least till far on in the 1. 28 

Crusading period, for a part of the province of Samland in Old Prussia. This 
is said to be the first occurrence of the name. Cp. the Vithlandia of the nth 
century monk Alberic. 

36. Easierlings : A.-S. Estas or Este, i.e. the Esthonians. 1. 29 

36. Eastmeere: A.-S. Estmere, the present Frisches Haff, now about 60 1. 30 
E. miles long and from 6 to 15 miles broad. 

37. Using: a misreading for Ilfing, i.e. the river Elbing in Prussia near !• 3^ 
Danzig. For out of another lake...Fruso read from the lake on the shore of 

which stands Truso. Hak. of course should not have a comma between banke 
and whereupon. 

38. The wealthiest men... Mares milke: in the original the King and the p. 12 1. 5, 
richest men. ..Kumiss. Cf. Adam of Bremen, Gesta Pontificum Hammaburg. 

Eccl. IV. 18, on the old Prussians drinking Kumiss to intoxication. Kumiss is 
most fully described in Rubruquis, pp. 227 — 8 (Recueil); see pp. 151 — 2, 
192 — 3 of this vol. 

Fully half of Wulfstan's narrative, following what is here printed, and 
relating to the burial customs of the Esthonians, is omitted by Hak. 

§ 3. King Edgar's Navigation, pp. 6 — 9. 

1. The nauigation of King Edgar. ..M. Dee: the whole of this long 1. 8 
extract (pp. 6 — 9) is from pp. 54 — 60 of John Dee's General and rare memo- 
rials pertayning to the perfect Arte cf Navigation (1577), in which the 

heading The Brytish Monarchic is given at the top of all the pages, though 
not on the title page. The Colophon of Dee's book gives the date, Sept. 
1577; and at the end of the vol. there is also the note Finished Anno Domini 
1576, Angus to mense. 

Most of Dee's side-notes are omitted by Hak., and there are many variations 
of spelling and punctuation between Hak.'s copy and his original, e.g. (on p. 6 
of the Principal Navigations), Christian for Christen, comfortable for cum- 
fortable, might for mought, appurtenances for appeitenances, etc. 

[p. 7] 

2. Empire: in Dee 2L\v/2t.ys Impire; a little later Wzk.'s deuise \% altered p. 18 1. 3 
from aduise; while the compiler omits Dee's gratiously before streamed dozvne, 

and his me before a subiect. 

3. yEdgarus, etc.: this passage occurs almost verbatim in the Flores 1. u 
Historiarum [so called 'Matthew of Westminster'] A.D. 975 (cf. p. 375 of 

Abp. Parker's edition of 1570, and p. 513, vol. i., in Rolls Series Edition 
of 1890, by H. R. Luard. As to the number of ships, Dee, following Abp. 
Parker's 1567 and 1570 editions of the text, reads quatuor millia octingentas 
(which Hak. copies), but in the margin of the original edition a note reads 
3600, and this is the reading of the critical edition in the Rolls Series, even 
though that edition preserves the fourfold arrangement of 1200 ships which 
requires a total of 4800. The present account may also be found, but with 
great differences of detail, in Florence of Worcester's (Florentius Wigor- 

H. l6 


p. 18 niensis) Chronicon ex Chronids, A.D. 975, p. 360 of the edition of 1591 (3600 

robustas sibi congregaverit naves ex quibus...onini anno 1200 in orientali, noo 
in occidentali, 1200 in septentrionali insulae plaga coatiuttare...eo quo modo 
Mam insulam omni aestate constuverat circumnavigare ad defensionetn contra 
exteros regni sui) : see also p. 578 in the edition of Florence in the Monumenta 
Historica Britannica, 1848. The whole passage in Florence is really a con- 
tinuation of the epitaph quoted by Dee a little later {Anglici orbis Basileus, 

Other forms of this may be found in Higden {Kanulphus or Radulphus 
Cestrensis of Hak. and Dee), Polychronicony vi. 11; and in Roger Moveden 
(Annalium pars prior), p. 144, verso, of the edition of i->96, Retiim Angli- 
carum Scriptores post Bedam, 

The punctuation, both in Dee and Hakluyt, is confusing, but if we transfer 
the comma from ducentas to naves in the second line it will be clearer. 
!• ^4 4. Charts leuied: in Dee Charges hereof leuied. So a little later Dee 

has excellent good uses for excellent uses, threasor for treasure, dearth or famine 
for dearth of famine, vittayles for victuals, enhansed for enhaunsed. 
1. 41 6. Anglici orbis Basileus, etc.: this passage, with some differences, 

may be found in Florence of Worcester, Chronicon ex Chronids, edition 
of 1591, under a.d. 975, p. 360 ( = p. 578 in the edition of 1848 in the 
Monutnenta Historica Britannica), where after decus the text adds antecessorum 
regum^ pacifcus rex and after quam puts Romulus Romanis first of the 
comparisons, reading also Carolus Magnus, and after Francis a much fuller 
and very different continuation, viz. ...anno aetatis...xxxn., regni autetn illius 
in Mercia et Northimbria XIX., ex quo vera per totam Angliam regnavit XVI., 
indictione tertia, Vlll. Idus yulii,feria quinta, ex hoc vita transivit... Corpus... 
Glastoniam delatum, etc. 

Dee's citation is rather more closely represented by Higden ('Ramilphus 
Cestrensis,' as Hak. rightly amends Dee's Ra</ulphus), Polychronicon, Book vi. 
ch. II (vol. VII. p. 18 of Rolls Series edition) where Graecis is read for 
Macedonibus, Arsaces Parthis is omitted, and vitae suae,fratre suo, Idibus, and 
Glastoniam are the forms adopted. In the Flares Historiarum ['Matth. 
Westminster'] a.d. 975 (vol. i. p. 514, in Rolls Series edition), the parallel 
passage is worded very differently, the similarities being only xn flos et decus... 
rex pacificus Eadgarus...anno aetatis sttcu tricesimo secundo, regni vero decimo 
sexto... cor pus Glastoniae delatum, etc. In Dee, nnMo...^'j"";, 21"", 
and Glascon. are the exact readings, and the marginal heading Charla Regis 
Henrici secundi is placed against the lines Quae olim...auctoritas, a little 
further on. 
p. 14 L 5 6. For many. Dee reads many rare [persons]. 

1. 19 7. £che one {being of 1000 ships\ : in Dee Eche. 

1. 31 8. Idem quoque /Edgarus,t.\.c.:\\i^'cnz.xg\vi&\\it.'a.dxa^Ranulphus [Cestrensis] 

is in Dee Radulphus. This excerpt is represented, but by no means verbatim, in 
Higden, Polychronicon, Book vi. ch. 9 (vol. VI. p. 468 of Rolls Series edition): 
in omni aestate post festum Paschae naves coadunari fecit, qtias in quatuor 
partes distributas ad quatuor Angliae partes posuit : unde cum occidentali classe 
navigavit ad partem] borealem, cum boreali classe tid partem orientalem, cum 
orientali classe ad partem australem, cum australi classe ad partem occidenta- 
lem...Hieme vero per provinciavi .. .indicia ministrorum exquirebat. 
1. 34 9. Yoxdrecui [the like] Dee reads dread any [the like] ; for the... [pastimes], 

those. . . . 

NOTES. 243 

[p. 8] 

10. For deuil, Dee reads diuell ', for chief e [and vttertnost ivailes], chief est; p. 16 \. i 
for furthering, furdering, for Matthaeus Westmonasteriensis, Mathaeus IVest- 
monestariensis. Several smaller differences are passed over. 

11. Habebat autem, etc. : this passage is from the Flares Historiarum 1. 10 
['Matth. Westminster'] A.D. 975 (vol. i. p. 513 in Rolls Series edition). It is 

an immediate continuation of the passage already quoted by Dee and Hak., 
yEdgarus pacificus, regni sui prospiciens vtilitati, etc. 

The Flares Histor., after praeterea, read omni tempore vitae suae and omit 
intelligeret, reading simply ut quomodo. The Rolls Series edition also amends 
ut to et before quamodo. Hak.'s citations from the Flares, here as before, are 
taken either from the first edition of 1567 (ed. by Archbishop Parker), or per- 
haps more probably from the second edition of 1570 (by the same). Both, in 
these passages, usually agree with the MSS. and with the critical text of the 
Rolls Series edition (Luard). 

12. For \wits and] trauels Dee reads ...trauayles; for with [vtilitie'] he has 1. 32 
which...; for good [purposes], godly...; iox Seafarce, Sea Stretigth: os&x security 
...Untc.heauenly spirite. Dee puts i, 2, 3. 

13. Altitonantis Dei, etc. : in this extract Dee omits the comma between p. 16 1. 26 
Regum and Insularum, and reads Britanniani for Britanniam (which latter 

however is given in Dee's margin) and ALthelwoldum for Athelwoldum. 

This charter to Worcester may be found in Walter de Gray Birch's Cartu- 
larium Saxonicum, Vol. III. (1893), pp. 377 — 381 (no. 1135). It isof A.D. 964, 
and was given at Gloucester, Holy Innocents' Day, Wed., Dec. 28. See also 
Kemble, Codex Diploniaticus .ASvi Saxonici no. DXIV. The full text in 
Birch's Cart. Sax. adds (after rex regum) et dominus dominantium, reads 
circumiacent for circumiacentis (the preceding que being relative), ALthelstani 
for Athelstani, regum for regnum (Anglorum), Brytanniam for Britanniam, 
Norregiatn for Naruegiam, Hyberniae for Hiberniae, Dublina for Dublinia, 
./Ethelwaldum for Athelwoldum, in (patres) for mihi, perfeci for effeci. It 
also omits et before omnes nationes and adds in regno mea after Christi 
gioriam et laudem. 

[p. »] 

14. Omnipotentis Dei', this charter is really of 970 (not 973, as Hak.). It p. 17 I. 7 
may be found in Walter de Gray Birch's Cartularium Saxonicum, Vol. III. 

PP' 557 — 560 (no. 1266). See also Kemble, Codex Diplom. .i^vi Sax., 
no. DLXiii. 

The concluding asseveration Ego ^Sdgarus etc. is not in this charter, 
though it occurs elsewhere in so many words. In the body of Hak. 's extract 
the full text, in Birch's Cart. Sax., reads quiete pacem for quieta pace, nostra 
for ne (inertia), and for the date anno Incarnationis . . .nonagentesimo septua- 
gesimo . . .anno regni mei tertia decimo. 

Another Ely charter of 970 from Eadgar {totius Britanniae basileus) is 
printed by Kemble, vol. vi. pp. 97 — 8 of Codex Diplomaticus .^vi Saxonici 
(no. MCCLXIX.). 

16. For attaining Dee reads attayning; for all, al; for only, onely; for I. 27 

warlike, warlik; for order of the... seruice, order of...seruices; for able, hable; 
for Brittish, Brytish ; for chuse, chose; for iewel, iuell, and other trivial 

16 2 


§ 4. Voyage of Edmund and Edward, sons of Edmund 
Ironside, into Hungary ; Chronicle of the Kings of 
Man ; Marriage of Harold's daughter to Ieruslaus 
DUKE of Russia, pp. 9 — 16. 

p. 18 1. 29 1. Dedit consilium Edricus, etc. : this passage is from Florence of 

Worcester, Chronicon ex Chronicis, a.d. 1017, p. 391 of the edition of 1592. 

Hak. inserts Canuto regi and omits etiam in the first clause; in the second 
sentence Hak.'s Suauorum is for the original (and right) Suanontm ; in the 
last Hak. omits virgintm after Sanctimonialem. 

It is hardly worth commenting on the subject-matter of passages which do 
not really bear on Hak.'s proper subject, but Salomon was not king of Hungary 
till 1063; St Stephen reigned over that country down to 1038, and is probably, 
if any, the sovereign referred to. The whole of this account of the fortunes of 
Eadmund Ironside's descendants is very doubtful. Clitonem Eadgarum is 
Eadgar the ^theling. 

[p. 10] 

p. 19 1. 16 2. A Chronicle of the Kings of Man, etc. : this long series of extracts is 
translated, apparently by Hakluyt himself, from William Camden's Britannia, 
pp. 529 — 541 of the ist edition of 1586. It is no doubt called Chorographie 
by Hak. from the sub-title; — Britannia, sive Jlorentissimorum regnomm 
Angliae, Scotiae, Hibemicu et insulartitn . . .adiacentium chorographica descriptio. 
Hak.'s version is, on the whole, faithful and close, but why he should have 
inserted this record in the Principal Navigations is a difficult question. 

1. 18 3. In the yeere of our Lord 1066, etc. : an amended version of Camden's 

strange A.D. 10i7 ...ohiit Edwardus, Harfager is a mistake for Hardrada. 
Ramsa is Ramsay in Man. 

1. 19 4. William the Conquerour: in Camden, Gulielmus Bastard. A little later 

sailed is Hak.'s trans, oivenit. 
p. 20 1. I 5. A wood standing vpon...Sccuaf el: in Camden sihia quae erat in deuexo 

montis supercilio, qui vacatur Seacasel. 

1. 19 6. Lainestir: in Camden Laynestir, i.e. Leinster: at the foot of p. 10 

Hak.'s wel- disposed person is a trans, of industrium. 

[p. 11] 

p. 31 1. 18 7. Vnto him [and appoint him...King\: in Camden in unuvi...; a little 

later, Earle Othor is in Camden Other Comes ; again, the corps (of St Olaf of 
Norway) is incorruptionem, and presently is statim, while he had the people of 
Galway in such awe is Gabvediences ita constrinxit, and Anglesey is Moniam. 
Hak., omitting, here as elsewhere, most of Camden's marginal notes, passes 
over the gloss Monia pro Anglesey vide Giraldum Cambrensem in Itinerario 

p. 22 1. 42 8. Fully resolued [to conquer... Irland'\ : in Camden nihil cogitabat quam. 

For Armagh Camden has Dune. 

[p. 12] 

p. 23 1. 7 9. Sent for [Olauus']: in Camden accerserunt: for William the Conquerour 

Camden has Gulielmi only. 

NOTES. 245 

10. After Engus and Olauus and before in the yeere 1134 Hak. omits to p. 28 1. 20 
translate the entry for 1 133, referring to an eclipse, 

11. With his nobilitie: Hzk-^strsLXis. of cum suis; his gathering an armie, 1-39 
a little later, is a version of congregata classe. 

12. Coridelis'. in Camden, Cortdelis: at the end of this paragraph Hak.'s p. 34 I. 21 
(me halfe thereof is simply illud in Camden ; and at the end of p. 1 2 \_Malcolme 

the kingi of Scots is Scotiae. 

[p. 13] 

13. John Curcy. in Camden, jhannes de Curcy; Hak.'s Vlster is Ultoniam, p. 35 1. 17 
his sea of Rome is for Apostolicae Sedis. 

14. Absent from : in Camden non erunt [for erant'l in; in the next entry, p. 26 1. 31 
under 1217, Hak.'s Reginald is Reginandus in Camden. 

IB. Folowers: in Camden exercitus; in the next clause boldly is Hak.'s P' 27 1. 6 
version oifiduciter. 

[p. 14] 

16. That he would consult about the premisses : in Camden habiturum se 1. 16 
consilium : by his ioumey vnto S. lames a pilgrimage to the Spanish shrine of 

St James at Compostella in Galicia is meant. After this Hak. does not trans. 
et iam reuersum (i.e. that when Olaf came back from Compostella his brother 
made him marry). 

17. Cousine german...Lauon: in CzxaAcn, germanam uxoris suae Lauon 1. 28 
nomine, which leaves it uncertain whether the wife or the cousin-german was 

Lauon. Regincdd the bishop is Reginandus Episcopus in Camden, who also 
adds canonice before separavit : for cousin german at the end of this paragraph 
Camden has consohrinatn. 

18. To take \^Olauus\. in Camden ut occideret', for Soke, a little later, 1. 37 
Camden has Behe, but subsequently Soke also. 

19. In the dead of the night : in Czxadtn intempestae noctis silentio. p. 28 I. 7 

20. Certaine victuals: in Camden II...cibariis: a little later, had no list is 1. 26 
Hak.'s version of libuit (sic), and vnder pretense is a trans, of sub occasione. 

After Alanus lord of Galway Hak. omits to trans, eodem tempore dedit filiam 
suamfilio Alani in matrimonio. 

21. Athol: in Camden Etholiae: for vpon the sudden. ..dead of the night p. 29 1. 5 
Camden has indpinato.,.intempesta nocte. 

[p. 15] 

22. Concluding a peace : in Camden pacem petens '. in this clause Camden 1. 20 
spells the port Ragnolhoath : we may contrast this with Roghalwaht else- 
where. By certaine souldiers, a little later, is simply a quibusdam in Camden, 

whose ibidem here is not translated by Hak. 

23. Haco : in Camden Hacho : Hak. 's of the Hebrides is a version of 1. 34 
Camden's Soderensittm, while Lewis is of course Lodhus in the Latin text. 

24. Torqtiellus '. in Camden Thorquelhim: Hak.'s pupil, at end of this p. 80 1. 13 
paragraph, is alumno in Camden, Yuarus a souldier (under A.D. 1249) is 

Yuaro milite, and Alexander king of Scots is simply A... rex. 

25. Kerwary: in Camden Kerwaray: Yiak.'s falling into an ague is in p. 81 1. 9 
Camden febre correptus. In the next entry fugitiues is Hak.'s version of 


[p. le] 

p. 81 1. 35 26. Kinvas: in Camden Kirkioas, i.e. Kirkwall. In the entry under 

1266 translated vnto [Alexander] is in Camden tratulaiutn propter.... 

p. 83 1. 9 27. Fiue hundreth fourtie etc. : this verse in the original runs 

L decies X ter et penta duo cecidere 
Mannica gens de te damna futura caue. 
On the subject-matter of this whole excerpt, surprisingly irrelevant as it is to 
the real theme of the Principal Navigations, it will perhaps be enough to say, 
that Man — conquered by Harald Fairhair of Norway in 870 and governed for 
some time by Norse vicero3rs — was under the Kings of Leinster from 1060 to 
1072, under the Kings of Dublin from 1072 to 1075, under the Kings of 
Munster from 1075 to 1079. ^^^ island was ruled by Sigtrygg Ragnvaldson 
(Rogn — ; Hale's 'Syrric'), from 1052 to 1060; byGudrod Il.Crowan Harald- 
son (Hak.'s 'Godredus Crouan '), from 1079 ^^ '°^9 \.^- 'OQ.s]; by Lagman 
Gudrodson, from 1089 to 1096 ; by Dofnald (Hak.'s ' Dopnald ') and Inge- 
mund, from 1096 to 1098; in this connection, Hak.'s 1075 ^"^ '077t taken 
from Camden, should probably be 1095 and 1097; see pp. 10, 11 of the 
Principal Navigations. Man was conquered by Magnus HI. of Norway 
('Barefoot') in 1098 and was held by this sovereign till his death in 1103 
(cf. Hak.'s sixe yeeres, p. 12; Hak. makes Magnus the grandson of Harald 
'Harfager' or Fairhair, who dietl 930; it should be Harald Hardrada, 
killed at Stamford Bridge in 1066); Magnus' son Sigurd (Jerusalem-Farer, 
King of Norway 1 103 — 1 130) governed the island on his father's behalf during 
this time, 1098 — 1103. After Magnus was defeated and killed in Ireland 
(1103), Olaf I. Billing Gudrodson (Hak.'s 'Olauus son of Godredus Crouan') 
reigned in Man from 1103 to 1153 (Hak.'s fourtie yeeres); Gudrod III. 
Olafson (Hak.'s 'Godredus son of Olauus') from 1153 to 1187; Ragnvald 
or Rognvald I. Gudrodson (Hak.'s 'Reginald sonne of God red ') from 1187 
to 1229; Olaf II. Gudrodson ('Olauus' of 'Lodhus') from 1187 to 1237 
(nominally; see Hak. p. 15, under 1237, on his 11 years of real power); 
Harald Olafson (' Haraldus his sonne') from 1237 to 124H; Gudrod IV. 
Don Ragnvaldson (Hak.'s 'Godredus Don') from 122910 1230 only; Harald II. 
Gudrodson ('Haraldus the sonne of Godred Don') from 1249 'o 1250; 
Magnus II. Olafson from 1250 to 1265 (see Hak. p. 15, under 1252, for 
Magnus' real power in Man from that year); while Ragnvald II. Olafson 
('Reginald the sonne of Olauus') reigned only during a part of May, 1249. 
Sumerledus or Sumerled (p. 12 of Hak. under H56, etc.) is Somerled 
or Somhairle, Lord of the Isle 1156 — 1 164, and 'thane ' of Argyle ; 'Dubgal * 
is his younger son Dufgall or Dugald. It was in 1156 that Gudrod III. of 
Man ('Godredus son of Olauus') ceded part of the Hebrides to Somerled : 
on the death of Somerled some of his possessions in the Western Isles 
(including Cantire) went to his eldest son Ragnvald or Reginald, and another 
part (including Lome) went to the younger son Dufgall. 
1. 34 28. Haraldo caeso, etc.: this passage comes, not from the ' 9 booke ' 

of Saxo Grammaticus, but from the xith, near the beginning, on p. 187, 
11. 47 — 53, of the text of the Danica Historia Libris XVI... as printed at 
Frankfurt-on-Main {Francofurti ad Alcenum) by And. Wecheli in 1576, 
which is probably the edition used by Hak. The differences are very trifling, 
but the Frankfurt text begins Cuius filii duo confestim, and reads Sueno for 
Sweno, eorum for illorum (jneriti) and larizlauus for larislaus. 



p. 88 Brtue de generali summonitione in itinere iustitiariorum itinerantium apud 

Shipwey in com. ICanc. infra libertatem qtiinque portuum ; as quoted by 
Lambarde ; Kex dilectis . . .balliuis de Hastings saltitem...eodem modo balliuis 
de Romnal...Heya.. Doure...Sand%vyz. The precaution relative to Dunwich 
and Yarmouth is also as Lambarde translates it : et quoniant saepius contentio 
inter homines praedictorum portuum et homines de Gernemuth et de Donwich, 
fiat breue vie. Norff. et Suff. in hac forma (in which form the forms lerne- 
mewe and Donetvitz occur), the whole concluding tunc fit apud Shipwey 
coram ..iustitiariis...querelam suam propositurus et iustitiam inde recepturus. 

§ 6. Letter of Ivo of Narbonne. pp. 20, 21. 
[p. ao] 

p. 89 1. 24 1. The Lord therefore, etc.: this part of Ivo's letter is quoted from 
Matthew Paris, Chronica Maiora {Historia Maior), A.D. 1243, vol. iv. pp. 272 — 
276, of Rolls Series edition, 1877 (Luard). More than one-third of the 
complete letter precedes that portion printed by Hak. and about one-seventh 
follows after Hak.'s conclusion. The whole occupies pp. 270 — 277 in the 
Rolls edition, and has the heading Quaedam Epistola Archiepiscopo Burde- 
galensi transmissa terribilis nimis. For his purpose, Hak. prob. used the 
text published by Archbishop Parker in 1571, Matthaei Paris, Monachi 
Albanensis, Angli, Historia Maior, a Guilielmo Conquestore ad ultimum 
annum Henrici tertii. Londini, 1571, extracting pp. 819 (foot) — 822 (top) 
Hoc igitur et multis aliis peccatis...mihi/ominus perierunt. In this edition of 
1571 the letter is headed Epistola terribilis de crudelitate Tartarorum. 

1. 25 2. Committed: in Hak. orig. emergentibus. In the next sentence This 

I may iustly affirvie to be true is in Hak.'s original Hoc idcirco dixerim. 

1. 28 3. Lawlesse .. furious : in Hak.'s orig. exlex .. furor ; Tartars, in the next 

sentence, is Hak.'s trans, of Tattari, Hungarie of Pannoniam. The marginal 
Neustat (i.e. Neustadt in Austria) is supplied by Hak. from an earlier para- 
graph of the letter (in quodam oppido Austriae quod Theutonice Neustat 

1. 34 4. / my selfe abode : in Hak.'s original tunc forte morabar. After 

souldiers Hak. does not translate truculent er. 

1. 37 8. The captaine is Frederic duke of Austria (Friedrich II., 'the War- 
like,' A.D. 1230 — 1246). 

vaste [armie] in the next sentence is Hak.'s version of circumfusum [ex'"], 
and beastly is his trans, of immanem. 
p- *0 1. 2 6. Signified foorthwith vnto their gouernour...subiects : in Hak.'s orig. 

asceftdentes ad Dominum Christianorum planctus miserabiles audiebantur. 
For Dominum the Rolls text reads Deum. 
1. 7 7. [Chieftains] And... sauage follower s...cates: in Hak.'s original [prin- 

cipes] cum suis cynocephalis aliisque lotophagis quasi pane vescentes. In 
the Rolls text cenofaris is read for Cynocephalis. In the MSS. a representa- 
tion of the Tartars eating human victims is inserted here, at the foot of the page. 

1- 16 8. Tender paps : in Hak.'s original papillis only. At the end of this 

sentence Hak.'s engorged... bodies is a version of ipsis virgineis corporibus 
lautius epulabantur. 

1. 20 9. The Duke of Austria is Friedrich II. (see note 5) : the King of Bohemia 

is Wenceslas HI., otherwise Wenceslas I. (1230 — 1253): the Patriarch of 

NOTES. 247 

§ 5. On the Cinque Ports, pp. 17 — 20. 

[p. X7] 

1. I finde, etc.; this long excerpt, covering pp. 17—20 (top) of Hak., p. 88 1.14 
is from pp. 1 14 — 124 of the Perambulation of Kent, conteining the Description, 
Hystorie, and Customes of that Shyre, written... i^jo.-.dy William Lambarde 

of Lincolnes Intu, first published it,j6... now increased... after the author's oumt 
last copie : printed by Edm. Bollifant, London, 1596. 

There are many small differences of spelling and punctuation, but nothing 
very material : the chief are the following on p. 17 : — Hak. adds, in the margin, 
1070 (near the beginning) and 1250 Antiquitie of Yarmouth fishing\ in the 
text he reads yfe^ {oxflie, commanding for commaundin^, bene for been. 

[p. 18] 

2. Wimhelsey\\9Xtx%'^\KWincelsey\>^'\\^V.,\Vinchelsey\)^'Lxa^. Hak. p. 86 1. 21 
here omits the date 1268 which Lamb, gives in the margin. 

8. And thus it stood: against this Hak. adds the marginal date 1278. p. 88 1. 33 
In the list of ports a little later Lamb, has Bekisborne and Rye. 

[p. !•] 

4. Charges: in Lamb, wages : in the list of Cinque and other Ports a little p- 87 1. ii 
later Lamb, reads Hethe for Heth (at first), Rulwerhethe for Buhuerhelh. 

6. Sanehtnch.../iomenal and Hethe: after this Lambarde reads before, p. 88 1. i 
A little later Lambarde reads dales togither for dayes together, easely for easily, 
refer for referre. 

6. Scife [conduct... Kings owne person']: in Lambarde salfe; in the same 1. ao 

paragraph 1-ambarde reads enimie, proffered. The rest of the variations are 
exceedingly trivial, eg. fourtie iox fortie, wals for wcdles, graunt for grant, 
ods for oddes. 

The place of the marginal heading The good seruice of the fiue Ports has 
been somewhat altered by Hak. : in Lambarde it stands against the lines 
beginning Thus much out of these ancient notes. 

Lambarde's references to Domesday Book may be found pretty well borne 
out by the following entries: — In the edition of 1783 {Domesday Book seu 
Liber censitalis IVillelmi Primi Regis Angliae...jubente rege Georgia III. — 
the only complete printeti text of Domesday), under Chenth (Kent) vol. i. p. i, 
col. I, 11. 6 — 8, after the recital of the ships supplied by Dovere {xx naues regi 
una vice in anno ad xv dies et in unatjuaque naui homines xx et unus) it 
is stated hoc faciebant pro eo quod eis pdonauerat saccam et socam. These 
customs were in force under Edward the Confessor : omnes hae consuetu- 
dines erant ibi quatido IVillelmus rex in Angliam uenit. On .Sandwich 
(Sanditice) Domesday (same edition and vol., page 3, col. i, 11. 6-7) records 
that the service owed by that port was similar to Dover's : reddi/ similem ser- 
vitium regi sicut Dovere: further, tempore mortis R. E. [Regis Edwardt] non 
erat ad fir mam. 

Lambarde's (and Hak.'s) citation from Bracton is doubtless from the edition 
of 1569; Henrici de Bracton de Legibus et Consuettidinibus Angliae Libri 
quinq; : Londini, A pud Richardum Tottelhim 1569. In Liber ill. tractatus 
secundus De Corona, cap. 2, fols. 117 vo and 115 ro, the form is given of the 

NOTES. 249 

Aquileia is Bertrand Von Meran (ui8 — 1451): the Duke of Carinthia is p. 40 
Bernard (no2 — H56): the Earle of Baden is either Hermann IV., margrave, 
or marchio de Bade, as Hak.'s original calls him (t 1243), or Hermann V. 
(+ H50). After mightie power Hak. does not translate conterminorum. 

10. Accursed crew: in Hak.'s orig. nephandus exercitus : for those Tar- I. 23 
tarian vagabonds... distressed and vanquished land of Hungarie the orig, has 

only illi cursores...miserabilem Hungariam. 

11. Most tyrannical... Tar tars: in Hak.'s original nequissimi ... Tatta- 1,33 

12. Well, being allured: in Hak.'s original Hie inductus. In the next 1. 37 
sentence about is Hak.'s version of ante. 

13. A paire of shooes and a haire cappe onely: in Hak.'s original calceos p. 41 1. r 
dt bove, cappam de cilicio. After hunger Hak. does not translate cum in- 
firmitate : his like afoole is for omnino utfatuus : his vncoth is for inexpresse. 

14. Endangered himselfe: in Hak.'s original se comviendasset. 1. 6 
16. In Caldea : in Hak.'s original ajnid Chaldaeos, i.e. among gypsy 1. 8 

wonder-workers, fortune-tellers, etc. 

16. Being admonished: in Hak.'s original postquam . . .acceperunt respon- \. in 

[p. ai] 

17. Hasty: in Hak.'s original auari: a little later rough and huf- 1. 23 
shouldred is for scapulas rigidas et erectas : while flatte \noses'\ is for distortos 

\nasos\. and long [chinnes] for proeminentia [menta], 

18. Their vpper iawes...low and declining: in Hak.'s original superiorem 1. 34 
mandibulam humilem et profundam : a little later, thinne [teeth] is for raros 

[denies] ; and fore-heads for crinibus. 

19. Countenances writhen and terrible : inYizSa.^ oxigvciaX aspectus obliquos 1. 37 
et torvos : a little later, thighes is for crura. 

SO. Utterly... waste, situated far beyond Chaldea : in Hak.'s original 1. 42 

maximae vastilatis ultra omnes Caldaeos : a little later hides of beasts being 
tanned is for coriis earundem bullitis. 

21. Maces : in Hak.'s original clavis : a little XaX^x courriers is for satellites; P- 42 1. 6 
and vnprouided for immunitum. 

22. Voyage to Colen, etc.: in Hak.'s original «««c j^^ propter Magos reges, !• 25 
quorum sacris corporibus ornatur Colonia, etc. 

23. S. lames of Galicia, i.e. the shrine of St James at Compostella. 1. 33 

§ 7. Critical Notes to John de Plano Carpini. 
pp. 21—37, 37—53- 

The following abbreviations are used : 


A. = Avezac ; i.e. the Paris text of 1838 — 1839, as given by M. d'Avezac. 

Pet. = The Petau MS. 

Corpus = The Corpus MS. 

Colb. = The Colbert MS. 

Lond.-Lum. =The London-Lumley MS. 

D. = The Dupuy MS. 

On the Carpini MSS. see Introductory Note to this Vol. 


p. 48 Salutation and Prologue] [Hak., p. 21] 

1. 9 1. Ittimicis suis, H., with Lond.-Lum., D.; inimicis Dei et Domini Jtsu 

Christi, A., with Pet , Colb. [latter omits Dn\ 
1- lo 2. Before nationes alias [H.]i A. inserts ad, with Pet. and Colb. (twice). 
1. II 3. Et [venerabiliuni\, H.; ac [ven...\ A., with Pet. and Colb. 

1. 14 4. Et \alijs natioHibus\ H.; vel ab [al... nat...'\. A., with Colb.; et ai, 
Lond.-Lum.; vei, Pet. 

[p. aa] 

1. 15 6. Conti/fmlia, H., with Lond.-Lum., D.; contunieliis, A. 

1. 16 6. Credidimus, H., with I^nd.-Lum., D.; crediiierimus, A. 

1. 20 7. Vt saltern, H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; vel saltern , A., with Pet.; saltern 

...veraciter, om. Colb. which reads ut. 
L 33 8. Imparatos, H., with D. ; infKtratos, Lond.-Lum.; impreparatos, A. 

1. 23 9. FeceruHt\...strageni\y H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; facerent, A. 

1. 17 10. After per ipsos and before et [H.] A. inserts pariter, with Pet., Colb. ; 

Lond.-Lum. omits. 
1. 39 11. Captiui, H., with Colb.; capti. A., with Pet. 

12. Etiam a supremo, H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; enim a summo, A., 

with Pet., Colb. 
1. 31 18. After Benedictus [H.] A. insert.s Polonus, with Pet. 

1. 33 14. After Prologue, as in Hak., A. adds, with Pet., Corpus, Sed si aliqua 

scribimus prof4er noticiam legentium quae in partibus vestris nesciuntur, non 

debetis propter hoc nos appellate nundaces qui vobis referimus ilia [alia, P. ] quae 

ipsi vidimus vel ab aliis pro certo audivimus quos esse credimus fide dignos. 

Imo est valde crudele ut homo propter bonum quodfacit ab aliis infametur. 


44 1. 1 For H.'s heading, supported by Lond.-Lum., D., A. reads with Pet. De 
terrae [-<7, H.] Tartarorutn situ, et [om. H.] qualitate ipsius [om. H.] et dispo- 
sitione aeris in eadem. Colb. reads De ritu T...., terra, et utu [Cor- 
responding to Chap. 3 {De situ et qualitate terrae Tartarorum) in Vincent 
of Beauvais' Abridgement, Speculum Historiale, book xxxii. otherwise XXXI.] 
For Corpus see also Introduction. 
1. 8 1. Before bello [H., with all Mss. but Pet.] A. inserts in, with Pet. 

lA. After the headings, as in H. {hoc modo per capitula describemtis), A. 
adds, with Pet., Corpus, ultimo de via quam fecimus et curia Iniperatoris et 
testibus qui in terra Tartarorum nos invenerunt. Lond.-Lum. omits. 

IB. Possumus, H.; possunus, Lond.-Lum., D. ; proposuimns, A., with 
Pet., Colb. 
1. II 2. Vera, H., with all MSS., exc. Pet.; quidein. A., with Pet. 

1. 13 3. Kytaiorum, H.; Kitaorum, A.; Quitaorum, Pet.; Kytaorum, Colb., 

Lond.-Lum.; Kyraiorum, D. [Later we have Kytcu, H.; Kitai, A.; Kitay, 
Pet.] In Lond.-Lum. the letter / has been touched up, apparently by the 
original scribe. 

4. Solangorum, H. and A. ; Salangorum, Pet. ; Sclangorum, Lond.-Lum. 

6. [Sunt'\ terrae, H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; terra. A., with Pet.; Lond.- 
Lum. omits sunt. 




6. Huyrorum, H., with D. ; terra est posita Huiurorum, A., with Pet., p. 4* 1. 14 
[Colb., which reads Hyuirorum]', Huyiorum, Lond.-Lum. 

7. Naymanorum, H., with all exc. Pet.; Naimanorum, A., with Pet. 1. 15 
[Later we have Naymani in Pet., Lond.-Lum., D. ; Naimanni in Colb.] 

8. Nitnium, H., with all exc. Pit. ; Nimirum, A., with Pet. 1. 16 

9. Admixta glarea, raro ari^llosa, plurimum est arenosa, H. ; A. omits 1-17 
raro argillosa and est\ D. reads amixta; Lond.-Lum. has, in the original 

script (like Colb.), admixta glarea, plurimum est arenosa, but above glarea has 
been added in a later hand and different ink et argillosa. 

10. Et alij\ Yi.; et alii homines omnes, A., with Pet. 

11. Sunt [paucae], H.; non sunt.... A., with Pet., Colb. 

12. After iona A. adds, with Pet., Corpus, ^uae Caracaron nominatur. 
Lond.-Lum. omits, like Colb., D. 

13. Dimidium diem, H., with Colb.; dimidiam dietatn etiam. A., with Pet. 

14. Nusquam pluit, H.; nunquatn pluit, A. 
16. Madidare, H., with all exc. Pet.; modidare. A., with Pet. p. 45 

16. Sede regni, H., with Colb.; sede regia. A., with Pet. 

17. Circuendam, H. ; circuendo. A., with Pet., Colb., Lond.-Lum. 

18. Dimidium, H. ; dimidio. A., with Pet. 










1. 2 






For H.'s heading, supported by Lond.-Lum., D., A. reads De formis 
personarum \Tartarorum,H.'], de conjugio, vestibus, habitaculis et rebus [om. H.] 
ipsorum. Pet. reads De personis et vestibus et habitaculis, de rebus, de ipsorum 

conjugio; Colb., De formis personarum Tartar orum et conjugio etc rebus 

eorum, as in A. [Corresponding to Chap. 4 i^De forma et habitu et victu 
eorum) in Vincent of Beauvais, except to a certain extent as concerns the 
victus.l For Corpus, see also Introduction. 

[p. 23] 

1. Before ^^^«aj [H.] A. inserts inter, with Pet., Colb., Vine. Beauv. 

2. After maxillis, A. adds, with Pet., Corpus, and Vine. Beauv., nasum 
habent planum et modicum, oculos habent parvos, et palpebras usque ad super- 
cilia elevatas. Lond.-Lum. omits, like Colb., D. 

3. Minime, H., with all exc. Pet. ; minima, A., with Pet. 

4. Similiter, H., with Colb., D. ; generaliter. A., with Pet., Lond.-Lum. 
6. Plures vel pauciores, H.; plures aliquis pauc tores. Pet.; et aliquis, 


6. Sororibus etiam ex patre: tamen et vxores, H. ; sorores autem ex patre 
tantum, et uxores etiam, A. ; sorores, only in Vine. Beauv. 

7. Pallijs, cappis vel capputijs, H.; Capis, palliis, vel capuciis. A.; 
caputiis, D. ; capuciis, Lond.-Lum. 

8. Bukeramo...Baldaquino, H., with D. ; Bucarano...Baldakino, A.,'w\\.\\ 
Pet.; Bu^:arano...Baldekino,Q,o\h.; Buherano...Balde^ino, hond. -hum.; later, 
D. reads Buccaramo; Colb. Bukaramo. 

9. Supremo, H., with Lond.-Lum., D.; summo, A., with Pet., Colb. 

10. Quia, H. ; et, A. For scissae, just before, Lond.-Lum. reads cissae \-e\. 

11. Et in, H. ; etiam, A. 

12. Longum, H.; lungum, A. 

13. Before instrumentum, A. adds, with Pet., Colb., et tarn pileolum 


p. 46 


1. 20 

1. 22 






1. 20 


p. 46 quam [pelUolum Pet.; pilleolum Colb. ; pilliolum Lond.-Lum., which how- 

ever cancels this clause]. 

I. 1% 14. Quum, H. ; quottiam. A., with Pet., Colb. 

I. 1% 18. Subtiliter, H.; subtilibus. A., with Pet., Colb. 

1. 34 16. Somarios, H., with Lond.-Lum., D., Colb.; summarios. A., with 
Vine. Beauv. ; luminarios. Pet. 

!• 37 17. Vel quod est magis, H. ; secundum quod magna est. A., with Pet., 



p. 47 1. I For H.'s heading, supported by Lond., Lum., D., A. reads, with Pet., 

De expurgationibus et ritu funeris; Colb. n&As peccatortim purga- 
tionibus, and adds Tartarorum at end. This chapter answers to Chap. 7 
in Vine. Beauv., De superstitiosis traditionibus ipsorum. For Corpus see 
I. 4 1. Duendum, H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; supponendum. A., with Pet., 


Ip. 84] 

!• 17 S. Before duces, Pet. adds like Corpus and Recueil text Sed quando volunt 

ilia idola facere, omnes majores domincu conveniunt quae sunt in stationibus 
illis, et cum reverencia faciunt ilia ; et cum fecerunt interficiunt ou'em et man- 
ducant; et ossa ejus igne comburunt. Et cum etiam aliquis puer infirmatur, 
praedicto modo faciunt idolum et ligant super ledum ipsius. Lond.-Lum. 
omits, like Colb., D. 

I. 18 3. Vnum, H. ; hircum. A., with Colb. [yrcum], Lond.-Lum ; pratum. Pet. 

1. a I 4. Et potu, H.; vel de potu. A., with Pet., Colb. 

1. 1% S. Vera, H., with D. ; si. A., with Lond.-Lum. 

1. 30 6. Alios, H.; aliquos. A., with Pet., Colb. 

L 3^ 7. Russicu, IL; Ruscie, A., with Colb.; Mscie^ Pet.; Ruchiae, Lond.- 

Lum. later. 

1.34 8. Cyngis..., H. with Lond.-Lum., which reads Cham; Chingis..., A., 
with Colb. ; Chingis Cim, Pet. 

1- 40 9. //oc/aceret, quia nonliceret, H.', /acerequodnon licet. A.; /aceret... etc.. 

Pet. ; quamfaceret, Colb. Three lines later, robustos, H.; robuslus. A., with MSS. 
p. 48 1. 5 10. Igitur lumina, H.; insuper, lunam. A., with Pet.; et lunam, Colb. 

1- 7 11. Et bibant, H., A. ; vel etiam bibunt ei. Pet. ; vel etiam bibant, Colb. 

!• 8 12. Cogunt...negare, H.; ad hue quod intelleximus coegerunt...negare, A.; 

after which A. adds, with Pet., Corpus, excepto Michaele de quo dictum est 
supra. Quid ulterius fcuiant, ignoramus: presumitur tamen a quibusdam 
quod si monarchiam haberent, quod Deus avertat, facerent quod omnes isti 
idolo inclinarent. 
1. p 13. Tamen, H., with Colb.; etiam, A. 

1. 10 14. Saruogle, H., with D. ; Chemeglove, A., with Pet.; Scirnogle, Lond.- 
Lum.; Urinyglone, Colb. [later Pet. reads Gemeglorie\. 

I. 15 16. Par esse, H., with D.; puero. A., with Lond.-Lum. 

1. 14 16. Et patres, H.; vel antecessores. A., with Pet., Colb. 

1. 26 17. Cum cultello, H., with D.; ignem cultello, A., with Colb.; cutello. 

Pet. and Lond.-Lum., but earlier Lond.-Lum. reads cullellum. 

1. 37 18. Morsus, H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; morsellus. A., with Pet., Colb. 

p. 49 1. 10 19. Itoga...C/iam, id est, imperatorem, H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; Kam, 

NOTES. 253 

A., with Pet.; Lond.-Lum. reads Ytoga... chant ipsum, omitting id est impera- p, 49 
tortm ; Colb. reads Ytoga sed Coniani Kam ipsum appellant. 

20. After purificentur, A. adds, with Lond.-Lum., Colb., Pet., ne forte 1. 20 
vene/icia fecerint et venenum vet aliquid mali portaverint [aut venen..., Colb.]. 

[p. 26] 

21. After infirmatur, A. adds, with Pet., Colb., ad mortem. 1. 35 

22. Contra, H.; circa. A., with Pet., Colb,, Lond.-Lum. 

23. Postes, H.; terminos, A.; ejus, add Pet., Colb. after stationum. 1. 27 

24. Omnes, H. ; quasi omnes. A., with Pet., Colb. 

2fi. Alueum, H. ; alveolum. A., with Colb.; alveorum. Pet. 1. 33 

26. Sibi eqttos . . .equos etiatn, H., with Lond.-Lum. (which adds «/ before 1. 38 
eguos), D. ; A. omits etiam, with Pet., after equos, and inserts etiam after 

sibi; Colb. reads sibi et equos. 

27. After equilare, A. adds, with Pet., Corpus, et ossa illius equi quern 
com^dunt pro anima ejus comburunt. Et saepe etiam conveniunt mulieres ad 
comburendum ossa pro animabus hominum ut nostris vidimus oculis et ab aliis 
intelleximus ibidem. Vidimus etiam quod Occodai[Cam] Can pater istius im- 
peratoris dimisit unum virgultum crescere pro anima sua: unde praecepit quod 
nullus incideret ibi, et quicunque incidet ibi aliquam virgam, ut ipsi vidimus, 
verberebatur, expoliabatur et male tractabatur ; et cum nos multum indigeremus 
ad equum percutiendum, nonfuimus ibi ausi incidere unam virgam. 

28. Vaditur, H.; vadunt. A., with Pet., Colb., Lond.-Lum. 1. 42 

29. Eo donee, H. ; ipso, quod. A., with Pet., Colb. p. 60 1. 3 

30. After dictum est \superius dictum est. A., with Pet.], A. adds, with 1. 9 
Pet., Corpus, sed tentorium suum exterius relinquunt in campo. 

31. Ccemeteria, H. ; cimiteria. A., with Pet., Colb. [later Colb. reads 1. 10 
cymiterii'\; cymiteria, Lond.-Lum. 

32. Nescientes, H. ; inscienter. A.; nescienter. Pet., Colb., Lond. !• 18 

33. Sagittae volantes, H.; illi sagittare volentes. A., with Pet., Colb., !• 19 
Corpus ; i/li only in Pet. and Corpus, which last reads sagitare. 


For H.'s heading, supported by Lond.-Lum., D., A. reads De moribus \, jg 

Tartarorum bonis et vialis, el cibis, et consuetudinibus eorum ; Pet., like 
Corpus, omits Tartarorum and reads consuetudini; Colb. omits bonis... malis, 
and eorum. The two first sections of this chapter answer to Chaps. 5 and 6 
in Vine. Beauv., De moribus eorum bonis et malis, and De legibus et con- 
suetudinibus eorum. For Corpus see also Introduction. 

1. Tertio... quarto, interchanged by A. 1, 29 

2. Inter eos, H. ; ibidem. A., with Pet., Colb. p. 61 1. 3 

3. Comedentes...comederunt, H., with Colb., D. ; comendentes...comederint, \. 14 
A.; commedentes . . .commederint, Lond.-Lum. 

4. Inuidi, H.; invidiosi. A., with Pet., Colb. !• i7 

[p. ae] 

5. Eas . . .audiuntur, H.; eos... habere intenditur. A., with Pet.; se... habere \. 2J 
videntur, Colb. 


p. 61 1. 13 •• Before Nunc..., A. inserts, with Pet., Colb., descriptis eorum morihus 

1. 24 7. Malts moribus eorum, H.; tnalis [only]. A., with Pet., Culb. 

1. 25 8. Idea, H. ; into. A., with Pet., Colb. 

1. 18 9. Georgiae, H., with D. ; Georgianicu, A., with Pet. ; Jorgania [-e], Colb., 

Lond.-Lum. ; Colb., later, reads Organia\_-e\, also; Lond.-Lum., Georgraniae 

[-e\. For Kussiae \_-e'\ Lond.-Lum, reads Ruchie here. 
1.^9 10. Dttces...Soldanorum,Y{..\ ducem...Solangorum, K. 

1. 33 11. After iracundi, A. adds, with Pet., sunt hominibus aliis. 

1. 39 13. Praetiidire, H., with D.; sibi providere. A., with Pet., Colb.; pre- 

videti, Lond.-Lum. 
p. 6S 1. n 13. hiitr pediculos manducare [pudiculos in Lond.-Lum.], A. adds, with 

Pet., Corpus, dicebant enim Nttmquid eos debeo manducare, cum meifilii cames 

mandtuent et ipsius sanguinem bibunt. For H.'s eos. ..mures, immed. after, A. 

reads ipsos... mures. 
1. 14 14. Et...habent, H., with all Mss. but Pet.; de quibus etiam...manducant, 

A., with Pet. 
1. 16 18. Tunc manus, H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; eas. A., with Pet., Colb. 
1. 14 16. Caldaria, H., with Lond.-Lum., D.; coclearia. A., with [Pet.], Colb.; 

Pet. reads ut \c....'\ for vel in all other MSS. 
\. a6 17. Permitlaturaliquid, H. ; aliquo modo permittatur, K.;al...m...p.. .Uur, 

Pet., Colb.; permittitur aliquid, Lond.-Lum.; Pet. zAAs periret before /<r- 

1. 19 18. Quo tonitrtta ab ilia hora incipiunt donee desinant, H., with Lond.- 

Lum., D. ; ab illo tempore quo tonitrua incipiunt usquequo desinat illud tcmpus, 

A., with Pet., Colb.; Colb. reads quando for qtio; Pet. designat for desinat. 
1. 43 19. Fomicatafuerit, H. and A., with Colb.; Pet. adds cum aliquo. 
p. 68 1.1 20. Deundat consilium, H.\ denunciat consilia, A..', denttdat^Vti., Co\h., 

Lond.-Lum.; deundat, D. 
1. 17 ai. Exercent, H., with Colb., Lond.-Lum., D. ; exercitant, A. 
1. 11 22. For audaces valde, A. reads, with Pet., Colb., agiles...valde... 

necnon et audaces. 

[p. 27] 
1. 16 28. Conseruarcres, H.; c... tores. A., with all mss. 


L 32 For H.'s heading, supported by D., wholly wanting in Lond.-Lum., A. 

reads De prindpio imperii Tartarorum et principibus eorum, et dominio 
imperatoris et principum ejtis. For imperii... principibus Pet., like Corpus, 
reads imperatorii .. .principum ; Colb. omits imperii and et principum, and 
reads ejus for eorum, eorumdem for ejus. The opening part of this chapter 
answers to Vine. Beauv. ch. 8, De initio imperii sive principatus eorum, and 
later sections to V. B.'s chs. 9 — 16, De mutua victoria ipsorum et Kythaorum, 
De pugna ipsorum contra Indiam minorem et majorem, Qualiter ab hominibus 
caninis repulsi Burithabethinos vicerunt, Qualiter a montibus Casptis et ab 
hominibus subterraneis repulsi sunt, De statutis Chingis chant et morle ipsius, et 
'Jiliis ac ducibus, De potestate imperatoris et ducum ejus, De electione imperatoris 
Occoday et legatione ducis Bathy, De legatione Cyrpodan ducis. For Corpus 
see also Introduction. 

NOTES. 255 

I. Dicendtim, H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; subnectendum. A., with Pet., p. 68 1. 33 

3. Mongol... Mongali vocabatur, H., Colb.; vocabantur, 1. 38 
A., with Pet.; \niagnt\ Mongoli for Mongali only in Lond.-Lum.; Yeka- 

Mongol in all MSS. but P., which before reads quae Moangal nominatur. 

8. Sumongol...Merkat...Metrit, H.; Su-Mongal, A., Colb.; Merkit...Mecrit, I. 39 

A.; Summungal, Pet.; Merkat...Metrit, D., Vine. Beauv. ; Merkit...Mocrit, 
Pet.; Merkit...Mechoit, Colb.; Sumongol... Merkit... Mecrit, Lond.-Lum.; 
Mecrit, D. (at first). 

4. Flutiio... Tartar, H., with Lond.-Lum., T).; Jluvio... Tatar, A., with 1. 40 
Colb.;/... Tartur, Pet. 

6. Qui...Cyngis, H. ; quidam qui...Chingis, h.., with Pet., Colb., which p. 64 1. 3 
read Chingis throughout, like Vine. Beauv. 

6. Rapere, praedari, H., with D. ; rapere praedam. A., with Lond.-Lum.; 1. 5 
capere Colb. 

7. Before redegit K. adds, with Pet., recepitac; Colb., redigit. 1. ir 

8. Merkat...Metritas, II., with D.; Merkitis...Mecriias, A.; Merkitis... 1. 12 
Mocritas, Pet.; Mirkit...Mecritas, Colb.; Merkit...Metritas, Lond.-Lum. As 

to the names that follow Nayrnani...Karakitai...Kytai are H.'s usual readings; 
but sometimes he gives Karakytai, like Colb; A. reads Naimani...Kara- 
kitai...Kitai; Naymanni, Colb., Lond.-Lum.; Naimani and Naymani, Pet., 
D. [Colb., later]; Kara-kitui, Pet., in one place, Kara-kycaorum'va. another; 
also Caicaorum. For Omyl in H. and A., Colb. reads Cummyl, Pet. Omsi, 
Vine. Beauv. Chanyl. 

9. Aliquantam...discretionem, H. ; sed tantam dis...em habent quod faciwtt 1. 36 
filtra de lana camelorum quibus vestiuntur, et ponunt etiam contra ventum, et 

si aliqui Tartari vadunt ad eos et vulnerant eos sagittis, ponunt gramina in 
vulneribus et fortiter fugiunl ante eos. A., with Pet., Corpus, Colb., and Vine. 
Beauv. ; Colb. reads tanien for sed, aliquando for aliqui, vulnus for vul- 
neribus; Pet. and Corpus read manus for vulnus. 

10. After septem, A. adds, with Pet., Corpus and Vine. Beauv. [in part], p. 66 1. i 
unde adhuc quando aliquis eos minatur, dicens, Occidemini, si in illam iveritis 

terram, quia populi multitudo ibidem moratur et sunt homines ad prcelium 
apti; respondent. Quondam etiam fuimus occisi, et non remansimus nisi septem, 
et modo crevimus \ibi. Corpus] in multitudinem magnam ; quare de talibus non 
terretnur [teneremur, Corpus]. 

II. Huyrorum, H., with Vine. Beauv.; Huytorum, D.; Huiurorum, A.; I. 4 
Kytaorum, corrected from Hiyrorum, Lond.-Lum., which afterwards reads 
Kytaorum for H...m\ P. reads Kuiorum; Colb., Uirorum. For H.'s Sarui- 

uorum (D. also), A. reads Sari-Huiur; Pet. Sariemiur and later Sarihuiur; 
Vine. Beauv. Saruyur; Colb. Sarimur; Lond.-Lum. Saruinorum. 

12. A'arawiVarww, H., with Lond.-Lum., D., Colb. [C..]; Karanitarum, K., \. 8 
with Colb. and Vine. Beauv. ; Karatnitarum, Pet. , which reads later Karaniti. 

13. Voyrat, H. and A., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; Udryat, Pet.; Colb. reads 1. 9 
Noyrad, Vine. Beauv. Hudirat. 

14. For Comana [in H. and A., with Lond.-Lum., D.], Pet. reads 
Chanana [Comana, later], Colb. Canana. 

16. For Kytaos and Kitaos in H. and A., Pet. reads Kaicaos; Vine. 1. 11 

Beauv. Kythaos. 

[p. 28] 

16. Simili modo, H.; eodem modo etiam contra eos, A., with Pet. 1. 25 

17. Before Imperator [H.], A. 'vas,^xt% praedictus Chingis Can, with Pet. 1. 30 


p. 66 1. 40 !*• Ecclesias [/aciutU], H., with "D.^eUfnosynas [/...]» A., with Lond.-Lum. 

[Pet., Colb., e...sinas']. 
p. 66 1.5 19. Tossuch, H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; Tossuc, A.; Thosui [later 

Tossu/], Vine. Beauv.; Cossus, Pet. [later, Cosuc]; Colb. also reads Tossuc; 
Lond. -Lum. Tosstuhean, later. 

\. 11 20. De fumo illo aer est denigratus, H. ; ex igite graeco homines com- 

burehantur \homines'\ et equi et ex fumo o^r... etc., A., with Pet., Corpus. 

1. 26 21. After in qua, A. inserts, with Pet., Corpus, and Vine. Beauv. [in 
part], sicut nobis venientibus ad curiam Imperatoris per clericos ruthenos 
[tutfunes. Pet., Corpus] et alios qui diufturunt inter ipsos firmiter dicebatur. 

1.39 22. Vero formam, H., with Lond.-Luni., D. ; autem speciem. A., with 

Pet., Colb. 

1. 33 23. Mouebantur, H., with Lond. •Lum., D.; volvebantur. A., with Pet., 

!• 40 24. M\.^x finibus suis, A. adds, with Pet., Corpus, and Vine. Beauv., et 

dehinc [de hoc. Corpus] cuihuc est prcfverbium inter eos. Pater tuus, vel /rater, a 

canibus fuit occisus : mulieres autem eorum quas ceperant dtixerunt in terram 

torum, et usque in diem mortis earum ibidem fuerunt. In next sentence, after 

exercitus ilU [H.], A. inserts, with Pet., Corpus, Videlicet Mongalorum [Afon- 


p. 67 1. I 26. After comedunt eum, A. adds, with Pet., sicut nobis diceba/ur pro certo. 

1. 7 26. Immo, H. with Colb., Lond.-Lum.; imo, A. [and elsewhere]. 

1.6 27. Misit in [expeditione contra... A'ergis], H., with D. ; ivit in..., A., 

with Lond.-Lum.; ivit cum. Pet., Colb. 
!• 7 28. £t vsque, H. ; et, ut nobis dicebatur, ibidem usque. A., with Pet., 

Corpus, and Vine. Beauv. 
I. 8 29. Monies... illi, H ; A. adds, with Pet., Corpus, and Vine. Beauv., in ea 

parte cut quam applicuerunl ; Colb. reads admantino. 

1. 10 80. For cone lusos... qui... f regerunl ; sed nubes, A. reads, with Pet., Corpus, 

and Vine. Beauv., conclusi clamorem exercitus, ul credilur, audientes, montem 
frangere inceperunt ; et cum alio tempore post x annos reverterentur, montem 
invenerunt {invenirent. Corpus] confractum : sed cum ad illos Tartari accedere 
attentassent, potuerunt minime, quia nubes etc. Colb. rta-da fregerant . 

1. II 81. Ad quam accedere, H., with Colb. ; ultra quam ire, A., with Pet. 

1. n 82. Moriebantur, H.; visum amittebant omnino. A., with Pet., Colb. 

1. 13 88. Before Sed antequam, A. adds, with Pet., Corpus, and Vine. Beauv. 
[in part], Illi autem ex adverso credentes quod Tartari ad illos accedere for- 
midarent, insultum contra eos fecerunt; sed statim ut [non. Pet., cum, Corpus] 
pervenerunt ad nubem, procedure non potuerunt propter causam praetaxatam. 

[p. 39] 

1. «8 84. After Cyngis .. .videlicet et sui [H.] — Chingis, A., with Pet., Corpus, 

Colb. — A. adds, with Pet. and Vine. Beauv., videntes quod nichil proficerent 
sed potius perderent homines suos et quia etiam solis sonitum sustinere non 
poterant, imo eo tempore quo sol oriebatur oportebat eos ponere unam aurem 
ad terram et superiorem obturare fortiter ne terribilem ilium sonitum audirent, 
nee sic tamen cavere poterant quin propter hoc ex eis plurimi necarentur [voca- 
verunt, Pet., Corpus; interirent. Vine. Beauv.]. 

85. Fugam ineuntes, H.; /... inicientes, Co\h. ; fug^runt ac [ad. Pet.], A. 

1. 29 36. Scilicet et mulierem, H. ; videlicet cum uxore. A., with Pet.; videlicet et 

mulierem, Colb. 

1. 39 37. Ex hoc.ab eo, H. ; ideo...a Chingis, A., with Pet.; Colb. adds Can. 

NOTES. 257 

38. /psius Cuy/tc/i, H., 'wiihD.; istius Cuyuc Can, A.; Cuyuc Chan, Vet., p. 58 1. 3 
later Cuyut; istius Kayu(or Kayn)chan, Colb., later Cuyac; ipsius Ciryuch, 
Lond.-Lum., later Cuyuch; D. later, Cuyne; Cwyz/^ always in Vine. Beauv. 

39. Occisionis eoruin, H.; interfectionis eorum. A., who then inserts, with 1. 8 
Corpus and Pet., qtiadraginta diiobus siqtiidem annis piignaverunt et ante 

decern et octo annis debent regnare; post haec, ut dicunt, ab alia natione, tamen 
nesciunt quae sit ilia [debent devinct] . 

40. [Debettt'\ eni/n occidi, H. with Colb.; devinci. A., with Pet. 

41. Prophetatuin, H. with Colb.; vaticinatiim, A., with Pet. 1. 9 

42. After decanos, A. inserts, with Pet., Colb., et tenebras, id est, decern \. 12 
milia [LX A/., Lond.-Lum.]. 

43. After ordinari, A. adds, with Pet., vittlta etiam alia statuit de quibus 
longutn est enarrare, et nos etiam ignoramus. 

44. Occoday, H. and A. ; Occaday, Colb. ; Occodai, Pet. 1. 14 
46. Thaaday, H. ; Chyaaday, A., with Pet.; Caaday, Lond.-Lum., Colb., 1, 15 

which last reads Kaday later; Thiaday, Vine. Beauv. 

46. Isti quatuor... Occoday Cuyne, H., with Lond.-Lum., D., Vine. Beauv. 
[here]; Cuyac, Colb.; ab his quatuor omnes duces Mongalorum descenderunt. 
Primus videlicet Occoday Can; hos filioshabet; primus est Cuyjtc, A., with Pet., 
Corpus. Elsewhere, and in the MSS. of the Miroir historial. Vine. Beauv. reads 

47. Cocthen, H., with D. [later Cuthen\; Cocten, A., with Pet.; Corten, 1. 18 
Colb. [later Cuccen\; Coithen, Lond.-Lum. [later Cut/ten']. Avezac credits 

D. with reading Coethen, but it appears to give Cocthen, as H. prints. 

48. Cyrenen, H., with Lond.-Lum., D. [later Syrennen\, Chirenen, A., 
with Pet., Colb. [Colb. later Syrenen'\; Chyrenen, Vine. Beauv. [Sirenen, 
Pet., Lond.-Lum., later]. 

49. Bati, H. and A.; Batu, Colb., occas.; Bacu and Bay, Pet. !• 19 

60. Berctithanth, H., with D. ; Berca, Thaut, A.; Bercathauth, Lond.- 1- 21 
Lum. ; Berca, Thanhe, Pet. ; Berca, Charec, Colb. 

61. Chadan, H., with Lond.-Lum., D.; Cadan, A., with Pet.; Kadan, !• ^3 
Colb. Later, H. reads Cathan, A. Cadan. 

62. Becas, H., with Lond.-Lum., D.; Bichac, A., with Pet.; Bethac, 1- 27 
Colb. ; Bithat, Vine. Beauv. 

63. Cathan, Syban, Bureth, H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; Cadan, S..., 1. 30 
Burin et Buigec. A.;...Dinget, Pet.; Buryn, Cadon, Siban, Buyget, Colb.; 

Hurin, Cadan, Siban, Ouygat, Vine. Beauv. 

64. Cyrpodan, H., with Lond.-Lum., D, ; Chirpodan, A., with Pet.; !• 3^ 
Chyrpodan, Colb. [later, Cirpodan\ 

66. Soldanum Damasci, H., with all MSS. but Pet.; soldanos {solidanos. 
Pet.] quosdam terrae Saracenorum et alios qui sunt ultra mare. A., with Pet., 
Corpus, which last reads Soldanos .. .Sarracenorum. 

66. Mangu, H. [who later reads Mengu\, with D. ; Mengu, A., with 1- S'Z 
Colb. [later Menga^ Vine. Beauv. ; Pet. reads Metigu [later sometimes 
Mongal'\; Lond.-Lum., Mongu. 

67. Hyhilay, H., with Lond.-Lum.; Hubilay, A., with Pet. ; Hibilay, D.; 
Hubilai, Colb. 

68. Seremum, H. and A., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; Sirenum, Pet., Colb. !• 33 

69. Synocur, H., with D. ; Sinocur, A., with Pet., Colb.; Synotur, Lond.- 

60. Thitatamur, H., with Lond.-Lum., D.; Thuatemur, A.; Thuacemur, 
Pet.; Thuatenyr, Colb. 

H. 17 


p. 68 1. 33 61. Cyragay, H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; fCarachay, A.; Caragai, 'Pti. ', 

Karanchay, Colb. ; Cara, Gay, Vine. Beauv. 

62. Sybedey, H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; Sibedei, A., with Pet., Colb. 
L 34 63. Mauci, H., A., with Lond.-Lum.; Maney, D. ; Monty, Pet. ; Mou^y, 


64. Choranca, H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; Corenza, A.; Corcenia, Pet., 
later, Coretiza ; Karancha, Karanchay, Colb. ; Corrcnsa, Vine. Beauv. 
1. 39 66. After maneant dtues, A. adds, with Pet., Colb., duces vera assignant 

viillenariis loca. 
1. 40 66. Decants, H., with all MSS. but Pet. ; decmariis. A., with Pet. 

p. 6© 1.5 67. FA...subdititios,}\.,\i\\>\\j:)\iA.-\M.xa.,Y).\eis...stibductitios,A.\sudttc- 

titios. Pet.; subdicios, Colb. 
1. 15 68. Nationibus, H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; tnajonbiis, A., with Pet., 


69. Exiguntur, H., with Lond.-Lum., D.; petuntur. A., with Pet., Colb. 
1. 16 70. Darctur, H., with D. ; daniitr. A., with Pet., Colb., Lond.-Lum. 

[p. 80] 

!• 37 71. Sicut volunty H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; secundum heneplacitum suum, 

A., with Pet., Colb. For H.'s Altisoldanum...Biserminoru>n Lond.-Lum. 

reads terrain Altisoldani...Bisserminarum. 
p. 60 1. 1 72. Quae Barthra dicitur, H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; nomine Barchin, A., 

with Vine. Beauv.; Karachin, Pet. [later Barchin, and so Vine. Beauv.]; 

Karkyn, Colb. 
1.5 73. lakint, H., with Lond.-Lum., D.; lakynt, Colb.; lanckint. A.; 

Sakinc, Pet. ; Sarguit, Vine. Beauv. 
1.9 74. Orna, H., with Lond.-Lum., D., Vine. Beauv.; Omas, A., with 

Pet.; Ornac, Colb. [OrJ>ar, Pet., later]. 
!• 13 76. Fluuium qui vocatur Don, H., with Lond.-Lum., Colb., \J.; Jluvium 

quendam qui currit per lanckint et terratn Bisertninorum, A., with Pet. ; 

quendani magnum Jluvium, Vine. Beauv. 
1. 18 76. Tortorum, H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; Turcorum, A., with Pet. ; 

Toycorum, Colb. 

77. Sitnililer, H., with D., obviously wrong; A. omits, like Lond.-Lum. 
!• 21 78. Kiouiam, H. and A.; Kiomam, Pet.; Kyoniam, Colb.; A'yoviam 

!• 23 79. After ciuitatis, A. reads, with Pet., Corpus, and Vine. Beauv. [in 

part], unde quando per terrain illam ibamus, inveniebamus innumerabilia 

capita et ossa hominum mortuorum super campum jacere; fuerat enim civitas 

valde magna et nimium papulosa : et nunc quasi in nichilum reducta [redacta, 

Corpus] est: vix [vix enim, Corpus] ducentae domus sunt ibi, modo et illi 

homines tenentur in maxima servitute. 
p. 61 1. 7 80. Et faciem per omnia, H., with all MSS. but Pet., Corpus; et humanum 

caput habebant, sed faciem, etc. A., with Pet., Corpus. 

[p. 31] 

1. 25 81. Remouendo se quasi rota, PL, with all MSS. but Pet., Colb. ; renolvendo 

se quasi in circulo: istos autent Ysidorus Ciclopedes appellavit. A., with Pet., 
and Vine. Beauv.; revolv'...rota, Colb. 

1. 28 82. Georgiae, H., with D. ; etiam Georgianiae, A., with Pet.; Georgranie, 

Lond.-Lum. ; yeorgiane, Colb. 

NOTES. 259 

88. Deurum, H., with Lond.-Lum., D., Colb., Vine. Beau v. ; de Urtim, p. 61 1. 31 
A., with Pet. 

84. Halapiae, H. and A., with D., Vine. Beau v. ; Alapiae, Pet.; Dani- !• 33 
fessi, Lond.-Lum.; Damasci, Colb. 

85. Impuspiaut, H., with all MSS. but Pet., Corpus, obtinent et alias 
terras ultra illas proponunt impugnare. A., with Pet., Corpus, and Vine. 
Beauv. [optinent. Pet., Corpus]. 

86. Alius, H., with all MSS. but Pet. ; idem. A., with Pet. and Vine. Beauv. 1. 35 

87. BaUach, H. and A. ; Balday, Colb.; Baldac, Pet. 

88. Quadragiuta bisantia, H., with all MSS. but Pet.; quadringentos ' !• 36 
bisancios, A., with Pet. 


Qualiter Tartari se habent in pr^lijs, H., with D. ; wanting in Lond.- p. 62 1. i 
Luni. ; De bello et ordinatione acierum, et armis, et astuciis in congres- 
sione, et oppugnatione munitionum, et perfidia eoritni in eos qui se reddunt 
eis, et cntdelitate in captives, A., mostly with Pet. which, like Corpus, reads 
et congregatione for in congressione, and captivorum for in captives, and has 
slightly different order; Colb. reads crud...e quam faciunt de and 
castrortitn et civitaium for munitionum, also with slight differences of order. 
This chapter corresponds to ch. 17 in Vine. Beauv. which has same title as H., 
D. here. For Corpus see also Introduction. 

In the recital of headings which follows, H. makes six, with all the MSS. ; 
A. five only. 

1. Expercilui, H. ; exercitui. A., with Lond.-Lum., which also reads 1. 13 
cunto; expercitur, D. 

2. Omnes, H., with all MSS. but Pet., Colb.; acies. A., with Pet.; Colb. 1. 14 

3. After omnes occidtintur, A. adds, with Pet., Corpus, Lond.-Lum., et si 1. 16 
omnes decern fugiunt, nisi fiigiant alii centum, omnes occiduntur. 

4. AuJacter, H., Lond.-Lum., D. ; audaciter, A. 1. 17 
6. Duo \arcus\ H. ; arma autem ista ad minus omnes debent habere ; duos 1. 20 

\arcus\ A., with Pet., Corpus, Colb. 

6. After trahendas, H. rea.A% habere debet unusquisque,v/i\.\i D. ; A. omits, 1. 22 
with Lond.-Lum. 

7. Loricas quidam habent de corio, H., with Colb. ; A. reads, with Pet., 1. 25 
Corpus, and Vine. Beauv., quidam loricas et etiam co-operturam equorum. 

8. After boue, A. adds, with Pet., Corpus, vel alio animali. 1. 27 

9. Quam partem ducunt, H., with D.; qucu protenduntur. A., with Pet., 1. 33 
Colb., Lond.-Lum. 

10. Before cut crurium, A. adds with Pet., Corpus, ad genua vel usque; \. 38 
omitted by H., Lond.-Lum., D. 

11. Super humeros [retro], H. ; A. omits s... h..., with Pet., Corpus, Colb. p. 63 1. 3 

12. Aliam peciam, H., with all MSS. (Corpus included), but Colb.; illam 1- 4 
peciam. A., with Colb. 

13. [Inferius...] aptae, H., with all MSS. but Pet., Colb.; [?«/....] apertae, 1. 9 
A., with Pet., Colb. 

14. Vtroque, H.; unoquoque. A., with Pet., Colb. 

16. Ahei ferrea, A. adds, with Pet., Corpus, vel de chalybe\calibe\ 1. 11 

17 2 


[p. 32] 

p. 63 1. 2 1 16. After carrigiolam vnam A. adds, with Pet., Corpus, and Vine. Beauv. 

[in part], quae duplicattir ex utraque parte et cotisuitur cum una corrigiola. 
1. 22 17. \Cohaereant^ sibi, H. ; \c...i\simul. A., with Pet., Colb. ; conhereant. 

1. 27 18. Fine [/erri], H., with all Mss. but Pet. ; colio [/...i]. A., with Pet. 

p. 64 1. 3 19. After accipiunt et occidunt [H.], A.'s capiunt veloccidunt, A. adds, with 

Pet., Corpus, Nichilominits tamen principes exercittis ex omni parte miltunt 
.precones post hoc ad inveniendum homines et munita, qui valde sagaces sunt 
ad querendnm. 
1. 23 20. Retro gradiuntur, H., with all MSS. but Pet. ; r... regrediuntur. A., 

with Pet. 
1. 40 21. Contra faciem eqitorum, H., with all mss. but Pet., Colb.; e... /... 

inimicorum. A., with Pet., Colb. 
p. 66 1.6 22. Fictos, H., with Lond.-Lum., D.;yff/»V»<?j, A., with Colb. ; /«/»Vw, 

1. 12 23. After vulnerant et occidunt, A. adds, with Pet., Corpus, et cum jam 

homines et equi sunt debiliiali sagitlis, tunc congrediuntur cum eis. 
1. 14 24. Expugnant [/ortissime], H., with D. ; et pugnant [/....], A.; expun- 

gnant, Lond.-Lum. 

[p. 33] 

1. ^\ 26. After ituxtinguibiliter ardet, A. adds, with Pet., Corpus, extingui 

tamen potest, ut dicitur, cum vino vet cervesia superfusa ; et, si super carnem 
ceciderit, confricaiione palmae manus [magnus, Pet., Corpus] potest extingui. 


p. 66 1. 3 For H.'s De terris quas eorum dominio subiugariint, supported by D., 

A. reads Quomodo faciunt cum hominibus pacetn et de terrarum nominibus quas 
subjugaverunt et de terris quae eis restiterunt, et de tyrannide quam exercent 
in hominibus suis. This reading is supported with very small variations 
by Pet., Colb.; Corpus omils cum [hominibus] and reads restituerunt ; Lond.- 
Lum. has nothing here. In Vine. Beauv, this chapter does not exist at all in 
any form. For Corpus see also Introduction. 
1. 7 1. In headings A. interchanges tertio and quarto. H.'s reading is sup- 

ported by all the MSS. For H.'s tyrannide... in eis, supported by Lond.-Lum., 
D. [t... in COS, Pet., Colb.], A. reads /... in hominibus suis. 
1. 20 2. Saraceiiorum...Cuynlh, H., with D.; unus Saracenus...Cuyuc, A., with 

Pet.; Cuyno, Co\h.; C//?'mM, Lond.-Lum. 
1. 30 3. Zabulum, H. ; nigrum zabulum. A., with Pet., Colb.; sab...m, Pet. 

1. 32 4. Illit, H., with D. ; iitis, A.; illic, Lond.-Lum. For H.'s Tentonice, 

Lond.-Lum. reads Tentonice. 
1. 33 6. Dochon, H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; dochori. A., with Colb.; dorcori. 

Pet., Corpus; really the chorek of Russians, chorz of Poles, chor of Bohemians 
and Slovaks; tkore of Serbs, dihur of Carniola Slavs. 
p. 67 1.5 6. Alliciunt, quas permittunt, H., with Lond.-Lum., D., Colb.; ut 

alliceant alios, dimitlunt. A., with Pet. 
1. 13 7. After quodam and before Solangorum, A. inserts diice, with Pel., Colb.; 

Salangorum, Pet. ; Salongorum, Lond.-Lum. 

NOTES. 261 

8. Basckathos, H. and A. ; bastacos, Pet.; bascatos, Colb., later Bascaky; p. 67 1. 14 
baschatos, D. After b...os, A. adds, with Pet., sive praefectos. 

9. ^Baschathi^ imponunt, H., with D. ; [*...] opponunt. A., with Pet., 1. 17 
Colb.; inponunt, Lond.-Lum. 

10. After cum and before in terra Tartarorum, A. inserts adhuc, with 1. il 
Pet., Colb. 

[p. 34] 

11. Quod ipsummet, H., with D.; ijuam ipsimei. A., with Pet., Colb.; I. 33 
quod ipsimet, Lond.-Lum. 

12. After et quando libet, A. adds, with Pet., Corpus, Colb., et quantum !• ^7 
placet, absque ulla comiitione p>etunt et accipiunt. Insuper si sunt aliqua placita 

inter illos principes qui reddidcrunt se ipsis, oporlet ut [quod, Colb. ]. 

13. Melic, H.and A. ; Melio, Pet., which later reads Melic; Melit, Lond.- 1. 31 
Lum. ; Metis, Colb. 

14. Bysantiorum, H. ; bysanciorum. A.; bisancium. Pet., Lond.-Lum., p. 68 1. 9 

16. Kebellare, H. and all MSS. ; debellare, A. 1. 10 

16. Comania, H.; Comana, A., with Pet., which before (ch. 5) read 1. 13 
Chanana; Ca«a/M, Colb. 

17. Voyrat, H. and A.; Uiccat, Pet., which before read Udryat. 

18. Caraniti, H., with D.; K...niti, A., with Pet.; Karauiti, Colb.; 1. 14 
Caranici, Lond.-Lum. 

19. Huyur, H. and A. ; Htiyurc, Pet. ; Vini, Colb. 

20. Soboal, H., with Lond.-Lum., D.; Sumon^al, A.; Sutnoal, Pet., Colb. 

21. Meniti, H., with D. ; Mecriti, A., with Colb.; Vietrici, Pet.; Menici, 

22. Barykryur, H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; Sarihuiur, A., with Pet.; 
Sarihuyur, Colb. 

23. Gosmit, H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; Casniir, A.; Cosmir, Pet., Colb. 

24. Bisermini, Turcoinani,W., h.; Beseremynitur Cttmany, Vet., Corpus; 1. 15 
Bissermini, Turcomanni, Colb. 

25. Byleri, H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; Bileri, id est. A., with Colb.; 
Bylery, Pet. 

26. Baschare [magna Hungaria\ H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; Baschart, id 
est [magna\ A., with Pet., Colb. 

27. Kergis, H., A. and all MSS., exc. Pet. which reads Tergis. 1. jg 

28. Colona, Thorati, H., with I). : Corola, Comuci, A. ; Catoracomttty, 
Pet. ; Korola Tontici, Colb.; Coloua Thoraty, Lond.-Lum. 

29. Buritabeth, H. and A., with D. ; Buritabet, Colb.; Bircithobec, Pet.; 
Btirycobeth, Lond.-Lum. 

30. Parossiti, H. and A. ; Parassiti, Lond.-Lum. ; Porosyti, Colb. ; 
Paressm, Pet. 

31. Sassi, H., with D.; Cassi, A., with Pet., Colb., Lond.-Lum. 1. 17 

32. lacobiti, H., A.; Jacobitae,V,ov^A.-\jyxra., Colb.; Pet. omits. 

33. Assi, H., A.; Assy, Colb., Lond.-Lum.; Assio, Pet., which follows 
this with Besi for Obesi. 

34. Nestoriani, H., A.; Uestoriae, Pet. 

36. Cangiti,Yi-.,K.; Cangit, Co\h. ; Cangyt,L,on(i.-'L\im.;[Armeni]kangit, 1. 18 


36. Brutachi, H., A.; Brucharchi, Pet.; Brtichathy, Lond.-Lum. 

37. Torci, H., with D. ; Turci, A.; Torti, Pet.; Corey, Colb.; Torcy, 


p. 68 Lond.-Lum. Earlier, Pet. gave Turcorutn; Colb. Toyconim\ the rest of the 

Mss. Tortorum. 
1. 19 38. Samogedi, H., A. ; Samogey, Lond.-Lum. ; Sanioyegi, Colb. 

39. Thoas, H., with D. ; Tarci, A., with Pet.; Thaos, Lond.-Lum.; 
Tati, Colb. 
1. 20 40. Yrchasi, H., with D. ; Circasi, A., with Pet. ; Circassy, Colb. ; 

Vrchasy, Lond.-Lum. 

41. Rutheni, H., A. ; Cucheni, Pet. ; Ruteni, Colb. 

42. Baldach, H., A.; Baldas, Pet.; Baldtic, Co\h.; Baldahc, Lond.-Lum. 

43. Sarthi, H., with D. ; Sarti, A., with Pet., Colb.; Sarthy, Lond.-Lum. 
1. 25 44. Sayi, H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; Saxi, A. ; Saxa, Pet.; Sacxi, Colb. 
1.27 46. Contra machinas, H., with Lond.-Lum., Y).; propter m..., A., with 

Pet., Colb. 
!• 39 46. After horreis dominorutn, A. inserts, mainly with Pet. , Corpus, suorum : 

dimittunt tamen eis sernina, el quanttim ipsis competenter sufficiat \stiffi.cit. Pel., 

Corpus] pro expensis: aliis autern. 
1. 40 47. Ahtr vHum pondus, A. inserts, with Pet., Corpus, de pane. 

1. 43 48. Ahcr dominis placet, A. inserts, with Pet., Corpus, cum uxort6use/^/us. 

p. 6© 1. 17 *9. Vidi eos ire. ..brads, H. ; vidimus eos...braccis pelliceis...ire. A., mostly 

with Colb., which reads Vidi; brachiis, P. 

[p. 86] 

1. 23 For H.'s heading Quomodo bello occurratur Tartaris, supported by D. 
[wanting in Lond.-Lum.], A. reads Q... b... occ..., ei quod intendunt, 
et de armis et ordinatione acierum, et quomodo occurratur eorum asticiis in 
pugna, et munitione castrorum et civitatum, et quid faciendum est de captivis, 
mostly with Pet., Colb. ; but Pet. reads captaris occurratur et qtwd atiendunt 
for occ... T... is... intendunt \ Corp. reads yi/r/am and atiendunt; Colb. reads 
congressione for pugna, with a few minor differences. This chapter answers to 
ch. 18 in Vine. Beau v., Qualiter resistendum sit eis. For Corpus, see also 

1.37 1. [Excepia Christianilale...'\ timenl, H.; ipsi non leneant, A.; ipsi 

teneant. Pet.; quam limeant, Colb. A little later Hak.'s imperalorem...Chan 
is omitted by Pet , Corpus. 
p. 70 1. 7 2. Faciendum est, H., with Lond.-Lum., D., Qo\h.; faciendum esse nobis 

videtur. A., mostly with Pet.; est in all mss. 

1. 14 3. After omnes mililes, A. adds, with Pet., et honeslos viros; Colb. reads et 

omnes mililes honeslos. 

\. 18 4, Multiludine, H., with Colb.; mullimode, A., with Pet. 

!• 19 8. After sed poslea, A. adds, with Colh., pungunl; after per Poloniam 

[om. Colb.], A. adds, with Pet., ut nobis dicebalur; for veniunl A. reads venient, 
with Pet. 

1. 26 6. After in Martio, A. reads, with Pet., Corpus, praeterito exercitum 

invenimus indicium per omnes Tartaros per quos Iransivimtis ad terram Rusciae, 
instead of An. Dom. 124:7, si de terra sua mouebunt, H., with all MSS. but Pet., 
Corpus; for 124:7 Colb. reads preterito; se . . .movebant or moverunt, A. gives 
as reading of Lond.-Lum., D., Colb. [really moverunt, Lond.-Lum., etc.] 

1. 29 7. After annolatas, A. adds, with Pet., Corpus, Colb., ignoramus tamen 

[v.l. cuml ulrum inconlinenli post lerciam hyemetn veniant, vel ad lempus adhuc 
expeclenl, ut melius venire possunl [possint, Colb.] ex iiiiproviso. 


NOTES. 263 

8. Tunc pro certo, H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; pugnando. A., with Pet., p, 70 1. 31 

9. De notw [again, after ticfum], H. ; A. omits, with Pet. 1. 34 

10. Adhoc, H. ; ud/iuc, A.; Pet. omits; ex hoc, Colb. 1. 35 

11. Ore sito, H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; propria ore, A.; ore sua propria, 1. 36 
Colb. ; propriore ore. Pet. 

12. Et Pnissiam, H., with D. ; et Prusciam, A., with Colb. ; e Prusciam, 
Pet.; et Pruciam, Lond.-Lum. 

13. Si [au/ern], H. ; sin [auteni]. A., with Colb. p. 71 1. 2 

14. In concubinas, H., with D. ; et concubinis. A., with Pet., Colb.; in \. 6 
concubinis Lond.-Lum. 

15. After resisiere eis, A. adds, with Pet., sicut nobis videtur, nisi Deus 1. 9 
velit ptignare pro ipsis. 

16. \^Trid\ niillia, H., with all Mss. but Pet.; A. omits millia, with Pet. 1. 17 

17. After millia hominum, A. adds, with Pet., ant plures. 1. 18 

18. Contra, H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; circa. A., with Pet., Colb. 

19. Et scutum, H., with D.; vel securim. A., with Pet., Corpus, Colb.; I. 23 
et securim, Lond.-Lum. Just after this Corpus xe&A?, feramenta sagittorum. 

[p. 36] 

20. For H.*s illos [eorum sagittae'] A. reads with Pet. illas de facili: in 1. 28 
Colb. illas only. 

21. De armis et sagittis, H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; de arcubus vel de 1. 31 
balistis. A., with Colb.; arcubus vel balistis. Pet., Corpus. 

22. Quoniam [comparent], H.; quin [com...ent]. A., with Colb.; quando 1. 32 
\com...ant\ Pet. 

23. Nee [duces], H.; non intrant [d....]. A., with Pet., Colb. 1. 36 

24. Possunt [intrare], H., with D., Pet.; possint [«....], A., with Colb., p. 72 1. 6 

26. Nec.multum, H., with Lond.-Lum., D.; non...nimis. A., with Pet., 1. 8 


26. Post [veniunt], H. ; primo [v....]. A., with Pet., Colb. \. 9 

27. Tartari...vigilantvt possint, a.; T.... v.... ut videant quomodo possint, 1. 42 
A., with Pet., Colb. 

28. Sagittas, et, H. ; tarn segetes quam. A., with Pet., Corpus; tarn p. 73 1. i 
sagittas quam [alia arma], Colb. 

29. After combwere, A. adds, with Colb., velfortiter occultare. 1. 4 

30. Before castrum furari, A. inserts, with Pet., Tartari. 1. ix 

31. Before illas. mensura, A. inserts, with Pet., Colb., expensas et; 1. 13 
expensas et ilia, Colb. 

32. Eos...oportet...inclusos, H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; ipsos\eos, Colb.]... 1. 14 
oporteat. . .conclusos. A., with Colb. ; inclusos in all but Colb. ; ipsos. . .oporteat, Pet. 

33. Quum enim...tunc multis, H., with D.; Quia quando ipsi...multis. A., 
with Pet. ; quia cum, Colb. ; quando enim, Lond.-Lum. 

34. Foueis profundis munitis, H., with T>.% f.... p.... muratis, A., with 1. 20 
Colb., Lond.-Lum. ; foveis muratis et muratis. Pet., Corpus. 

[p. 37] 

36. After civitatibus and before claudant, A. adds, with Pet., Colb., et 1. 30 

castris, reading se in civitatibus et castris claudant. 


p. 7a 1. 36 36. [Pecunia magna] rediniantur., H., with all MSS. but Pet.; [/.... w....] 

daretur pro eis, A., wilh Pet., Corpus. 
1.38 37. Forma. ..fuit expressa, H., with D.; de forma... est expressttm. A., 

with Pet., Co\h.\ forma... sit expressum, l^ond.-l-wm. 

p. 74 1. 3 38. After the end of Hakluyt's text [...aduersarij manifesti], where also 

MSS. Lond.-Lum., D., Colb. finish, A. adds, with Pet., Corpus, haec autem 
quae superius scripta sunt ut illi qui viderunt et andiertint tantum duximus 
referendum \diximus referenda. Pet.], non ut instruamus discretes qui per 
exercitum pugnae bellorum noverint asttuias: credimus enim quod multa [nulla 
Pet.] meliora et utiliora cogitabunt \c...anty Pet.] et facient illi qui ad hoc 
prudentes sunt et instructi; potcrunt tamen, per ilia quae superius dicta sunt, 
habere de eis occasionem et materiam cogitandi. Scriptum est enim, audiens 
sapiens [om. Pet.] sapientior eTnt et intelligens gubemacula possidebit. 

Carpini, text 2, from Vincent of Beauvais' Speculum Historiale; Hakluyt's 
Reprint, pp. 37 — 53 of the original edition of 1598 — 1600, compared with the 
1474 Augsburg edition of Vincent, book 31 {tricesimus primus), which both 
Hakluyt and the Old French version of Vincent, called Miroir historial, make 
book 32. 


1- '« 1. Innocentius III/., H.; idem, V.B. 
l- '3 2. Ascelinum, H.; Anshelmum, V.B. 

^* 33 8. \_Iohannes'\...carpini,Yi.\ ...Campi alias de Piano Carpi,Y.'R. 


p. 76 1. 10 For H.'s heading, ...Carpini, V.B. reads Carpi. 
'• '3 1. Kythaorum, H. ; leytaorum, V.B. 

^- ^5 2. Huyncrum, H. ; Huyzorum alias Humorum, V.B. 

[p. 88] 
1- «3 8. Syram, H.; Syriam, V.B. 


p. 76 1. 20 1. Buccaramo,H.; buccaranno, V.B. 

P- ^^ 1- 5 2. Brodium, H. ; prodium, V.B. 

1. aa 1. Sufferentes, H.; sufficientes, V.B. 

[p. 80] 
!• 33 2. RusH^, H. ; Rustie, V.B. 
1. 38 3. After indignantis naturae, V. B. inserts viles. 


p. 78 1. 27 1. Baly, H.; Baton, V.B. 

1.31 2. \_At ille\paruo,Y{..; ...puero,V.'B. 

NOTES. 265 


[p. 40] 

1. Iterum \si i]uis calcat\ H.; item... V.B. p. 79 1. ^g 

2. After aliquis a/ulgure, V. B. inserts et tempestate. p. ao 1. 16 

3. [A nullo]tanguntur...hominibus,V{.; tangi fermittitur... omnibus, V.H. \. 19 


1. Yeka, H. ; Yka alias Yeka, V. B. 1. 28 

2. Furari . . .praediim capere, H.; fiirta et praeda capere, V. B. 1. 36 

3. Captittabat,H.;'capiebat,V.\i. 1. 37 

4. {Contra] Merkatas, H. ; ...Merkitas, V. B. p. 81 1. 2 
6. Ad inuicem [diutsi], H..; ab invicem..., V. B. 1. 9 

6. Chingi,Yi.\ Chingis,\.^. 1. 10 

7. [^«« «^a<fc7-^] «o« [potuenini], H. ; V. B. omits non. 1. 16 

8. Chanyl, H.; Chanay, V.B. 1. 19 


[p. 41] 

1. Before intrauerunt and after eorutn terram, V. B. inserts moverunt et. 1. 30 

2. Eorum Iniperator, H.; imperator Kythaorum^'S .'&. 1. 31 

3. Minatur\aliquis\ H. ; ininaretur...,Y.Vi. 1. 35 

4. [7<?rraw] Huyrorum, H.; .. Huyorum, V.B. p. 82 1. 2 
6. ^/ hos etiam...deuicerunt, H.; ad hos et...diverterunt, V.B. 1. 3 

6. Saruy iir... terram Karanitarnm,Yi.\ Sarhttyur .. .terram Karatmarum, 1.6 
V. B. 

7. Chingischam, H. ; Chingis tarn, V. B. ; [later, Chingistd], 1. i^ 


1. Thosut, H. ; T/wssuc, V. B. p. 83 1. 5 

2. lAd ipsos] vltra redierint, H. ; ...postea redierunt, V. B. 1. 25 


[p. 42] 
1. {Glacie super eos] depressata, H. ; ...densata, V. B. p, 84 1. 5 


1. Dimisit [alios exercitus\ H.; divisit..., V.B. 1. 26 

2. Applicauerunt [de lapide Adamantino\ H. ; applicuerunt . . . , V. B. 1. 30 

3. Fafoj quidem tritas, H. ; t'/aj strictas, V. B. p. 85 1. 8 

4. [7<r/«/<?r^] anni, H.; ...animi, V. B. 1. 28 

[p. 43] 

1. Occoday \vocabatur primus\ H.; C^<r<?a'fl;'..., V. B. p. 86 1. 4 

2. Thossut, H. ; r>4t>j«<f, V. B. 


p. 86 1. 7 3. Chyrenen, H. ; Chyrenem, V.B. 

1.8 4. Siba...Syban,Y\..', Siban...Saban,\.'Q. 

1. lo 6. After Hurin et Cadan, V. B. adds et Nauschlin. 

1.12 6. Mengu...Bithat,Y{..; Mengii...Bichac,W.'B. 

7. Seroctan, H.; Serectam, V. B. 

1. i6 8. Ouygat,Vi..; Duyget,Y.B. 

1. 20 9. Sinocur, H. ; Synolur, V. B. 

10. Cara, Gay, H.; Caragan,'W.'&. 

1. 21 IL Corrensa, H.; Corenfa, V.B. 

In Chapter 14 no variants worth notice. 

p. 87 1. 17 1. Altissodan, H.; Altasodan, V. B. 

[p. 44] 

1.36 2. Kiouiatn, Russiae tnetropolin, H.; Comani Riiscie metropoliin, V.B. 

[Just before V. B. has Rustiam.'\ 
p. 88 1. 17 8. [Hitu et aii'\ Samogelas, H. ; ...Somagenos, V. B. 


p. 89 1. I r 1. Deurum, H. ; De Urim, V. B. 

1.17 2. Caliphi Baldach,H.; Califihaldas,\.'B. 

1. 18 3. CCCC Byzantios, H.; trecentos bizancios, V.B. 

1. «6 1. [Decem...millenariijs'\praeponunt, H.', ...praeposuit,\.^. 

[p. 46] 
p. ©O 1. 23 2. Ansas [crebras], H. ; caut/as..., V. B. 

p. 91 1. 5. 1. Dolabrum \quoq; de bonoferro], H.; dolobrum..., V.B. 


[p. 49] 

p. 92 1. 10 1. Curias et cinitates, H. ; cunctas civitates, V. B. 

1. 1 1 2. Slesiae, H. ; Celeserie alias Selesie, V. B. 

1. 32 3. Kiouiatn, H.; Kioniam, V. B. ; [later Luoniam sive Chioniatn and 

!• 33 4. Lituanos, H. ; Lucuanos, V. B. 

1- 37 8. [/l^rr*? m] Danilone, H.; Dambone, V.B. 

p. 93 1. II 6. Canouae, H.; Caw«^, V.B. 

[p. 47] 
p. 94 1. 10 1. Sexaginta [millid], H. ; DC..., V. B. 


NOTES. 267 


1. Habebamus \ex gratia Dei], H. ; habenius..., V. B. p. 94 1. 19 

3. Ter aut qtiater \pmni die\, H. ; omit V. B. !• 34 

3. Neper, H. ; Vepcr, V. B. 1. 39 

4. Montij, H.; Monep, V. B. p. »5 1. i 
6. Congelantur... circa littora imdae, H. ; congelatus .. .terra littorea bene, 1. 14 

V. B. 


1. Pocuratore \Eldegay\ H. ; procuratore..., V, B. 1. 29 

[p. 4B] 

2. Solinum, H.; solium, V. B- P- »« 1- 18 


1. Cityne, H. ; Cuyiit, V. B. 1. 28 

2. [5?/^//a<:] J/^«V, H.; ...J/^, V. B. 1.29 

3. Rediissent... Montij, H.; reddissent... Many alias Mouthy, V. B. !• 31 

4. Bastarcos, H.; Bascarcos, V, B. p. 97 1. 7 

5. Samogetas, H. ; Samoedos, V. B. !• 8 

[p. 49] 

1. Comanica, H. ; Camonica, V.B. 1- 35 

2. i9«r7«, H. ; Hurin, V. B. p. 98 1. 1 

3. Thiaday,\i.\ Chiaday,^ .V,. 


Chingischam, H.; Chingistam, V.B. [here and usually]. ^' 3 

1. il/a^««/// [/rz^j], H.; maximum..., Y.'R. 1. 35 

Chapters 26 — 29 in Vine. Beauv. do not correspond to the same in 
Hakluyt: V. B.'s Chapter 26 is De exaltatione Raconadii in Soldanum Turquie: 
f rater Symon [i.e. Simon of St Quentin]; Chapter 27, De Losyr tyranni 
debachatione ; Chapter 28, De federis inter Turcos et Tartaros confirmatione; 
Chapter 29, Qualiter Rex Minor is Armenie Tartaris se subdidit. 

All these are probably from Simon of St Quentin's lost work. 

CHAPTER 26 H. (30 V. B.). 

Here V. B. puts the heading Prater Johannes, i.e. he resumes here his 
Summary of Carpini. 

1. Adunabatur [curia soknnis'], H.; habebatur..., V.B. p. 99 1. 20 

2. Tam grande nostra iudicio, H. ; tamen..., V. B.; later, tamen, H.; 1. 22 
tan turn, V. B. 

[p. 60] 

3. Baldakinis, H. ; badakynis, V. B. 1, 30 

4. [Extra tabulatum'\collocabatur, a.; ...colloquebantur,y .^, p. lOOl. 2 

5. leroslaus, H.; Gerozlaus, V.B. [later, Geroslaus, V.B.]. 1. 10 


loa 1. 2 1 


108 1. I 


1. i8 


In Chapter 27 H. (31 V. B.) no variants worth notice; Chapter 32 in 
Vine. Beauv. from Simon of St Quentin is not in Hakluyt : De solemnitate 
quafuit incronizatus : Frater Symon. 

CHAPTER 28 H. (33 V. B.). 

Here V. B. resumes the heading Frater Johannes. 
p. 101 1. 13 1. Before \qui\ cum ipso tnorabantur continue, V. B. inserts qui erant fie 

familia ejus et. 

[p. 61] 

1.28 2. \Ab JmpercUore\definitwn,W..\ ...diffinitufn,\.B. 

1. 35 S. Cuyne, H. ; Cuyhnc, V. B. 

Chapter 34 in Vine. Beauv., from Simon of St Quentin, is not in Hakluyt ; 
De nomine ejus tu principibus et exercitibus: Frater Symon. 

CHAPTER 2Q H. (35 V. B.). 

1. Chingay, H.; (7»«^<y, V. B. 

2. Similiter sellae positae, H. ; super quos , V. B. 

CHAPTER 30 H. (36 V.B.). 

1. Ieroslaiy'S\.\ Geroslay,W.'Q. 

2. Solar iolum, H. ; Solarium, V. B. 

[N.B. Soldal for Sutdal, both in H. and V. B.] 

[p. sa] 
CHAPTER 31 H. (37 V. B.) 

p. X04 1. 14 1. Ostendit, H. ; indicavit, V. B. ; ipse sSx&x fabricaverai, omitted by V. B. 

Chapters 32 and 33 H. (38 and 39 V. B.) [pp. 53, 63]. No new variants 
worth notice exc. itinerere ab illo, V. B. for ab illo itinere (H.) in title 
of oh. 33 (39). 

Here ends Carpini's text in the abridgement of Vincent, together with 
six interpolated chapters, apparently all from Simon of St Quentin, and dealing 
with the experiences of Brother Ansehn (or Ascelin) and himself. The following 
chapters are now added, all apparently from Simon, ex lihcllo Fratris Symonis. 

Chapter 40. Qualiter fratres predicatores apud Baiothnoy [i.e. Bachu 
or Baiju 'Noyan'] Tartarorum principem admissi fuerunt ; ex libello fratris 

Chapter 41. Qualiter ab eis Tartari de muneribus et de adventu Fran- 
corum inqitirunt. 

Chapter 42. Qualiter adorare Baiothnoy fratres respuerunt. 

Chapter 43. Qualiter Tartaris Christianitatem fratres suaserunt. 

Chapter 44. Qualiter ilH de sentencia mortis in fratres tractaverunt. 

Chapter 45. Qualiter de modo adorandi sunt altercati. 

Chapter 46. Qualiter ad Chaani ire recusaverunt . 

Chapter 47. Qualiter literas Domini Papae in Tartaricum ydeoma 
transferri fecerunt. 

Chapter 48. Qualiter fratres dolose diutius per Tar taros retenti sunt. 

Chapter 49. Qualiter Anghutam illos expectare compulerunt. 

Chapter 50. Qualiter post ejus adventum recesserunt. 

NOTES. 269 

Chapter 51. De litteris a pHncipe Tartaronmi [i.e. Baiothnoy] missis 
ad papa m. 

Chapter yi. De litteris ab imperatore ipsorum ad etindem principem 
[i.e. Baiothnoy] missis. 

Other details are given in Vine. Beauv. Spec. Hislor. Book XXXI (or xxx) 
ch. 149 on Batho's [Batu's] ravaging of Poland and Hungary ex hystoria 
Tartarorum. Et ego quidem, says Vincent (as quoted by Hak. p. 37), ab 
UHo fratriim praedicatontm, videlicet afratre Symotie de Sancto Quintino iam 
ah illo itinere regresso, gesta Tartarorum accepi, ilia duntaxat quae superius 
per diversa loca iuxta congruentiam temporum, huic operi inserui. Cf. also 
Book xxx (otherwise xxix) of the Spec. Histor. chs. 69, 71, 74, 75, 78, 
80 and other places; Book xxxi (otherwise xxx) chs. 3, 4, 7, 8, 13, 32, for 
other refs. of V. B. to the Tartars. 

§ 8. Notes on Hakluyt's Version of Vincent of Beauvais' 
Abridgment of Carpini. pp. 53 — 71. 

From the Latin text of pp. 37 — 53 ; no account being taken in this translation 
of the fuller text on pp. i\ — 37. 

[p. 63] 

1. Ascelline. Ascelin or Anselm was head of the Dominican embassy sent p. 107 1. 9 
by Innocent IV. in I247[ — 50] to the Tartars. Ascelin was accompanied by 
Simon of St Quentin, the historian of the expedition, and apparently by several 
others — Alexander, Albert, Guichard of Cremona and Andrew of Longumeau, 
Lonjumeau or Lonjumel, — afterwards an envoy of Louis IX. to the Mongols. 
The last two joined Ascelin's party after it had set out. Authorities differ 
somewhat about these minor figures of the mission : in any case it was a 
supplement to the two Franciscan legations despatched in 1245 by the same 
pontiff to the new lords of the East, (i) one under Laurentius or Louren^o of 
Portugal, (2) the other under John de Piano Carpini (Giovanni del Pian di 
Carpine). Ascelin and his party were ordered to carry the Papal letters to the 
first Tartar army they should meet on the side of Persia and Armenia. This 
was one under Bachu or Baiju 'Noyan' ('General' Baiju, the 'Baiothnoy' of 
Simon of St Quentin), whom we find later encamped at Kars and who was now 
at Sitiens, 59 days' journey from Acre, according to Simon. Ascelin's letters 
were similar in tenor to Carpini's : after much trouble, they were translated 
through Persian into Mongol and so presented to Baiju. He greatly irritated 
the Mongols by implying that the Pope was superior even to the Great Khan, 
by having no presents to offer, by refusing to go on to the Imperial Court in 
Mongolia, by declining the accustomed genuflections before Baiju, and by 
urging him and his men to become Christians. 'What, become dogs, like you 
and your pope' was the reply. Ascelin and his companions were lodged a mile 
from the Tartar camp, treated like dogs, and denied all answer for nearly 
nine weeks, througliout June and July. Thrice Baiju, who had been mortally 
offended by the freedom of their speech, ordered their death. At last they were 
dismissed (July 25, 1247) with Baiju's response to the Pope, dated the ' region 


107 of Sitiens,' July 20. In this the ' Noyan ' complained of the ' high words ' of 

the Latin envoys, and commanded Innocent to come in person and submit to 
the master of all the earth ; he also sent a copy of the instructions he professed 
to have received from the Great Khan, regulating his behaviour to foreign 
peoples. Baiju (sometimes mis-spelt Baitu) belonged to the Mongol tribe of 
Yissut, was a relation of the more famous general Chebe, had invaded Persia 
with Charmaghan, and afterwards destroyed the Sultanate of Rum. He was 
visited by King Hayton or Hethum of Little Armenia in 1254 and 1255, at 
Kars on the way out, at 'Sisian' (Sitiens) on the return journey. 'Noyan' 
or 'Nuyan' properly means 'Myriarch,' a commander of 10,000. On Ascelin's 
journey cf. d'Ohsson, Histoire cUs Mongols, 1852, li. 200 — i, an — 133, III. 
79; Fontana, Monutiunta Domitiicana, p. 52, Rome, 1675; Wadding, 
Annales Minorum, in. 116— 8; Bretschneider, Mediaeval Nesearches from 
Eastern Asiatic Sources, 1888, I. 113, 166, 171 and notes 455, 494; d'Avezac, 
Introd. to Carpini in his edition of 1838, reprinted in the publications of the 
Paris Societe de Geographic, Kecueilde Voyages, etc., 1839, ^o'- 'V- PP- 4^4 — 5- 
Refs. to the text of Carpini and Rubruquis, to d'Avezac's Introd. and notes, 
and to the notes of Michel and Wright on Rubruquis, are always made to 
this vol. of the ^<v«<^/7 edition. On Charmaghan [Chormagiin] cf. p. 282. 

1, II 2. Of the same authoritie...ioere called: a translation of auctoritate, qua 


1. 19 3. Simon de Sanct. Quintin : i.e. Simon de Sancto Quintino (of St Quentin), 

the historian of Ascelin's mission of 1 247 to Baiju, is only preserved in Vincent 
of Beauvais' Speculum Historiale, where 19 chapters are expressly said to be 
ex libello fratris Simonis or lal>elled f rater Simon (Symon) viz. Spec. Hist., 
book XXXII. [as usually quoted; sometimes called XXXI.] chs. 26 — 29, 32, 34, 
40 — 52 : besides these a number of other chapters, in books xxxi. and xxx. 
are probably from the same source; cf. book xxxi. [otherwise XXX.] chs. 3, 4, 
7t 8. 13, 32, and book XXX. [otherwise XXIX.] chs. 69, 71, 74, 75, 78, 80, etc. 
Cf. Reinier Reinecke, who extracted all the matter relating to Oriental Nations 
from Vincent of Beauvais and published it in his Ilistoria Orientalis \_Haythoni 
Armenii et huic subjectum Marci Fault Veneti Itinerarium, item fragmentum e 
Specula Historian Vincentii Belvacensis, ejusdem argumenti], Helmstadt 1585, 
Frankfurt 1595 ; d'Avezac in the Paris Recueil (as above) pp. 404 — 5, 
433 — 4, 464 — 5; d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, II. 200 — i, 221 — 233; 
Bretschneider, as quoted in note i. Simon is the only 13th century 
Christian writer, except King Hayton of Little Armenia, who speaks of the 
Mongol Khan ('Gogcham' in Simon; Vine. Beauv. book xxxi. ch. 32) being 
elevated on a felt in the air and so proclaimed ; as Simon did not go to 
Mongolia proper, his word might be doubted ; but Hayton declares that he 
himself was twice present at the confirmatio of the Tartar emperor. 

1.22 *• lohn de Piano Carpini : i.e. Giovanni del Piano di Carpine[-i], one of the 

original members of the Franciscan order, a companion of St Francis: appointed 
in 1228 Provincial of the Order in Germany, in 1230 Provincial in Spain, in 
1 24 1 again Provincial in Germany (at Cologne); member of a noble house, the 
Lords of Piano di [' Pian de'] Carpine [-i] near Perugia, now known as Piano della 
Magione. When sent by Innocent IV. to the Tartars he was, like Louren9o of 
Portugal, the Pope's penitentiary {pocnitentiarius ipsius). On his journey he 
was accompanied (by orders of Innocent IV.) by two other Franciscans, Benedict 
of Poland, who stood by him throughout, and Stephen of Bohemia, who turned 
back near Kiev. After his return he was ' interviewed ' in France bv the friar 

NOTES. 271 

Salimbene de Salimbeni and others. Salitnbeni, who saw him in Nov. 1 247, p. 107 
calls him familiaris homo et spiritualis et litteratus et magntis prolocutor et in 
multis expertus, and says that he wrote de factis Tartarorum et aliis mira- 
bilibus mundi, secundum (juod oculis suis vidit, uitum magnum librum : et 
faciebat ilium librum legi, ut pluries audivi et vidi, quoties facta Tartarorum 
gravabatur referre (cf. Sbaraglia, Supplementum et castigatio ad Scriptores III. 
Ordinum, p. 452 ; d'Avezac in the Paris Kecueil, 598). The Pope expressed 
great pleasure with the results of Carpini's mission and kept him three months 
in close attendance on himself, after which he appointed him Archbishop of 
Antivari and Metropolitan of Dalmatia; in this office John de Piano died, 
perhaps in 1248, certainly before the close of 1252. The letter of Innocent IV. 
(entrusted to Carpini), addressed Regi et Populo Tartarorum, is printed by 
d'Avezac in the Paris Recueil, iv. pp. 479—80. Carpini's credentials were 
given him March 5, 1245, and he started from Lyons April 16 of the same 
year, while the Council of Lyons was not formally opened until June 20, 1245; 
many have wrongly assumed that Carpini was sent out by the Council. Cf. 
d'Avezac in the Paris Recueil, IV. 464: on Carpini's earlier life, ibid. 467 — 
478, and on the mission in general, ibid. 465 — 6, 478 — 597 ; d'Ohsson, Histoire des 
Mongols (1852), II. 207 — 221; Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, I. 204, etc. : 
on Carpini's whole career, Wadding, Annates Mirwrum, li. 4 — 5, 74 — 5, 104, 
209, 247, [408]; III. 116 — 125, where two Papal letters to the Mongols are 
printed: on Stephen of Bohemia cf. Wadding, Scriptores, 221, and the 
additional narrative of the Carpini Mission in Benedict the Pole, printed by 
d'Avezac in vol. iv. of the Paris Recueil, pp. 774 — 9. 


[p. 64] 

1. Mongol or Tartaria . . .most North Easterly. The home-land of the p. 108 1. 3 
Mongols was E. and S. of Lake Baikal, in what Rubruquis calls Onan- 

Kerule, i.e. in the basins of the Onon and Kerulen, head-waters of the Amur, 
as well as in those of the Orkhon and Selenga, head-waters of the Angara- 
Yenisei. The Yeka or Great Mongol tribe lay apparently to the north of the 
Su-Mongol, to the south of the Orengai or Oengai, to the east of the Merkit 
and north-east of the Krit or Mekrit. See the map accompanying Rockhill's 
translation of Rubruquis for the Hak. Soc, 1900, and that prefixed to vol. l. of 
d'Ohsson's Histoire des Mongols (1852), also cf. vol. l. pp. 6 — 7, 9 — 10, 423 — 9 
of the latter work and Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, i. 318; il. 159. 

2. On the East... Kythay... on... North... the Ocean Sea: i.e. in modern 1. 5 
language China or North China { = Kythay of Carpini) and Manchuria and 

Korea ( = the Solangi of Carpini, Langa and Solanga of Rubruquis, Stilangka of 
Moslem writers) lay east of the Mongol country; while the Mohammedan 
regions of the modern 'Russian' and 'Chinese' Turkestan ( = the Saracens 
of Carp.) lay southward, the Uigurs of Zungaria south-westwards, the Naimans 
of the Upper Irtish and Northern Zungaria westward, and the Arctic Ocean 
northward. For Hak.'s on the South east the land of the Huini, the best texts 
read between South and West, the Uigurs. Cf. d'Avezac in the Paris Recueil, 
519 — 23, also 459, 501 — 5 ; A^Q\\s>%QVi, Histoire des Mongols, 1. 1, 4 — 10, 53, 54 — 5, 
167, 428, 430; Sven Hedin, Through Asia, I. 316, II. 672 (Eng. ed.); several 
later passages of Carpini and some of Rubruquis illustrate this, e.g. pp. 653, 
75O' 752 — 3, 756 of the former in the Recueil text (d'Avezac's), and pp. 260, 


p. 108 282 — 92, 295 of the latter in the same edition (Michel and Wright's); see also 

Rockhill's notes in the Hak. Soc. Trans, on these portions of Rubruquis and 
the remarks of Ney Elias and Ross in their version of the Tarikh-i-Kashidi, 
pp. 74, 93, 290; Howorth's History of the Aloiifpols, i. part i., pp. 20, 691; 
Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, \. 43, 190, 236 — 63; il. 157, 173 — 4. 

I. 15 3- Cracurim... proper towne: a trans, of C... satis bona esse dicitur. The 

form best known is Karakoruni (properly Kara- Ktiren) whose ruins have been 
satisfactorily identified by the Rus.-ian traveller Yadrintsev (18S9) near Kara- 
balgassun in the upper valley of the Orkhon, about 30 miles S. of its confluence 
with the Urtu-Tamir, in N. Lat. 47° 1 5', and E. Long. (Greenwich) 102° 20' 15". 
The remains, as Yadrintsev found them, covered a space 6 miles round, and 
were connected by canals with the river Tirmanta, where some fragments of 
old bath-buildings stood near hot springs. Tlie whole basin of the Orkhon 
abounds in evidence of former habitation. Karakorum, Okkodai's foundation, 
was called Ordu-Balik (Ordu-Toivn) by him and Ilo-lin by the Chinese, but 
was commonly known among the Mongols as Kara-Ktiren, i.e. The Black 
Enclosure, Kuren being the Mongol name for a collection of dwellings in a 
circle, or with roughly circular disposition, a term still applied to many 
monasteries, and especially to Urga. Near this site was an old 'royal vill ' of 
Buku Khan of the Uigurs and his successors, said to date from the 8th cent. 
A.D. Okkodai chose it as his favourite residence in 1235 and in the same year 
enclosed it with a wall; in 1236 his new 'palace' was opened there; in 1254, 
while Rubruquis was there, Mangu made considerable additions to its rough 
splendour; but in 1256 the latter transferred the imperial seat to Kai-ping-fu, 
N. of Pekin, and by 1289, in consequence of this and of the unsuccessful re- 
bellion of Kaidu against Kublai, Karakorum was completely ruined. D'Ohsson, 
with his usual acuteness, though writing so long before the real discovery of the 
site, believed it to be on the Orkhon ('Orcoun'). Andrew of I.ongumeau 
has been often supposed, as by Elisee R^clus, to have visited Karakorum, 
in 1250; others do not believe that he went further than the 'Horde' of 
the Regent Mother Ogul Gaimish on the Imil, a little N.E. of Lake Balkhash: 
the only evidence of a visit to Karakorum or its neighbourhood on his part 
is a passage in Mangu's letter to King Louis, given by Rubruquis, Recueil, 
p. 370 : — postquam Kenchan mortuus fuit, nuncii vestri pervenerunl ad curiam 
etus. Carpini, though he did not visit Karakorum, was within a few hours' 
journey of it, and is the first western writer to mention it ; cf. Rockhill's 
Rubruck, Hak. Soc. xxxil. in, 116, 149, 220, and the text of Rubruquis 
pp. 261, 263, 284, 292, 303, 308, 326, 334—9, 345-6. 367. .373—4 in 
the Paris Recueil; Joinville (in Francisque Michel's edition of 1859) pp. 
143 — 8 of the Histoire de S. Louis; d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, II. 60 — i, 
64 — 5; Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, i. 122, 256; II. 162 and note 304. 

1. 18 4. Syra Orda: perhaps the same as Ormektua, probably a little to the 

south of Karakorum, and in any case half a day's journey distant from the 
latter, according to Carpini himself (p. 608 of the Recueil text). Friar John 
gives no explanation of the name ; it has sometimes been translated as Yellow 
Tent or Golden Horde. But according to contemporary writers it was a camp 
of 2000 white tents ; and the Golden Horde is expressly distinguished by 
Carpini from Syra Orda, p. 757 of the Recueil text ; in Mongol, Golden Horde 
would be Allan Ordu; see Rockhill, Rubruck, etc. p. 22 note, of Hak. Soc. 
version; cf. also pp. 757, 758 of Carpini's text in the Recueil, and pp. 777 and 
778 of Benedict the Pole, in the same ed. Rubruquis does not mention Syra 

NOTES. 273 

Orda, nor does M. Polo; the latter gives only a short hearsay description of P- 108 
Karakorum (chap. 63, pp. 171 — 4, Pauthier). 

8. Neere vnto the Orda : a trans, of ante ordam. 1. 30 


1. Balles of their cheekes...'. WiSf.. c^ot%viO\.\{&cG\.xiL.xvs\^\.& genae quoque satis p. 109 1. 7 
prominent a maxilUs. 

2. Eye liddes standing streight vpright: Hak. does not here translate 1. 8 
usque aii supercilia except by this paraphrase. 

3. They weare-.-vpon their foreheads... but behinde: a rather loose version 1, 10 
of ex utraq; parte frontis totidendo, plusquam in medio crines longos faciunt, 

reliquos autem. 

4. .S^/^ow^^j or ^M'«^i^: in Hak. 's original simply /(?//j«'mw. ^'.^iJk^^j of course !• I7 
from the Russian shuba, a fur-coat. 

6. [They haue no] Kine: a mis-print for sivine {porcos). This is corrected 1. 33 

in Hak.'s * Preface to the Reader.' 

[p. 55] 

6. Mares milke, if they haue it : after this Hak. gives no trans, of the !• 37 

Latin clause Porro in hyeme, quia nisi diuites sint, lac iutnentinum non 
habent. . . . 


1. Clergie or laie-people, Hak.'s version of religiosi sine seculares. p. HO I. 9 

2. Deceiue, Hak. does not translate defacili before mentiuntur. 1. 10 

3. Tabernacles atid cartes, Hak.'s version of stationes et currus. 1. 15 

4. Dishonestie, Hak.'s version of impudicitia, 'honesty' in 16th cent. 1. 31 
English signifying usually chastity or modesty. 

6. Great duke of Russia, the kings Sonne of Georgia, etc. The ' Great !• 35 

Duke' ( Veliki Kniaz) here referred to is Yaroslav H. of Vladimir (' Volodimir') 
and Suzdal, 1238 — l^^(i. Cf. Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, 11. 76 — 7; 
Karamzin's Russian History, iv. 31, 295 [iv. i — 3, 38 — 40, in French version 
by St Thomas and Jauffret, Paris, 1819]. On the Georgians and their princes see 
d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, 11. 206 — 7, Bretschneider, Med. Res., i. 299. 

The Great Princes of Vladimir [-Suzdal] began in 1096: those of Kiev 
nominally continued till 1240, but the practical supremacy of the latter ended 
in 1 169. The Georgiani of Carpini are the Kurj oi Abulfeda (Reinaud, il. 286), 
the Gu-rh-ji of the Chinese, the Georgini or Curgi of Rubruquis {Recueil, 
p. 383, not in Hak.). 

6. Sleights... conspiracies, Hak.'s version of astutia...astutias. p. Ill 1. 5 

7. Casteth it vp, Hak.'s version of reijcit, misprint for rejicit. I. 12 


1. A tall fellow, in Hak.'s original vnus rusticus. 1. 24 

2. Duke of Russia named Andreas... accused before...Baty.... This was 1. 33 
Prince Andrew of Chernigov, cf. Karamzin's Russian History, iv. 43. The 

Russian dux Michael whom Carpini describes as executed by Batu (or rather 
kicked to death at Batu's orders, 1246), for refusing to worship as the Tartars 
xequired, is St Michael of Chernigov ; his faithful servant and fellow-martyr is 

H. 18 


p. Ill St Feodor: cf. d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, II. 215; Y^z.rasazm'% Russian 

History, IV. 34 [iv. 40 — 43, in the French version of Karamzin, by St Thomas 
and Jauflfret, Paris, 1819: this, though full of blemishes, is much better known 
than the German trans, by Fr. von Hauenschild]. For other martyrdoms of 
Russian Princes by the Mongols cf. Bretschneider, Mediaez'al Researches, 11. 

[p. 68] 

1. 38 3. Dukedome of Russia, in Hak.'s original simply terra. 

p. 112 1. II 4. Mttx father giues what he pleaseth vnto each one, Hak. gives no trans, 

of the clause itaque si sunt etiam ex Ducum geiure, itafit Dux filius concuhittae, 
sicutfilius vxoris legitimae. 

6. R^ing of Georgia. ..Melich...Dauid, cf. d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, 
II. 206 — 7. According to d'Ohsson, both the Georgian claimants before 
Kuyuk were named David ; one was a bastard of George Lascha, last King 
of Georgia before the Mongol overlordship ; the other was son of Queen 
Rhuzudan, who had succeeded her brother George. Kuyuk divided Georgia 
between them, giving Kharthli to the first and Imeretia to the second, who had 
to do homage to the former. 


1. 36 1. Take away the head or force : a version of auferri dtbeai caput. 

p. 118 1.27 2. About \t he cor de\'. j«/<r [r^jrrtii/w] in original. 

1. 28 3. lagges [ofbuciram], scissiones in original. 

4. After vnder luhich corde Hak. does not translate et ligaturis. 

1.40 6. [Practised sonu\ witchcraft : YizV..'s irons, oi veneftcia^fecermf^. 

[p. 67] 

CHAPTER 8 [misprinted 7]. 

p. 114 1.3 1. Countrie... called Mongiil...Yeka... Su... Tartars... Merkat...Metr it : on 

all these names see the discussion in M. d'Avezac's Introduction to Carpini in 
vol. IV. of the Paris Recueil, pp. 530 — 536 ; also the notes of Rockhill in his 
(Hak. Soc.) ed. of Rubruquis [and part Carpini] pp. 107, in — 12: 249, 196 — 7. 
Following the Slav pronunciation, which Benedict the Pole and his (probably 
Russian) guides from Kiev to the Volga seem to have usually persuaded him to 
adopt, Carpini writes Mongal. His interpretations of Ycka as meaning great 
and of Stt as meaning water are quite correct. They may be found also in 
Strahlenberg's Description historiqiie de V empire russien, 11. pp. 338, 362 
{vocabulaire calmuque et mungale, where the forms given are ike or yke and 
tisu or sui, the shui of the Chinese), and in Abel Remusat, Recherches sur les 
langues tarlares, p. 172, where the spelling yake is given ior yeka. The Yeka- 
Mongal are the Mongol-NyrAn of Eastern historians, the Black l^ha-tha (or 
Tartars) of Chinese writers, who place the White I'ha-tha adjoining the Great 
Wall. The derivation of the name of Tartar from a river Tar or Tartar, often 
asserted — as by Matthew Paris — is strenuously denied by Strahlenberg {Desc. 
hist. d. Vemp. rtiss., 11. 176) and by the best modern authorities. On the other 
hand the title of Black Tha-tha, for the followers of Chighiz, is employed by the 
almost contemporary Meng-Kung who served in the Mongol armies. Cf. Aliel 
Remusat, Langues Tartares, p. 239; d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, I. 9 — 10, 
21 — 25, 26 — 37, 425 — 9; Klaproth, Mimoires relatifs h I'Asie, I. 471, and 

NOTES. 275 

Tableaux de r Asie, 154.155,157. The White Tha-tha are the Ungut of various p. 114 
Arabic and Persian writers, e.g. Rashid-ed-din and Abul-Gliazi (Histoire 
ghtialogujue des Tartares, pp. 117 — 121 (edition of 1726), 47 — 8 (edition of 
1871 — 4, Desmaisons)). The Su-Mongal are the Sii-Moghul oi Wassaf (Abd- 
AUah ibn Fadhl- Allah Wassaf, the Persian historian), the Sy- Mogol oi AhwlisAa., 
following Ibn Said, and the Shui-Mung-ku and Shut- Tha-tha of various 
Chinese authors, cf. Von Hammer and Klaproth in Nouv. /ourn. Asiat., xiv. 
352, 361 : Klaproth, Mhn. rel. h V Asie, i. 471, Remusat, and Strahlenberg, as 
last quoted. To the Su-Mongols was applied par excellence the name of 
'Tartars' by some, in opposition to the Great Mongols or Mongols proper. 

Merkat is the Merkit of the best Mss., and of the Arab and Persian historians, 
the Mei-ghed of the Mongol text of Sanang-Setsen, the Mie-li-ki of Chinese 
authors. It was the name of a powerful Tartar tribe living in the Selenga and 
Lake Baikal basins, between the ' Eastern Tartars' and the Naimans or Naymans, 
cf. Klaproth, Nouv. J ourn. Asiat., xi. 448 — 455, Abul-Ghazi, Hist, genial, d. 
Tart., pp. 130, 201 — 4 (1726); 53, 76, 78, 89, 91, 99 — 100, 151, 178 (1871 — 4). 

Metrit, otherwise Mekrit or Mecrit, is probably the same as the Crit [et 
Merkif] of Rubruquis, and the Mecri of Marco Polo, and refers to the tribe of 
the Keraits or Keryts, as they are called by Arab and Persian writers, the 
Ke-lie of Chinese historians. Cf. Gaubil, Genfchiscan, pp. 4, 5 ; Abul-Ghazi, 
Hist, ghteal. d. Tart., 117, 173 — 193; d'Ohsson, Hist. d. Mong., 1. 7, 48 — 60, 
73 — 82, 425; M. Polo, ch. 70, p. 200 of Pauthier's edition; Klaproth, Nouv. 
Journ. Asiat., XI. 450 — 462; Rubruquis, pp. 261, 288 in the Recueil. The 
Crit or Mecrit are perhaps the Mukrites of Theophylact .Simocatta, Histories, 
bk. VII. ch. 7: among them appears to have arisen the original Prester 
John, c. A.D. 1007 — 1008. In the 13th century they seem to have lived 
to the north of Karakorum, near the south and south-west sides of Lake 

On Mongol manners, besides what is said in Carpini and Rubruquis, cf. 
Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum Historiale, xxxii. [otherwise xxxi.] 50, and 
XXX. [otherwise xxix.] 71, 77, 8i, the former professedly, and the latter 
probably, derived from Simon of St Quentin, and both referring to the Mongol 
cantibus vel potius ululatibus. In the second and longer description Vincent 
declares tiiodo interrogativo, clamoroso, loquuntur, gutture rabido...Cantantes 
mugiunt ut tauri...ululant ut lupi, voces inarticulatas in cantando proferunt. 
See also d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, i. 394 — 403; 11. 200 — i. 

2. One of their companions, a trans, of vnus [sc. populus\ eorum, viz. the 1. 5 
Yeka tribe. 

3. Chingis. This is the most usual spelling of the name among the best- !• '3 
informed Latin writers of the 13th century, and very near to the modem 

critical form. There is no space here to annotate the history of Chingiz' 
conquests ; but we may remark that his first campaigns were waged in the 
order that Carpini describes: — against the Su-Mongols in 1194, the Merkits 
in 1 197, the Crit or Keraits in 1203. His victory over the Naimans which 
followed, was won in a narrow valley through which Carpini passed on his way 
to Kuyuk's court (see p. 648 of the Recueil text) ; it may be placed, as by 
d'Avezac (p. 537 in vol. iv. of the Paris Recueil), in a gorge of the Great Altai 
between Lakes Aral-Nor and Kizil-bash. In this reference, as in that which 
he makes to the check Chingiz received from the Kitans, Carpini has sum- 
marised rather confusedly a great number of separate campaigns (e.g. of 1199, 
1204, 1205, 1206, 1207, 1209, 1218). 


p. 114 Cf. d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, I. passim, and esp. pp. 36 — 419; 

Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, i. 42, 85 — 7, 157, 185. 

1. 1 4 4. Steale men, and. ..take them for a pray, a trans, of homines furari, et 

praedam capere. 

1. 14 8. The Naimani...had a mighty and puissant Emperour. Naiman in 

Mongol means Eight. Their dominion included the Grand Altai, from which 
perhaps they originally came, Lake Zaisan, the uppermost course of the river 
Irtish, and much of the modern Kirghiz territory. Cf. Rubniquis, pp. 260, 
195, in the Recueil text ; Rockhill, Ktibruck (Hak. Soc), notes on pp. 109 — 
110, 162, and map; Bretschneider, ALdiarval Researches, i. 43, 61, 63, 73, 167, 
318, 330 — I, 398, and notes 98, 560, 590; d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, 
vol. 1. pp. 6, 83 — 89, 425, 56 n. 1 and the map prefixed to this ist vol. of 
d'Ohsson. See also note 1, ch. 15 of this commentary. 

1. 34 6. Karakitay. An empire founded in the nth century by the Kitans from 

N. China, flying before the Kin; their centre was at Imil on the Imil river: 
their empire once included great part of the present Chinese and Russian 
Turkestan, from Lob Nor to Talas and the middle Syr Daria, and from Khotan 
to beyond Lake Ala-kul, Lake Balkhash, an<l the Chu. Cf. d'Ohsson, Histoire 
dts Mongols, I. 3, 163 — 174. and the map prefixed to d'Ohsson's ist vol.; also 
Rockhill, Rubruck (Hak. Soc.) pp. 15, 16, 18, 37, 108, 109, 138 and map; 
and above all Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, i. 18, 72, 129, 167, 208 — 
335, with notes 536 — 595. 

L 39 T. Occoday : otherwise Okkodai, Ogodai, etc. On the second of the Great 

Khans, cf. d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, II. i — 186, and esp. 9—99; also 
ibid., I. 354 etc. ; Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, I. 6a, in — 3, 185, 377, 
286, 389 — 90, 303; II. 7 — 8, with notes 147, 790. 

1. 4I 8. Chanyl : otherwise Chamil, the Omyl of the best Carpini Mss., the 

Yem-li of the Chinese, the modern /mil, on the river of the same name, a little 
west of Lake Kizil-bash which Chinese writers describe in just the same terms as 
the Latin travellers. On its place in the history of the Kara-kitai, Okkodai's 
rebuilding of it, etc., cf. d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, i. pp. 166, 260, 443; 
II. 3, 8, 195; Abul-Ghazi, Histoire gen^alog. des Tartares, 131 — 5 (1726); 49, 
153 (1871 — 4); Abul-Faraj, Historia Dynastiarum, pp. 382, 305, 333; Magasin 
asiatique, I. pp. 195 — 6, 309, 314 — 16, 320, 333 (Putimtsev's Voyage <} Hi). 
p. 115 1.7 9. Herbes: Hak. 's version of ^amina. 


1. 12 1. /Cythayans... [Pagans.. artijicers'\: with Carpini's excellent description 

of the Chinese at the close of this chapter we may compare Rubruquis' more 
elaborate account on pp. 360, 384, 391 — 3, 337 — 9, 346 of Recueil text and 
Rockhill's notes on pp. 109, 144, 155 — 6, 196 — 303, 331 of the Hak. Soc. 
edition. On the terms Kythay, Khatai [Kat-], Khitai [Kit-], Khata [Kat-], 
Cathay, Catay, perhaps originating from the dynasty and empire of the Kitan, 
Kitai or Liao in N. China (a.d. 916 — 1135), cf. Bretschneider, Alediaeval Re- 
searches, I. 309, 335, 232; II. 381 ; Schott's Kitai u. Karakitai, 1878, Public, of 
the Berlin Akad. d. VVissenchaft. The classical and mediaeval terms Seres and 
Cathay, expressing overland knowledge of China, balance those of Sina, '^{Ivicra., 
and China for the maritime side of the same country. Nations such as Russians 
and Persians, whose knowledge of China has been almost exclusively overland, 
still hold to Kitai or Cathay. Western Europe, whose modern acquaintance 

NOTES. 277 

Mrith the Celestial Empire was made by the Portuguese, the Ocean routes, p. 116 
Macao, etc., knows it by the older name, perhaps reappearing in that of the 
subsequent ' Kin' dynasty. In Fa-Hien's day 400 a.d., the Chinese knew their 
own country as the land of Han, from the great dynasty that then reigned. 

2. Huyri...sect of Nestorius : the Uigurs, who submitted to Chingiz in !• '4 
U09, are usually called Hniur by Carpini, logurs by King Hayton, and 

lugures by Rubruquis. Cf. the latter's text in the Kecueil, 282 — 9, 329, and 
see Klaprolh, Tableaux historiques de VAsie, pp. 121 — 130; Mcmoires relatifs 
h PAsie, II. 301 — 4 10; and Abhandlung tiber die Sprache u. Schrift d. 
Uigiiren ; forming together perhaps the most valuable studies ever made of 
this people. See also\xd, Abottlf^Ja, p. 360, etc.; the Chitiese History 
of the Great Thang Dynasty, ch. 257 a, summarised by Bretschneider as 
quoted below; d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, I. 107 — iii, 429 — 44I ; 
Clavijo, p. 138 in Antonio de Sancha's Madrid edition of 1782 ; Bretschneider, 
Mediaeval Researches, i. 236 — 263, with notes ■;96 — 649; ibid., I. 214; II. 26, 
53, 177 — 8, 180; here is presented with his usual lucidity this eminent 
sinologue's latest study of the subject. The Uigurs are the Wei-wurh 
[and Hui-ho?] of the Chinese, and were a widely scattered and long-enduring 
Turkish race ; in the 8th century their Khans reigned over the site of Kara- 
korum ; in the 13th century their home was chiefly in W. Mongolia and 
Zungaria, to the S.W. of the Naimans, in the region of Bishbalikh. 

3. Letters or learning... hand or letters : in each case a trans, of literam. !• 26 

4. Saruyur : the Sari-Uigur or Yellow Uigurs, a sub-division of the !• 29 
Uigur nation, settled in the Tsaidam region near Lake Koko-Nor in Northern 

Tibet, cf. Bretschneider, Medianml Researches, i. 263; il. 205; Klaproth, 
Alemoires relatifs a VAsie, ii. 345. Both of these refer fully to the Chinese 
accounts (in the History of the Ming Dynasty or Ming Shi) of the Yellow- 
haired Uigurs or Sa-li Wei-wu-rh, 1500 li S.W. of Kan-su, between Khotan 
and the Empire of Hia or Tangut. See also Remusat, Ville de Khotan, p. 95. 
6. Karanites : perhaps the Karanut of Abul-Ghazi and other Oriental 
writers: cf. d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, i. 425 — 7, where the sub-divisions 
of the Mongol race are discussed : they were descended from one Tusbudai, 
like the Kurlass and Iljikin Mongols. 

6. Hudirat : the Voyrat of most and best MSS. of Carpini ; also written 1. 30 
Oyrat\Oi-\ Oyrad, Olet, Euleut, Udryat, Uirat, Noyrad; an old name for the 

Western Mongols or Kalmuks, cf. Abul-Ghazi, Histoire gencalogique des Tartares, 
112 — 5 (1726); 45 — 6, 60, 89, 93, 152, 173 — 5 (1871 — 4); d'Ohsson, Histoire 
des Mongols, I. 7, 104, 105, 424; Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, 11. 139, 
159 — 173, and notes 896 — 923, an admirable account. The Oirat or Voyrat 
are called VVa-la by the Chinese ; a very full series of refs. to them occurs in 
the History of the Ming Dynasty {Ming Shi). 

[p. 68] 

7. irythayans...vaftquished, Chingis...obtayned. ..Empire: theKitan {within p. 116 1. 15 
China) were of course overthrown by the Kin or 'Golden' Dynasty in 1115 — 

1 1 25: Chingiz' wars in N. China were against the latter, whom he decisively 
worsted by the capture of Yen-king, 12 15, and who were finally crushed by the 
Mongols in 1234. As early as 1206, after his first campaign against the Hia or 
Tangut of Northern Tibet, Chingiz took the Imperial title of Khan or Kha- 
khan. The name of Kitai is given by Carpini to the Tangut empire as well as 
to that of the Kin (the Altun-Khans or Golden Emperors). 



p. 116 I. 39 1. Thossut...Can, that is...Emperour: 'Thossut' or 'Tossuc' is Juji or 

Chuchi, eldest son of Chingiz; 'Juchi' in Rashid-ed-din; 'Jochi' in some 
Chinese records; he died before his father, 1224: Batu was his most famous 
son. Cf. Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, I. 189, 285, 289 — 290; II 7 — 8, 
13, 15, and notes 531, 700. Can, i.e. Khan, Khagan, or Kliakhan, the Han 
of the Chinese, the Xavdvo; of the Byzantines, is the Turkish Imperial title. 
It first occurs in the Chinese Annals under a.u. 312. 

p. 117 1. 3 2. India minor... these Indians... blacke Saracens... .Ethiopians. Under 

Lesser India Carpini probably refers to the regions on the west or right 
bank of the Indus (attacked by the armies of Chinghiz under Tului in 1221 — 2), 
the India Prima of Nicolo Conti and Fra Mauro, the hidia parva quae et 
Ethiopia of Marino Sanuto, as opposed to India Mag^na or Ilindostan and 
India interior loannis presbyteri, apparently Indo-China. Friar Jordanus of 
Severac and Columbum, and Nicolo Conti, also call this part India Minor. 
1. 6 3. Itulia maior...Presbiter lohn: by Greater India Carpini appears to 

mean all India beyond (E. oQ the Indus. Iruiia Major, India Sccunda or 
India Magna is generally defined by Latin writers of the 13th, 14th and I5lh 
centuries, such as Jordanus of Columbum, Marino Sanuto, and Nicolo Conti, 
as the region between Indus and Ganges, while India tertia or India interior is 
our Indo-China or Further India, and India Minor a vast ill-defined coastal 
region west of the Indus. It va India tertia which Jordanus and Sanuto call 
the Regnum Joannis Presbyteri. In Friar Odoric Itidia Superior is Man/.i or 
S. China, — a very odd use. On the Asiatic I'rester John, placed behind Armenia 
and Persia, at the 'extremity of the East,' supposed to be a Nestorian Christian 
(like his people), to unite in himself regal and sacerdotal power, and to be the con- 
queror of great part of Persia and Media (including Ecbatana), cf. Otto of Frei- 
singen, Chronicon, Vlll. 32, 33, and Alberic Trois Fontaines, Chronicon, under 
1145, based upon the reports of the Bishop of Cabala, sent by the Armenian 
Church to Eugenius III. (see also Alberic under the years 122 1 and 1222). 
The ultimate original of this story seems to lie in the conversion of the Chief of 
the Keraits to Nestorian Christianity in 1007 — 1008. Letters purporting to 
come from this Presbyter Joannes (probably forgeries) and addressed to the Pope, 
the Emperors of East and West, the King of France, and the King of Portugal, 
are said by Alberic to have been circulated in Europe in or before 1165 (see 
Alb.'s Chronicon under 1165). Specimens of these letters to the Emperor of 
Rome and the King of France are in the Bibliotheque Nationale at Paris under 
the quotation O. 1243 — i (4to.). They are without dale or place or paging: 
cf. d'Avezac in the Recueil, IV. (1839) p. 549. But in 1177 Alexander III., 
writing (5 Kal. Oct.) Imiorutn regi sacerdotum sanctissimo, makes no refer- 
ence to these letters, but only to common rumour and the reports of one Master 
Philip, a Papal physician, who while in the East had heard of the Prester's 
wish to learn about the doctrine of the Roman Church. James de Vitry also 
mentions the Prester, in whose realms Nestorians were very numerous, masters 
of the greater part of India; cf. the Historia Hierosolymitana in Bongars, Gesta 
Dei per Francos, 1092, 1093; in 1219 De Vitry as bishop of Acre writes to 
Honorius III.: David, King of the Indians, commonly called Prester John, he 
declares, is now the terror of Asia. Matthew Paris, in the Historia Major 
(A.D. 1237, vol. III. pp. 397 — 9, and esp. 398, Rolls Series), refers to a letter 
received in 1237 from Philip, Prior of the Dominicans in Palestine, declaring 

NOTES. 279 

that Nestorianism was dominant in Greater India, in re^o sacerdotis Joannis, p. 117 
etc, Simon of St Quentin (in Vine. Beauv., Spec. Hist. xxx. [otherwise xxix., 
as in Augsburg edition of 1474], ch. 69) makes Prester John formerly King 
of India and suzerain of the Tartars: the latter under Chingiz, according to 
Simon, rebelled against his successor David and overthrew him {A" D^ 1203 
secundum quosdam Tartan... in... Tartaria, quae affinis est Jndiae, residentes 
contra regent David dominum suum . . .Presbyteri Johannis quondam dominatoris 
et imperatoris Indiae filium, conspiraverunt). Precisely the same is reported 
to Innocent IV. by Bishop Odo of Tusculum, Wed. in Holy Week 1249 
(Dicebant quod. . . Tartari prima debellaverunt filium presbyteri Joannis ; also 
quod ipse qui nuttc agit in sceptris, Kiokai nomine, matrem habuit christianam 
filiam regis qui vacatur presbyter Joannes \ cf. Achery, Spicilegiutn, ed. Baluze, 
III. 624—8). Joinville (ed. Michel, 143) heard through Louis IX. 's communica- 
tions with the Tartars, that the Prester's former kingdom lay between Persia 
and Tartary. Rubraquis (pp. 259 — 261, 295, of the Recueil text) makes the 
Prester chief of the Naimans, successor of Con Can King of the Kara-kitai, 
and predecessor of Unc [or Vut] King of Grit and Mecrit. Rubruquis' Con 
Can is no doubt the Gur Khan ('Universal Lord'), founder of the Kara-kitai 
empire — not 'when Antioch was taken by the Franks' as Rubruquis puts it, 
i.e. in 1098, but a generation later, in c. 1125 — 26. The Gur Khan's con- 
quests from the Sayan Mts. and the modern Siberian border to Khiva and 
the Aral, answer fairly well to the descriptions of Alberic and Otto ; but 
according to most Eastern Historians he was a Buddhist rather than a 
Christian. Abul-Faraj (Bar Hebraeus) makes Unc or Wang Khan himself to 
be the Prester or 'Malek Yuhanna' as well as King of the Keraits (con- 
verted by the Nestorians at the beginning of the nth century, c. A.D. 1007, 
or at least between root and 1012). Cf. d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, I. 
52 — 3, 163 — 6, 441 — 4; d'Avezac in the Paris ii'^fw^?7( 1839), iv. p. 553. The 
latter fastens upon the Kerait tradition as the essential feature. 

Marco Polo makes Tenduc or 'Tanduc' the seat of the Prester, and says this 
region was still governed by his descendant George ; this is repeated in part by 
John de Monte Coi-vino, who converted this King George (t 1298), and his son 
John, to the Church of Rome. Ricold of Monte Croce refers vaguely to Prebstre 
Jehan's kingdom as stretching from Cathay to Media. Odoric with far more 
precision describes the land of Pretozoan, de quo non est centesima pars . 
eius quod quasi pro certo dicebatur: its capital was called Tozan, Chosan or 
Cosan : it was not so big as Vicenza. The letter of Jan. 20, 1407, from Conrad 
von Jungingen, Grand Master of the Teutonic Order, to Prester John, King 
oi Abassia (mentioned in connection with Armenia), really refers to the Abassia 
or Abkhasia of the Caucasus, but the verbal confusion with the African Abassia 
or Abyssinia (Habesh) was very easy. The Abissina of the Caucasus also occurs 
in Alberic, as cited by d'Avezac, Recueil, iv. 557. In 1436 and 1448 we have 
two clear references to the African Prester ; in a letter from Jean de Lastic, Grand 
Master of Rhodes, to Charles VII. of France, July 3, 1448, and in the 1436 
mappe-monde of Andrea Bianco, where the Imperium Prete lani is placed in 
Ethiopia. The notion of the African Priest-king, being much better founded 
than the Asiatic, gradually supplanted the latter; yet as late as the early i6th 
century the learned Jew Abraham Peritsol puts Prester John in Further India. On 
the other hand, as early as the 14th century we may find in the confused language 
of Jordanus of Columbum and in John de MarignoUi a distinct leaning towards 
the Abyssinian claim, for though e.g. Jordanus places in or near India terlia 


p. 117 (or Indo-China) that Emperor of the Ethiopians 7vhom you call Prestre Johan, 

the aforesaid India was still occasionally imagined by Christian theorists (in the 
style of Ptolemy and of the chief Moslem geographers) as lying just opposite to, 
and at no great distance from, E. Africa, and the use of the term Ethiopians 
pointed to Africa. Four Asiatic Prester Johns have been often reckoned, but 
they may be reduced to two, (i) in North Central Asia: — among the Keraits or 
the Kara-kitai or in some other region N. of the Himalayas and Hindu 
Kush, (2) in Further India or Indo-China. The former is older and better 
attested — in fact has almost all history on its side, so far as the Priest-king of 
Christian Asia is an historical f)ersonage at all: the latter is later and of in- 
finitely weaker basis in fact, but lasts longer, partly by a constantly recurring 
confusion with the Grand Lama of Tibet. On the other hand, the regular 
flow of Abyssinian pilgrims to the Holy Sites of Syria and the meetings of 
these pilgrims with the Franks of Syria, established the rival (African) Prester 
in western tradition. Cf. also d'Avezac, Introduction to Carpini in vol. iv. of 
the Paris Rectuil (\ii^), pp. 547 — 564 ; Yule, Cathay, l. 173—182 ; Mosheim, 
Historia Tartarorum ecclesiaslica, Helmstadt, 1741 (a work which can only be 
used with caution), pp. 18 — 28, Appendices iv. and v., pp. 29 — 33, 33 — 5, 
and App. XLIV. pp. 114 — 17 (giving Monte Corvino, from Wadding); Asse- 
mani, Bibliotheca Orienlalis, ill. pt. 2, pp. 483 — 504, Rome, 1719 — 1728, 
quoting Abul-Faraj and the Syriac writer Mares; Ue Vitry in Bongars, Gesta 
Dei per fratuos, 1092 — 3 ; Abul-Faraj, Historia Dynastiarum, as cited by 
d'Avezac in Recueil, iv. 553 ; Karamzin's Russian History (for Von Jungingen's 
letter, from the archives of Konigsberg), lll. notes on pp. 387, 388 (French ed. 
of St Thomas and Jauffret, Paris, 18 19); Achery, Spicilegium, ed. Baluze, ill. 
777t ('). for the letter of Jean de Lastic ; Jordanus, Mirabilia, Paris ed. in the 
Recueil, IV. 55 — 6; Luke Wadding, Annales Mitwrum, VI. 69 etc. ; d'Ohsson, 
Histoire des Mongols, I. 7, 48 — 53, 163 — 171, 441 — 4; Ludolf, Historia 
^thiopica, il. i. 5 — 12, and Commentarius ad Historiam Aithiopicam, pp. 
318 — 222; Peritsol in Hyde's Itinera Mundi, p. 153; Odoric ch. 44, ed. 
Venni, p. 77, and in Ix)ng John of Ypres, Lhystoire merveilleuse du Grant 
chan, fol. 64 verso, also in Yule, Cathay, I. 146 — 7; ll. Appendix I. p. xxxvi; 
Ricold in the Lhystoire, fol. 39; M. Polo, chs, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 73, pp. 174 
— 184, 208 — 10, ed. Pauthier. 


1. 29 1. Clergie men of Russia... males... like... dogges: these and similar tales are 
frequent enough : cf. King Hayton the Armenian, who visited the Mongol 
Court in 1256. Mediaeval cartography abounds in such delineations; in 
particular the maps known as the Psalter (c. 1250), the Hereford and the 
Ebstorf (both c. 1290 — 1300), contain examples of these dog-men monsters, 
with innumerable others; their ultimate source may be found in such passages 
as Pliny, Nat. Hist., vn. 2, ba.sed on Ktesias and Megasthenes. The dog- 
headed men also occur in the Chinese Encyclopaedia San-thsai-thu-hoei; cf. 
Nouveau Journal Asiatique, vol. xii., pp. 287 — 8. Bretschneider, Mediaeval 
Researches, i. 257 (records of fabulous conquests of Buku, Khan of the Uigurs, 
who had his capital near the site of Karakorum in the [?] 8th century). 

1. 36 2. Met with the...dogges : Canes conuenerunt in Hak.'s original. 

[p. 59] 
p. 118 1.13 3. Burithabeih. .. Pagans: Burithabeth, Buritibet,ot Buruthabeth{-t)'\s,CGX- 

NOTES. 281 

tainly our Tibet, as to which Carpini agrees with Rubruquis and Odoric p. 118 
about the children eating their dead parents (cf. Rub., p. 289 in the Kecueil, 
Odoric ch. 45; in Yule, Cathay, pp. 151—2, and Appendix I. p. xxxvii). 
Rashid-ed-din used the term Biiritibet as a synonym for Tibet, and d'Avezac 
well compares the name Horotala still existing, cf. the Kecueil (1839) IV. 
564 — 5 ; also d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, I. 82, 84, 318. Bretschneider, 
Mediaeval Researches, !i. 21—5 (esp. 24 — 5), 204, 221, 224. 


1. Latuie of Kergis'. Hak.'s version of terrain Kergis, the country of the 1. 27 
Kergis ; Hak. translates as if K. were a person, a king or ruler. Here 

Carpini's ' Kergis' do not refer to the Kirghiz, but to the Cherkess or Cir- 
cassians of the Caucasus (Carp.'s Caspian mts.). The first expedition of 
the Mongols to this region was in 1227: the real Kirghiz submitted 20 years 
earlier, in 1207. Cf. d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, i, loi — 2, 326 — 37; 
II. 15, 63, 626; Viv. St Martin, Memoire stir P Armenie, 11. 120 — 3, 264 — 5, 
268, 272; Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, 1. 28, 102, 129, 186, 225, 229, 
241, 295, 30.5. 316; II. 90. 

2. Encamped themselues : in Hak.'s original applicauerunt. \. 30 

3. People inhabited vnder... ground in mountains. On Troglodytic races p. 119 1. 10 
cf. Pliny, Nat. Hist. VI. 34; Vli. 2 (based on Ktesias and Megasthenes). 


[p. eo] 

1. Chingis...laives and statutes. On Chingiz' legislation, cf. d'Ohsson, p. 120 1. i 
Histoire des Mongols, i. 404 — 16. 

2. Thiaday : the best MSS. read Chyaaday, i.e. Chagatai (the 'Second !• 9 
Prince ' of the Chinese traveller Chang-chun), to whom the Central Asiatic 
sub-kingdom fell. See note 5 in this chapter ; Bretschneider, Mediaeval 
Researches, I. 99 and note 252. 

3. Name of., fourth is vnkncnven {ignoramus). This was Tului (called 
To-lei in the Chinese Annals Yuan-Shi), to whom Chingiz left the greater 
part of his Mongol troops (ior,ooo out of 129,000), the father of Mangu and 
Kublai. Cf. d'Olisson, Histoire des Mongols, il. 2, 3, 9—10, 248; Bretschneider, 
Mediaeval Researches, I. 113, 189, 278, 286, 290 and note 281. In the 
struggle between Chingiz' descendants, Tului's branch finally prevailed, 
ousting Okkodai's. 

4. Cuync.noiv Emperour : i.e. Kuyuk, the Guyuk of some Chinese re- 1. 11 
cords, son of Okkodai, grandson of Chingiz, and Great Khan 1246 — 8. Okkodai 

wished his grandson Shyramun to succeed him, but Kuyuk's mother Turakina 
persuaded the electors to disregard this wish. On this illegality (with others) was 
founded the subsequent rejection of Okkodai's line and the substitution of 
Tului's, in Mangu's election, 1251: cf. d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, il. 
187 — 188, 195 — 199,234 — 5, 245 — 250; ^x^\.ix:\vci€\AQX, Mediaeval Researches, 
I. 160, 165, 308, 318, 333; II. 8 and note 742. 

6. Cocten...Corrensa. These names are often corrupted beyond recog- 1. i* 

nition in Hak. Cocten is Kutan, son of Okkodai; his name is also written 
Cucten, Cuthen, Corten, Coiihen, Cocthen. Chyritten (otherwise Sirenen, 



Seremum, etc.) is Shyramiin, grandson of Okkodai — miscalled 'son' by 
Carpini ; Mangu had him drowned in China, after 1 25 1 ; see note 4. Bothy 
is of course Balu, the 'firm' or 'stable' one, the great western conqueror, 
so fully described both by Carpini and Rubruquis, and the second son of Juji, 
the eldest of the male children of Chingiz. Oniu is Hordu, the eldest son 
of Juji; Siba is Shyban or Shiban; Bora, Bura; both these being younger and 
less important sons of Juji. Hurin is Burin or Buri, grandson of Chagatai, often 
mentioned by Rashid-ed-din, an enemy of Batu's, and finally a victim of the latter : 
cf. Rubruquis, RecuHl, 279 — 280; see also Bretschneider, ^<?af/a<7a/AVj^arr//<r.f, 
I. 333—4, on the insulting language of Buri and Guyuk against Batu. Cadan 
is the Kadan always associated with Buri in the western campaigns; according 
to Rashid and the best authority he was the son of Okkodai, not of Chagatai, 
as in Carpini. Mengu is Mangu or Mettngke, successor of Kuyuk as Great Khan. 
Bithat, otherwise Bethac, Bichac, Bec/uu, Becas, is another son of Tului, perhaps 
the Bujek, Buygec, or Buchek of Oriental historians, the Pocho of the Chinese. 
Heroctan, otherwise Seroclen, is Surtikten in Sanang-Setsen, Sitirkukteni in 
Rashid-ed-din, Surukti in Abul-Ghazi, Swakhtham in the Armenian Stephen 
Orpelian. Otiygat is perhaps only a mis-reading for Buygec or Bithat. Cyrpodan 
is Chartnaghati, otherwise Charmahan, Chormahan, Chirpodan, the invader of 
S.W. Asia 1229 — 1231, etc. ; dietl 1241 ; according to some, but untrustworthy, 
guides the conqueror of Damascus. Hubilai is A'ublai, afterwards Great Khan 
and the friend of the Polos. SUtocur is Shinkur, a son of Juji. Cara, Gay, a 
mis-reading for Caragay, is Karackar, Karajar, or Karanchay, the fourtli son 
of Okkodai by Turakina, Sybedey or Sibedei is Sohadai, Subit/ai or Subudai, 
one of the greatest Mongol generals, whose valour was recognised by the title 
of Bahadur, Carpini's miles. Berka is the Bereke of the Polos, the Berke or 
Barkai of others, who succeeded his elder brother Batu (after Sartach and 
another) as Khan of Kipchak or the western sub-kingdom. Correma, other- 
wise Chorauza, Corenza, Curoniza, Kurancha, or Karancha, commanded on 
the western frontier in Europe, the line of the Dnyepr (see note 4, chap. 20). 
For other Tartar 'dukes' mentioned elsewhere in Carpini and Rubruquis, see 
the separate notices, e.g. for Montii, Maud, or Mauchi note 5, ch. 21; for 
Ttrbon see note 6, ch. 20; for Sartach and Scacatai, Rubruquis, pp. 217—19, 
238—46, 253—9, '63, 268, 375—7, 379—80, 390 of the Kecueil text; cf. 
d'Avezac in same vol. of the Paris Recueil, 1839, '^'- S^o— ^5 d'Ohsson, Histoire 
des Mongols, 11. 3, 8 — 9, 15, 99, 110—2, 138, 147—8, 156, 158, 159, 166, 
445-69, 619, 621, 624—9; Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, I. 109, 
112— 3, 140, 158, 165, 167—8, 170, 185, 279, 287, 289—90, 293—4, 297, 300, 
302, 309—12, 3r5, 318—9, 322, 324—5, 330—'. 333—4; "• ". 15—16, 44. 
141; with notes 280, 281, 381, 459, 668, 689, 742, 744, 746, 747, 758, 779, 
819; Viv. St Martin, Memoire sur VArmatie, il. 265; Marco Polo, ed. 
Pauthier, chs. 2, 3, 68, 76, 194, 220 — i, pp. 6 — 9, 184, 187, 238 — 41, 720, 
754; Gaubil, Gentchiscan, 98, loi ; Abul-Ghazi, Histoire ginealogique des 
Tartares, 375— 81, 39^. etc., 445—7. 452—3- etc., 482—4 (1726); 100— i, 
145—6, 148—64, 173—4, 178—82, 186—93 (1871— 4); Abul-Faraj, iVw^r/a 
Dynastiaruni, 306, 310, 320, 327. 

In spite of many omissions, Carpini's list of the Mongol Princes is 
unrivalled in Mediaeval Christian literature and is fully confirmed by the 
best Asiatic writers of the period. M. Polo and King Hayton give genealogies 
parallel to Carpini's, but not so full, and apparently irreconcileable with the 
latter in places. 

NOTES. 283 


1. Tribute payers '. in Hak. 's original /r/'^w/a. p. 121 1. 7 

2. Well disposed people: in Hak.'s original yfafe/?'^«j. 1. 20 


1. Duke Bathy his nephew, in Hak.'s original, B....qui in secundo gradii 1. 32 
attingebat eum. 

2. Countrie of Altisoldan...Bisermini ... Saracens ...spake ...language of 

Bisermin, Beserman, Besurman, Busurman, Busstirtnan, Basurman (in 
Chinese, Pu-su-man) are forms of an old Slav corruption of Musulman. Sig. 
von Herberstein, the Imperial ambassador to Moscow in 1517 and 1526, and 
Alexander Guagnino, who about 1520 served in the Polish garrison at Vitebsk, 
both declare it was a regular term for all the Tartar neighbours of Moscow. 
So Old Slavonic vocabularies use it for Moslems in general : in modern Russian 
it means 'heretic,' 'scoundrel.' Carpini's use of Slav terms is shewn here, as 
in his Neper, Don, and Volga, and his Bileri for Bulgari, Huytir for Uigur, 
and Chyacuiai for Chagatai. 

The Land of the Bisermini in John de Piano is employed for Moslem 
Central Asia, the lands of the 'Altisoldan' or Khwarezm Shah ('Khorazmian 
Empire'), which stretched from the Ural river to Badakhshan, and from the 
sources of the Tobol to the Indian Ocean, the Zagros Mts., and the neighbour- 
hood of Tabriz, including nearly all the S. and E. coasts of the Caspian. The 
'Altisoldan' or Supreme Sultan of Khwarezm (treated by Hak. as if a proper 
name) was conquered by the .Mongols in 1220: one Ala-ed-din Mohammed 
ended this dynasty, a fugitive in the islets of the Caspian. His four sons 
Rukn-ed-din, Gayyath-ed-din, Gelal-ed-din, and Ozlak-Shah were associated as 
co-sovereigns with their father. Cf. d'Avezac in the Kecueil, iv. 501 — 15; 
d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, i. 216 — 322; il. 255, and the map prefixed to 
vol. I.; Sprengel, Geographische Entdeckungen, 281; Karamzin, in the French 
version of 1819, Histoire de Russie, iii. 280 — 2, iv. 52; Herberstein and 
Guagnino in Ramusio, II. 72, 171; Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, I. 70, 
269; II. 78, and note 173. 

3. Bar chin... Orna: in his fuller text, Carpini reckons as the chief cities 1. 36 
of the Bisermini: 

(i) Barchin, otherwise Karachin, Karkin, Pharchin (in Hayton), Barthra, 
probably a little below Otrar on the Syr Daria, the Ba-rh-jen and Pa-eul- 
ching of the Chinese, the Barkhaligh of Persian authors. 

(2) Sarguit, otherwise Sakinc, Sargiut, whose site is quite conjectural. 

(3) lankinc, otherwise lanckin, lanckint, lakynt, lat/ikint, the Yang-ki- 
kan of the Chinese, the Vangi-kand of Persian authors, the Yangi-kettd or 
'new city' of its own Turkish people, described by Benedict the Pole as the 
first city met with — by Carpini and himself — in traversing Turkia (usually the 
Seljuk Sultanate of Riim in 13th cent. Latin, but here obviously Moslem 
Central Asia). Two famous Yangi-kends are known, (o) near the mouth of the 
Syr Daria, (;3) on the upper Syr Daria, in Fergana. 

(4) Leinfinc, otherwise Lemfint. 

Here Carpini and Benedict certainly touched : that they visited Barchin, 
lamkint, or Ornas is only conjecture, unless with Bretschneider we take 
Lemfinc to be a clerical error for lanckint. 


[p. ei] 

p- m (5) f)r>ja[j], the Ornarum civitas of Benedict the Pole, who places it 

apparently in Gazaria (Khazaria, always understood as the modem S. Russia), 
is very hard to fix. Three of the Carpini Mss. agree with Benedict in placing 
it in S. Russia, upon the river called Don; but the chief mss. (Petau and 
Corpus) say only upon a certain great river. D'Avezac argues powerfully for 
a position on the site of Azov or Tana (Kecueil, iv. 505 — 12) but there is no 
other evidence for a town of Ornas at the Don Estuary; and the names of 
Ornay^ Ornache, Arnay, Amache and Erlsa in Moslem and Slav writers 
appear to refer to Urgenj (the modern Khiva, the capital of the Khwarezm 
oasis). According to Frahn, the Oma[s'\ of Carpini is the Ornatia or Oruntia 
of Alberic, and like Orttache, etc., is a corruption of JCurganj, i.e. Urgenj. 
A third identification with some point on the lower Syr Daria near Otrar is 
supported by several recent investigators, e.g. Rockhill, /iubruck, Hak. Soc. 
p. 14, note, based on Bretschneider's view. 

In this connection we must also notice (i) that Benedict appears to confuse 
the Maeotid Marshes with the Aral Sea, or with certain swamps N. of the Aral, 
(3) that Carpini makes the Tartars, after taking Ornas, enter the terra Turcorum 
and Russia. By terra Turcorum here d'Avezac thinks Comania is meant, but 
in Friar John it generally signifies Moslem Central Asia, in other writers the 
Seljuk dominion of Rflm or Turkish Asia Minor. 'Barchin' and 'lamkint' 
were captured by Juji (Chuchi), the eldest son of Chinghiz, in the spring of 
laii. Cf. d'Avezac, as above; d'Ohsson, Hi stoire des Mongols, i. a 18 — iio, 
111 — 1; Nouveau Journal Asiatique, XII. 284, giving evidence of King Hayton, 
also in Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, I. 164 — 172; Gaubil, Histoire de 
Gentchiscan, p. 37; Frahn on Ibn al Wardi and other writers' use of Orttay, 
Ornache, etc., Ibn Foszlan, Beilage I. § 4, p. 162; Bretschneider, Mediaeval 
Researches, I. 170, 285, and notes 483, 676. 
1. 13 4. Russia. ..Kioto. Here two expeditions are perhaps confused in one: 

(o) that of I22I — 4, marked by the battle of the Kalka, May 31, 1223 (?), and 
the crushing defeat of the Russian Principalities in the open field by Subudai 
and Chebe, ()3) that of 1236 — 43, led by Batu, and marked by the Mongol 
storm of Kiev, Vladimir, etc., and the conquest of all the Russian states except 
Old Novgorod by Lake Ilmen. The name of Kiev and of the grand duke 
Mstislav {' Mieczislav ' or ' Mscislaw ') passed, through the Mongol conquest, into 
the annals of China. Cf. d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, 1. 33S — 345; 11. 
no — 120, 183 — 86, esp. 119; Caubil, Gentchiscan, 35 — 41, 90, 97, 103 — 4; 
Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, 1. 295 — 8, 307, 318 — 20; 11. 73 — 81, and 
notes under these pages, esp. no. 758 ; and on the earlier history of Kiev, 
Constantine Porphyrogennetos, De Administrando Imperio, ch. 9 ; Adam of 
Bremen, Historia Ecclcsicu Hammaburgeiuis, II. 19 [66 Lapp.]; and above all 
Nestor, /ajj;w, and esp. chs. v., vi,, Vlil., Xlil., XViii. etc. (a.m. 6388 — 6621 
= A.D. 880 — 1 1 1 3). We may notice Cahun's suggestion, Introduction ^ P histoire 
de fAsie, p. 350, that the Mongols were instigated by the Venetians to destroy 
Kiev, a dangerous rival to Italian trade in the Euxine. The full text of Carpini 
(in the Recueil, iv. 772; not in Hak.) gives a valuable reference to Italian 
traders at Kiev on the traveller's return to that city in 1247. 
!• 22 6. Out of Russia and Comania... Hungarians... Polonians. After the 

campaigns of 1238—40, the Mongols were said to have collected 270,000 ears 
of Russians and Bulgarians [perhaps also of Kumans]; the right ears of the slain 
being cut off. 

NOTES. 285 

On the Mongols' attacks upon Hungary and Poland, cf. d'Ohsson, p. 123 
Histoire des Mongols, ll. 120 — 83; Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, 

6. As is aforesaid, after slain, properly belongs to the clause, had the l- ^4 
Hunganans manfully withstood them {si Hungari viriliter restitissent). 

7. Morduans ...monsters. I'he Morditans, or as they are called later (in !• 27 
ch. 35 of Hak.'s division) Mordtiyni, are the Finnish Mordvins of the Middle 

Volga : traces of them are found in Kazan, Penza, Simbirsk, Saratov, Astrakhan, 
and Orenburg provinces ; they are now almost entirely Russianized. 

The Byleri or Bulgaria Magna are the Old or Black Bulgarians of Bolghar 
and the Volga below Kazan, at its junction with the Kama ; they are called 
Bilar[s] in several Moslem geographers and historians, e.g. Abulfeda and 

The Bastard or Hungaria Magna are the Bashkirs of (i.e. thinly scattered 
over) the modern Samara, Orenburg, Perm, and Vyatka. 

The Parossits are probably the Borassits of Edrisi (writing c. 11 Jo), con- 
sidered to be Slavs by the ' Nubian geographer,' but probably a Finnish tribe 
of the modern provinces of Perm and Vyatka. Some have identified them, 
apparently by mistake, with the Berthas to the S. of Great Bulgaria. 

The Samoyedes still exist under that name in the modern province of 
Archangel (Arkhangelsk); cf. Engelhardt's admirable account of their present 
state, Russian Province of the North, pp. 272 — 98. 

The monsters in Hak.'s ch. 23 are sayd to have dogges faces. There may be 
a reference here, d'Avezac suggests, to non-Samoyede peoples whose grave 
mounds and other remains are known to antiquaries as those of the Chudes. 
This term is the regular Russian one for 'Finn,' while the derivative chudovishcha 
means 'monster.' See note i, ch. 11. 

As to the effect of Mongol invasions in the Far North, it may be noticed that 
just as Matthew Paris relates that in 1238 the people of Gothland and Friesland, 
through fear of the Mongols, dared not leave their homes and come to the 
Yarmouth herring fishery {Cronica Majora, under A.D. 1238, vol. ill. 
pp. 488 — 9, in Rolls series edition), so Torfaeus has preserved a record 
of a great migration of Permiaks or inhabitants of our 'North Russia' (the 
mediaeval Permia or Biarmia) to Norway, between 1217 and 1263. Cf. 
d'Avezac in the Recueil, iv. 489 — 91, 492 — 3; d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, 
II. 185 — 6, 619 — 29; Peuples du Caucase, 72 — 8r, 129 — 31, 213 — 8, 234 — 5, 
257 — 8; Torfaeus, Historia rerum Norvegicarum (1711) iv. 303 ; Strahlenberg, 
Description historique de I'empire russien (1757, Amsterdam), 11. 149 — 50, 
166 — 8; Edrisi, Climate, v., section 4 [p. 142]; and Rubruquis, pp. 274 — 5, 
327, in the Recueil text of 1839; the latter preserves a curious history of a 
Dominican mission from the Theiss in New Hungary to the Bashkirs of Old 
Hungary, noticed by Alberic Trois-Fontaines, Chrotticon, 564; see also Rock- 
hill's version of Rubruquis, Hak. Soc, 1900, pp. 129 — 31 ; Klaproth, Tableaux 
Historiques de PAsie, 260 — i, 274 — 6, maps 17 — 20; Mimoires rel. h PAsie, 
I. 134; Magazin Asiatique, il. 52 — 96; Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches 
(on Mordvins), i. 311, 317 ; 11. 70, with notes 748, 830; (on Volga Bulgarians), 
I. 295 — 6, 300, 305, 307 — 10, and esp. 11. 81 — 4, with notes 843—5; (o" 
Bashkirs of Great Hungary), I. 306, 326 — 8 and note 767 ; Frahn in Mimoires 
de P Acad, de St Pet., serie 6, sciences politiques, i. 546 — 8; 11. 324, 387 — 8; 
Fiabn, Ibn Foszlan, 164 — 9, 172 — 3 ; Herberstein in Ramusio, li. 170; Reinaud's 
Aboulfeda, 216; Nouv. Journ. Asiat. (for Rashid-ed-din), ix. 514. 



p. 128 1. 5 1. Duke Cyrpodan...Kergis: a reference to Charmaghan's [Charmogun's] 

expedition into Persia, the Caucasus lands, Asia Minor, and Syria, in 1229 — 31, 
etc. Here again the Kergis seem to be the Cherkess or Circassians of the 
Caucasus, the Cherkis or Kerkis of Rubruquis (p. 252 of the Recueil text), 
the yerkes of Abulfeda, the Chtrkassi of the Russian Annals. Cf. d'Ohsson, 
Histoire des Mongols, I. 337 ; II. 15, 63 ; Viv. St Martin, Mhnoire sur PAmiifnie, 
II. 120 — 3,264 — 5,272; Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, I. 112, 140, 295, 
300, 305, 316; II. 90; with notes 280, 381; Notiv. Joum. Asiat. xii. 199 — 203. 

1. 16 2. Ouertake: in Hak.'s original investigare. 

1, 21 3. Isidore collet h...Cydopedes: after this Hak. does not translate et ex eis 

Tartan nonnullos occiderunt. 

!• 25 4. Armenia. .. Deururn. .. BalJach: Deurumorrzihcx De Urumrcier^ioiht 

Seljuk Sultanate of RAm, Konieh, or Iconium, the Turkey par excellence of 
the 1 2th and 13th cents. Baidach of course is Bagdad; this is a very usual 
form : in Polo it is Baudas, e.g. ch. 24, Pauthier; it is the Ba-ghi-da and Bao-da 
of the Chinese. The reference here is probably to the Mongol raids of 1237, 
1238, 1242, and 1243, in which they took Erzeriim (1242) and Erzinghian (1243), 
two of the chief centres of the Armenian race; these conquests were immediately 
followed by the submission of the Sultan of Rfim. But Bagdad was not taken 
till 1258, though tributary from about 1232, and Aleppo not till 1260, though 
it also had for some time owned vassalage. Cf. Abul-Faraj, Historia Dynas- 
tiarum, 312 — 14; Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, ll. 123 — 125; also 
I. 118 — 120, 122, 138 — 9, 140 of the same. 

[p. «a] 

p. 124 1. 7 1. As it were, one Colonel, in Hak.'s original vnum simply. 

They are enioined, a trans, of dehent. 

Shoulders ami breasts defenced, in Hak.'s original crura tecta only. 

Brigandines ...icukes, both translations of loricas. 

Caparisons [/or their horses], in Hak. 's original cooperturas. 
p. 125 1. 3 6. A file in, in Hak.'s original limas...iuxta. 

Loopes, in Hak.'s original ansas. 

1. 39 1. MaceSf in Hak.'s original dolabrum. 

[p. «8] 

126 1.20 2. Spies, m\{AV.''s OT\g\nz\ speculatores. 

1. 32 3. Depart and casseir their bandes, in Hak.'s original recedere, simply. 

Hak.'s translation is even looser than usual in these two chapters. 

1. 37 4. And not to lie out of their armour, in Hak.'s original nee iacere spoliati. 

On the whole Mongol system of war Carpini is strikingly confirmed by other 
authorities: cp. d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, I. 386 — 404. 



1. .7 


I. 22 








1. II 


NOTES. 287 


1. Sea apostolique: then held by Innocent IV. (Sinibaldo de Fieschi) p- 127 1. 3 


2. King of Bohemia..., i.e. Wenceslas [' Wenceslaw,' ' Wacslaw'] III, or I. 7 
I. A.D. 1230— H63. 

3. We had [kinsfolkes in Polonia], in Hak.'s original habebat \consangui- !• 9 

4. After \hauing given vs... ^letters, Hak. does not trans, et bono conductu. \. 11 
6. Chief e houses: in Hak.'s original f«r/aj. \. 11 

6. Boleslaus duke of Slesia (Silesia), i.e. Boleslaw W., pudicus, Duke of '• '3 
Lignitz, Sandomlr, and Krakow. At Breslau Carpini found Benedict the 

Pole ; he was already travelling with Stephen of Bohemia, who turned hack at 
Kanev: cf. Benedict, p. 775 of the Recueil text (iv.) ; d'Ohsson, Hisloire des 
Mongols, II. 121 ; lirGi%c\\ne.\AQr, Mediaeval Researches, I. 321; and see note 14 
of this chapter. 

7. Conradus duke of Lautiscia, i.e. an uncle of Boleslaw, Prince of !• ^5 
Lenczy, ' Mazovia, and Kuyavia,' whose seat was at Plotsk : in Benedict 

he is dux Polonortim, frankly (p. 774 of the Recueil text), cf. d'Ohsson 
and Bretschneider, as above. 

8. Wasilico duke of Russia, i.e. Vasilko or Basil, Prince of [Volhynian] 1. 16 
Vladimir or ' Vladimir- Volinski,' 1214 — 1271. 

9. Duches of Cracow. ..duke...: the Duchess is Gremislawa, the Duke is !• 23 
Conrad of Lautiscia or Lenczy; he and his son Lesko or Leszek were now at 

Krakow; cf. d'Avezac, in Recueil, IV. 481, 482. 

10. Daniel... brother of Wasilico: i.e. Danil or Daniel, Prince of Galicia 1. 35 
(Galich) and Vladimir (1205—6, 1211 — 1264), one of the Russian leaders at 

the Kalka battle (May 31, i223(?)), celebrated by Karamzin as the bravest of 
their princes, now on a visit to the Tartar court. Cf. d'Avezac in Recueil, 
IV. 481 — 2; d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, II. 120; Karamzin, in the French 
version of 1819, Histoire de Russie, III. 287 — 9, 323 — 332; iv. 20 — 24. 

11. Lituanians...: Kiev and all Western Russia passed under the rule of p. 128 1. 2 
the Lithuanians, through the conquests of Ghedymin, 13 rs — 1328, and Olgierd, 

1328 — 1381 ; and so under Poland, through the union of the crowns of Lithu- 
ania and Poland in 1385 (marriage of Jagello and Jadwiga or 'Hedwig'). 

12. Danilon, i.e. Danilov; the full text of Carpini here (Petau MS.) reads 1. 6 
Darifone, which d'Avezac, Recueil, 737, emends to Danilove. There are several 

places of this name in the Ukraine. 

13. Millenary: in original millenarius, the Mongol mingatan or com- 1. 9 
mander of a thousand; cf. Rockhill, Rubruck, etc. (Hak. Soc) p. 4. 

[p. 64] 

14. Second daye after . . . Purification . . . Canoiv immediatly vnder. . . Tartars : 1. 2 1 
i.e. Carpini, Benedict, and Stephen, on Feb. 4, 1246, arrived at Kanev on the 

Dnyepr, 105 kils. or over 60 miles S.E. of Kiev, just above the junction of the 
Dnyepr and the Ros. Here Stephen of Bohemia was left behind {tertio fratre 
debilitato, Benedict, p. 775 of the Recueil text). 

15. Michaeas : otherwise Micheas (in Vine. Beauv. and d'Avezac's Recueil !• 24 
text, p. 737; Mitheas in the Petau MS.). This general's camp appears to be 

what Benedict means by the secunda custodia of the Tartars (p. 775 of the 
Recueil text). 



p. 128 1.32 1. Vnciuil and horrible rtianer'. in Hak.'s original Ae^rrj^/AV^r, simply. 

1.35 2. Victuals [at our handes^: in Hak. 's original t/^^arz/V. 

p. 129 1. 12 3. Motuttaitieirs: in Hak.'s original (Vine. Beauv. text) Alontatiorttm, a 

misreading for Moravorum, men of Moravia, as in the Rectuil text, d'Avezac, 

P- 739- 
1. 20 4. Corrensa: so in Hak.'s original; in the Petau MS. Corenza, and so in 

the Reauil text, d'Avezac, pp. 739, 740, 743, 744, 747, etc. ; in Benedict, 

p. 775 of same text, Curoniza. See note 5, chap. 13. 
1. 23 6. Together with a guide: in Hak.'s original cum corum diicatu. 

1.38 1. For we passed through'. mYi2\i.\or\^vixa\ et itisuper veneranitis per. 

[p. e«] 

p. lao 1. 14 2. Bathy... mightiest prince... except... Emperour: BcUu, Ruhruquis' ^<ztf/«, 
the Ba-du of Chinese annals (the Yuan-Sht), which also term him Great Prince 
(ta-wang). He was also known as Sain Khan, the Good Lord or Gracious 
Sovereign; cf. M. Polo, ch. 220, p. 754, Pauthier. His liberality was famous 
for a Mongol; in his life he affected the strict and primitive Nomade chief, 
uncorrupted by town life. On the death of Juji, his father, he divided his 
heritage with his brother Orda, the latter taking the lands and troops N. of the 
Jaxartes or Sihun (Syr Daria) and E. of the Ural river, Batu receiving all W. of 
the Ural. After the campaigns of 1236 — 43 he became the most powerful of 
the Mongol Princes, and in 1248 he put his nominee Mangu on the throne of 
Chingiz. Cf. note 7, chap. 21, and note 5, chap. 13; Bretschneider, Mediaeval 
Researches, I. 165, 167, 300, 308, 311, 318, 322, 324—5. 3.^'— 4 ; "• ". i5. 
141 ; also notes 459, 741. 

In Hayton, Batu is the great basiliopator ^father of kings). Carpini's 
spelling is practically that of the Russian annals, Bati, another proof of the 
Slavonic influences in his work. 

Simon of St Quentin (in Vincent of Beauvais, Spec. Hist., book xxxii. 
[otherwise xxxi.], ch. 34) makes Batu's [Batoth's] army in 1236 — 43 amount to 
over 600,000 men, 160,000 Tartars, 450,000 vassals, etc. : see also d'Ohsson, 
Histoire des Mongols, 11. 334 — 7. For Batu's foundation of Sarai, cf. note 7, 
chap. 11. 

For his honorific title of Aka or Aga, marking him as chief of the descen- 
dants of Chingiz after the Great Khan, cf. St Martin, MJmoire sur VArmSnie, 
II. 266; d'Avezac in the Recueil, iv. 484. For his refusal of the Imperial 
throne after Kuyuk's death, cf. d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, II. 249. For 
Rubruquis' account of him, in close agreement with Carpini's, cf. pp. 264, 267, 
268, 273, 280, 296, 307, 351, 353, 375, 377, 378 etc. in the Recueil ie\t. 
1. 16 3. First tuesday in Lent...Maundie thursday: i.e. from the 27th of Feb. 

to the 5th of Apr., 1246. 
1.21 4. Coniania... Neper: Carpini's mention of the Borysthenes by its 'Slav' (or 

rather local) name of Dnyepr is not the earliest in Christian literature, as often 
assumed (e.g. appar. by Rockhill, Hak. Soc. Rubruck, p. 8). Danapris is in 
the Anonymous Geographer of Ravenna, IV. 5 (p. 179 Pinder and Parthey), 

NOTES. 289 

c. A.D. 670. The forms Advairpi, AdvaffTpi occur in Constantine Porphyro- p. 180 
gennetos, /A- Administrando Iniperio, chap. 8, before A.D. 959. 

Also Napei-fida for Naper Jluv. appears in the Cotton or Anglo-Saxon map 
in the British Museum (Cotton Mss., Tiberius B. V.) of c. A.D. 990; while of 
course it is the regular term among Russian and other Slavonic writers, e.g. 
Nestor, chaps, i., iv., vi., vii., xii., xv., etc. (a.m. 6368 — 6370, etc. = A.D. 860 
— 862). These rivers, in their lower courses, flowed through what had long been 
Comania or Kuman-land : a region where the Mongols had now almost extir- 
pated their Turkish predecessors. The Komans, A'utnans, or Kipchak of 
Carpini and Rubruquis (cf. Rub. in Rectieil, p. 246, etc.) are the Polovtsi of the 
Russian Chronicles, in succession to the Pechinegs. The name of Comania occurs 
in the Arab Geographers, e.g. Edrisi and Ibn Khaldun: the people and lan- 
guage were purely Turkish. Cf. the vocabulary of 1303 in Memoires rel. h VAsie. 

6. Monti; , otherwise Monty, Money, Mauci, etc., is Mauchi, the second 1. 24 

son of Chagatai. 

6. Don...Tirhon: here again the 'Slav' or local name for the Tanais is 1. 35 
noticeable (as in Benedict the Pole, Carpini's comrade), and may be contrasted 

with Rubruquis, who only gives us the classical name, pp. 216, 246, 247, 249, 
250, 252, 266, in the Kecueil text. For earlier instances of the word Don 
we must go to the Russian Annals, e.g. Nestor, as in chap, xc, a.m. 6619 
(a.d. nil), of Nestor's Chronicle, the Pervonachalnaya Lyetopis. 

Tirhon, or Tyrbon, in Vine. Beauv.'s text, is Carton and Carbon in the 
Petau and Corpus mss., and Cartan in the Reciieil text, d'Avezac, 743. 

7. Volga... Bathy: the Volga, Ptolemy's Rha, is usually called Etil[ia], 1- 28 
Ethil[ia], Itil[ia], Atil[ia], Attil[a] in Latin, as in Asiatic and Byzantine, 

Mediaeval Literature ; the ' Slav ' or local name here given is the one used 
in the Russian Annals, e.g. Nestor, throughout, as in chap. LXXXI. (a.m. 6604 
= A.D. 1095) ; it does not seem to occur earlier in Latin or Greek writers, cf. 
Menander Protector, in Migne, Patrologia Graeca, vol. cxiii. 806 — 811 in the 
Bonn edition, pp. 295 — 302, 380 — 5; and in Muller's Fragmetita Histor. Graec. 
IV. 235, etc. (account of the Embassy of Zemarchus, A.D. 568 — 9, from the 
Emperor Justin IL to the court of the Turkish Khan Dizabul). 

Batu's encampment on the Volga dated from 1235. Here he founded Old 
Sarai (long after Carpini's visit) in about 1253 — 56 (though the foundation has 
often been ascribed to Berke, 1257 — 1265), and here he died in 1256. Cf. 
note 2, chap. 21, and note 5, chap. 13; Yule, M. Polo, I. 5; Bretschneider, 
Mediaeval Researches, I. 300, 306; II. 71; and note 831; also I. 165, 167; 
II. 8, 81, 141 of same work; Russia and Asia, 1876, by Prof. Grigoriev, 
identifies the ruins near Tsarev, on the left or east bank of the Akhtuba, with 
Old Sarai, but see p. 337. Rubruquis, pp. 376, 378, is decisive about the 
foundation by Batu. 

8. laec : otherwise the Yaik or Ural river, the lagac \_-ag\ of Rubruquis. 1. 29 
Here the old name is kept, as in the Russian chronicles, cf. Menander Protector 

as ref. to in prev. note: Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, I. 167, 300, 301, 
and esp. 306. 

9. Great sea... arme of S. George... Constantinople: on the ' arm,' or strait, !• 33 
of St George (the Dardanelles or Hellespont), cf. Saewulf, pilgrim narrative of 

£. A.D. 1102 — 3, end, in Recueil, vol. iv. 1839, P- ^53 J Beazley, Dawn of 
Modern Geography, II. 154, 155. 

Also cf. Will, de Boldensell, a traveller of 1336 — in Canisius, Antiq. Led. 
^Basnage), iv. 337 — 57 ; d'Avezac in Recueil, IV. 486. 

H. 19 


p. ISO 1. 36 10. Exontrate themselves into the Grecian sea... called Mare niaior\%\c\: in 

Hak.'s original, intrant mare Graeciae...dicitnr Magnum mare. 

Carpini here confuses the Euxine with the Caspian, or rather makes Dnyepr, 
Don, Yaik, and Volga flow into one sea and that the Pontus ; in this he had at 
least the apparent countenance of some ancient authors, cf. d'Avezac in the 
Recueil, IV. 486—7. 


p. 181 1. 7 1. Bathy...Comania : see notes 2 and 4, chap. ii. 

1. 8 2. Tabernacles : in original stationibus. 

1. 17 3. The Orda...ElJegay: on the state kept by Batu, cf. Rubruquis in the 

Recueil, IV. 267— 273. 
1. 26 4. Goodfriday : in original die Parasceiu, i. e. April 6, 1 246. 

1. 28 6. Russian, Tartarian, and Saracen languages: the 'Tartar' language must 

he Mongol ; the ' Saracen ' is prol>ably Arabic, though some have suggested a 

dialect of Turkish. 
1. 40 6. Once the kings of Hungaria : i.e. Bela IV.'s. Bela was successor of 

Andrew IV., and reigned 1235 — 7^; cf. d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, II. 

1.^2— '59- 

[p. 66] 

p. 1S2 I. 20 1- Easter euenx i.e. April 7, 1246. 

2. Emperor Cuyne: Hak.'s favourite form of the name : on Kuyuk see 
chap. 13, note 4. 

3. Skillet : in Hak.'s original caldario. 

4. Through Comania : cf. note 4, chap. 21 and note 13, chap. 23. 
p. 188 1. I 5. Morduyni Byleri : translated by Hak. as if the name of one people ; in 

Hak.'s original Morduynos, Byleros, i.e. Mordvins and Bulgarians. See note 7, 
chap. 15. 

6. Bastard. ..Hungaria magna: see note 7, chap. 15. 

7. Parositae and...Samo^etae : see note 7, chap. 15. 

8. Dogges faces: see note 7, chap. 15. 

9. Alani...Circassi...Gazari: the Alans are also called Ases, Osses, or 
Oss[etians]. They occupied an extremely important position among the 
Mongol vassals ; many of them were Christians. Cf. note 8 to chap. 16 of 

The Circassi are the Cherkess[es] and the Gazari the Khazars. On these 
cf. d'Avezac in the Rectuil, IV. 494 — 5; Fnihn, De Chazaris, 1822, through- 
out; Nouveau Journal Asiatique, Xll. 530, giving extracts from King Vakhtang's 
History of Georgia; Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, i. 295, 298 — 9, 305, 
316; II. 84 — 90, 93; d'Ohsson, Peuples du Caucase, 31 — 71; 186 — 212; 
Klaproth, Tableaux historiques de VAsie, 174 — 181, 268 — 273; MJmoires 
relatifs h VAsie, i. 147 — 156 ; V. St Martin, Mimoire sur V Arminie, 11. 186 — 7. 
1.7 10. Iberia...Cathes...Brutaches: Iberia shovXAhe mc&ni ioT Georgia. The 

Cathes [Cathos, otherwise Tacos, Cacos, Caches, in MSS. of Carpini and Vincent 
of Beauvais] are probably the still existing Kakhetians (Kakhs), whose wine is 
so famous. The Brutaches [Brutachos], otherwise Briithachos, Brticarchos, are 





1. I 




NOTES. 291 

connected by d'Avezac, Keaml, 496 — 7, with the district, and river, o{ Borchalo p. 188 
in the Kur basin, the Berdaj of Moslem writers; cf. Bretschneider, Mediaeval 
Researches, I. 294, 299; V. St Martin, Mcmoire sur VArmhtie, il. 356 — 9; 
Sprengel, Geographische Entdeckungen, 284 ; Rubruquis, p. 382 of Recueil text, 
ref. to Jews in Shirvan ; Haxthausen, Trans-Caucasia, 136, etc. ; Forster, 
Histoire des dt'couvertes et voyages dans le Nord, I. 153. 

11. Scythia.. .Georgia... Armenia. ..Turkie: Scythia is Hak.'s trans, of 1. 9 
Cithontm. The Georgians are elsewhere called by Carpini Obesi or Obeses, 

i.e. Abases or Abkhasians of the western Caucasus. See p. 709 of the Recueil 
text, and d'Avezac, p. 497 of the same vol. 

12. On... lVest...Hungaria, and Russia: this makes Comania or Kuman- 
land stretch far northward. Its most northerly region seems to have been that 
around the Don sources. 

13. Kangitiae: the Ka77a/) or Kdv/cap of Constantine Porphyrogennetos, 1, 15 
the Canglae of Rubruquis (pp. 265, 274 of the Recueil text), and of Abul-Ghazi; 

Rub. makes them a branch of the Romans. They are the Kankalis and Kankli 
of Moslem wTiters, the Kanglin of the Chinese, and perhaps identical with some 
of the Pechinegs, Patzinaks, or Bajnaks, overthrown by the Romans in the 
nth — 12th centuries and driven out of our S. Russia into the poorer steepes 
E. of the Yaik or Ural river. This identification with certain tribes of the 
Pechinegs seems approved by Constantine Porph., De Adm. Imp. ch. 37 ; 
Anna Comnena says the Ka77a/) spoke the Roman language. Cf. Bret- 
schneider, Mediaeval Researches, i. 28, 223, 229, 299, 301 — 4, and note 735 ; 
d'Avezac, Recueil, iv. 499 — 500; d'Ohsson, Peuples du Caucase, 117 — 21; 
254 — 60; AhnX-Ghdiii, Histoire gt'ttJalogique des Tartares, \\, 83 — 9(1726); 17, 
37 — 8, 50, 124 (1871 — 4). Ace. to Rlaproth, the Nogai Tartars, representing 
a branch of the Pechinegs, kept the name of Kangli in the early 19th century. 

14. leroslaus duke of Russia: see note 3, chap. 30, and note 5, chap. 5. '• 17 
16. From the eight day after Easter vntill Ascension day : i.e. from 1. 22 

April 16 to May 17, 1246. 


1. Bisermini: see note 2, chap. 15. 1, 32 

2. Soldan Alti: in original Allisoldanus, see note 2, chap. 15. 1. 35 

3. On... South... Jerusalem and Baldach... Burin and Cadan...ThycLday... 1. 37 
On North .. .blacke Kythayans... Ocean... Syban: see note 5, chap. 13. 

For S. and N. read S.W. and N.E. Carpini's directions are somewhat 
astray here, but usually they are fairly accurate and better than Rubruquis'. 

4. From... Ascension, vntil eight dates before. ..S. John Baptist: i.e. from p. 134 1. 4 
17 May to 17 June, 1246. 

6. Daunce before : in Hak.'s original, plaudere coram. 1. 9 

6. Ordu...auruientvnto all the Tartarian dukes\omnium...antiquiorem'\: ovi 1. 20 

Ordu or Hordu, see note 5, chap. 13. In Mangu's reign, Batu took precedence 

of all after the Great Rhan himself, see note 2, chap. 21. 

[p. 67] 


1. Euen of Saint Peter and... Paul: i.e. June 28, 1246. 1. 36 

2. Naymani... Pagans. On June 28, 1246, the travellers entered the I. 37 

19 2 


p. 134 Naiman country. 'Some writers call the Naimans Turks, others Mongols. 

Their centre was on the upper Irtish ; the Kirghiz were to the north, the 
Keraits to the east ' ; but cf. note 5, chap. 8. 
p. 135 1. 8 3. Day of Marie Magdaletu...Cuytte the Emperour elect : i.e. on July 11, 

1146, they reached the Mongol court. 
1. 12 4. Court Imperiall'. in Hak.'s original rwr/rtw j<7/<«;»«w. 

I. 18 6. Horse-fleshe : in Hak.'s original eh \equis\. 


1. 31 1. Wds mainteymd a verie solemne atid royall court: in orig. adunabatur 

curia solennis. This curia solemnis for the election of Kuyuk was held, 
d'Ohsson thinks, near Lake Gueuca, where the last Emperor (Okkodai) had 
often resided in summer. Chagatai died soon after Okkodai ; otherwise 
probably he and not Kuyuk would have been elected at this curia solemnis, 
which only took place after more than four years of Turakina's regency. Cf. 
d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, II. 195 etc., 317 — 19. 

1.33 2. Fitu... cloth', in Hak.'s original /«»]^«ra. 

!• 35 3. Wall of planks: in Hak.'s original lipteum tabulatum. 

180 \. 1 4. Blew robes: in Hak.'s original W<j;/m/«r/«r»V. 

1. ai 0. Could f$ot drini [mares Mt/ie]: in Hak.^s onginal non bibebamus. 

[p. 38] 

1.26 6. leroslaus of Stisdal ... Kythayans ...Solangi: cf. note 1, chap. 29; 

note 3, chap. 30. On Yaroslav of Suzdal, cf. d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, 
II. 196, and on the Mongol capture of Suzdal, ibid. 11. 1 15 — 6. 
1. a8 7. Sonnes. .. of. ..kingof Georgia. ..4000. ambassadors : this was 'as told us by 

the agents ' (procuratotibus) Carpini adds. Cf. d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, 
II. 196—7 ; II. J17 — 110; Simon of St Quentin, in Vine. Beauv., Spec. Hist. 
XXXII. (XXXI.) 50. Also note 5 to chap. 6 of this version. The //[^Vr of the 
Caliph is a nuncius in Hak.'s original : the 'ten soldans besides* included Rokn- 
ed-din, afterwards Sultan of RQm, the princes of Mosul, Ears, and Kerman, the 
brother of the Prince of Aleppo, and the envoys of the Assassin or Ismaelian 
Prince of Alamut. This catalogue may be paralleled by Simon's account of 
the uncle of the Prince of Aleppo and the brother of the Sultan of Mosul at the 
camp of Baiju, ipsum cum trina genuum flexione, capitumque in terram allisione 
...adorantes. We may notice that Carpini only speaks oi genuflexions, w&\e.x 
of prostrations ; Friar John is mistaken in thinking that the Great Khan never 
spoke directly with any man, cf. d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, li. 218. 
1-35 8. IVithout the lists: in Hak.'a origma] extra tabulatu/n. 


p. 137 1. 4 1. \_Wands.. ] purple wooll: in Hak.'s original lanatn coccineam. These 

were the tufts or tughs, in all ages emblems of Nomade Sovereignty in Asia. 
1. 12 2. Day of ...Assumption, i.e. Aug. 15, 1246. 

1. 17 3. Next vnto the ayre,no\.'vi\W3\i.'%ox\gm2\. 

1. 18 4. Fecut of Saint Bartholomew, i.e. Aug. 24, 1246. 

NOTES. 293 


1. fVas about [to become... Christtatt], in Hak.'s original deberet. p. 137 1. 40 

2. Cleargie men of the Christians: after this Hak. does not translate the p. 138 1. i 
clause et expensas eis da bat. 

8. Great [Tent^ mWnk.^s ox\g\na.\ mains {tentorium^ 1. 3 

4. According to... custome of ...Graecians: i.e. according to the rites of the 1, 4 
Greek Orthodox Church. 

6. Ring belles : in Hak. 's original pulsant only. 1. 5 

6. By a speaker: in Hak.'s original per interpositam personam : see chap. 1. 10 
26, note 7. 

[p. «»] 

7. Occoday ...poisoned: on the death of Okkodai in 1241, see d'Ohsson, !• 33 
Histoire cks Mongols, il. 86 — 7. Okkodai really died of drunkenness, alter- 
nating with over-violent pastimes. He was 56 years old, and had reigned 13; 

he was buried in the valley of Kimen. He was famous for his generosity : 'the 
only use of wealth is to win the hearts of our subjects.' Turakina was the 
chief of more than 60 wives and concubines of Okkodai's, Kuyuk being 
Turakina's eldest son ; her other four sons, Kutan, etc. never came to the 
throne; see d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, 11. 99, after Rashid-ed-din. 

8. This posie: in original hoc, simply; on Kuyuk's seal-inscription cf. 1. 39 
d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, li. 235 — 6. The description of Kuyuk given 

by Carpini must be compared with that of Chinese authors who describe the 
Khan's favour to the Kashmir lamas Watochi and Namo: Rashid-ed-din com- 
plains of Moslem humiliations in Kuyuk's reign: cf. d'Ohsson, Histoire des 
Mongols, II. 234, 235; Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, I. 160, 165, 185, 
308, 318—9, 333; II- 8 and notes 434—6, 742. 758. 


1. Chingay... chief e secretary: on the protonotarius, 'chancellor,' minister p- 139 1. 4 
of state, general, and proAMncial governor Chinkai, Chen-hai, or Chingcai, cf. 

note 4, ch. 31, also Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, i. 60 — i, 6^, 81, and 
note 144; d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, 11. 189, 269. The fullest account 
of Chinkai is in the Yuan-Shi, ch. 120, the essence of which Bretschneider 
professes to give in his note 144 (as above). 

2. Duke of Solangi. Cp. note 6, chap. 26. The Solangi are the inhabitants I, 6 
of Korea and Manchuria (or great part of these regions), known as Solonghos 

by the Mongols, the Langa and Solanga of Rubruquis, pp. 289 — 90, the Sulangka 
of Moslem writers. Chingiz first conquered Korea in 1218; it revolted from 
the Mongols in 1231 — 2, and was then re-conquered, 1235 — 41; cf. d'Ohsson, 
Histoire des Mongols, i. 360. King Vang-tung, after his revolt, took refuge in 
Tsiang-Hua island, off the W. coast of Korea. 

3. Trappers and caparisons: in Hak.'s origimA phaleratos et armatos. 1» 30 


1. Tent...Kythayans: on the skill of the Chinese as artificers see Carpini p. 140 1. 5 


p. 140 1. 9 2. Stage. ..of boards: m Hiik.^s ox'\g\na.\ tabulis. 

1, 2Q 8. Ieroslaus...Soldal\ i.e. Yaroslav of Vladimir and Suzdal: see note 6, 

chap. 26. Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, il. 76 — 7, also gives the 
version of the Russian Annals, that Yaroslav died on his way home from the 
Mongol court. His body was brought back to Vladimir. 

[p. 70] 

1. 31 4. After eate and drink Hak. does not translate the words de tnanu ipsius. 

On Turakina's regency, cf. d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, II. 188 — 195. 
1. 34 6. Strange bleio colour: in Hak.'s original miro modo glaucum. 


p. 141 1.6 1- Flag of defiance: ia Hzk.'s ongmaX vexillum. 

1. IS 2- Russian goldsmith. ..Cosmos: cf. Rubruquis on William Buchier the 

French Christian, goldsmith at Karakorum, pp. 309—10, 334, 337, 342, 374, 
etc. in Recueil ttxX. (not in Hak.). 

I. 34 3. Day of S. Marline: i.e. Nov. 11, H46. 

1. 35 4. Kadac.Bala: Kadak was a sort of President of the Mongol Imperial 

Council of State ; in Hak.'s original procurator, translated principal agent. Cf. 
note 1, chap. 29; also d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, li. 189, 269, on the 
position of Kadak and 'Chingay' under Ogul Gaimish, their conspiracy with 
her on behalf of the House of Okkodai, and their execution by Mangu. 

1.38 6. Eche sentetue: in Hak.'s original j;>/;'7//3j <7ra/wwj. 

1.41 6. Hatu mistakeft: in Hak.'s original minus haberemus: the full text of 

this letter exists only in the Colbert MS. of Carpini, immediately before the 
text of Benedict the Pole, and is printed by d'Avezac in the Recueil, iv. 594—5. 


p. 142 1. 21 1. Spies and intelligencers in our dominions: in Hak.'s original ^jr/Zora- 

tores terrcu, simply. 
1- ^3 a. Seruants... legates of Almaine: in Hak.'s orig. seruientes, qui slant 

nobiscum, ex rogatu Cardinalis, legati scilicet Alemanniae, viz. the Dominican 

Hugo de Santocaro. 
!• 16 3. Dutch : in Hak.'s original Teutonicis. 

[p. 71] 

1. 36 4. Feast of Saint Brice, i.e. Nov. 13, 1146. 

I. 39 6. [Gowne]...furre... outside: in Hak.'s original /i7w de foris. Here the 

word purpura translated a piece of purple seems used in the sense of dress of 

honour or robe of ceremony, 
p. 148 1. I 6. Yarde: in Hak.'s original ^^.twot. 


1. II 1. Feast of ...Ascension, i.e. May 9, H47. 

1. 12 2. Bathy... written: in Hak.'s original Batky...quod Imperator diligenter 

scripserat, demandare. 

NOTES. 29s 

8. The thirteenth day after Pentecost, being Saterday: in Hak.'s original p. 148 I. 17 
iabbatho infra octauas Pentecostes, i.e. June 2, 1247. 

4. Holde. . . Pope for. . . Lord: not only Daniel and Vasilko, but also Yaroslav 1. 40 

of Suzdal seem to have given Carpini promises of this nature: cp. letter of 
Innocent IV. to Alexander, Prince of Suzdal, 10 Kal. Feb. 1248. 

§ 9. Critical Notes to Rubruquis. 


A. = London (British Museum) MS. King's Library, 14 c. Xlll. (from 
fol. 225 r°, onwards). 

B. = Cambridge (Corpus) MS. No. 66 in C.C.C.C Libr., beginning at fol. 67. 

C. = Cambridge (Corpus) MS. No. 407 in C.C.C.C. Library, beginning from 
fol. 37 r°. 

b. = Cambridge (Corpus) MS. No. 181 in C.C.C.C. Libr. 

E. = Leyden MS. No. 77 in Leyden University Libr. 

[? F. = Phillipps MS. , a MS. bought from Libr. of John Cochran.] 

H. = Hakluyt's text. 

P. = Paris text, from the standard edition of Rubruquis by Francisque 
Michel and Thomas Wright in Vol. IV. of the Recueil de voyages etc. of the 
Paris Geog. Soc, 1839, pp. 199—396: text, pp. 213—396. 

M.W. = Michel and Wright ; this refers to these editors' collation. 

[Certain headings for chapters given in H. do not appear in P. They will 
be followed here, for convenience. Qn the Rubruquis MSS., see Introductory 
Note to this Vol.] 

[p. 71] 

1. Transibit, H. ; transtet, P. [not in M. W.'s collation]. p. 144 1. 13 

2. Bulgaria, H. ; vulgariter, P. [not in M. W.'s collation]. 1. 25 

3. Mille octo, H., with A., C. ; mille cccc, P. with D., B. ; but in B. there 1. 26 
has clearly been alteration. 1, 28 

4. Prouinciae, H., with A.; puncte, P. 

[p. 72] 

6. Kersoua, H. [and later]; Kersona, P. [and later]. p. 145 1. i 

6. Bombasioy H. ; gambasio, P. 1. 10 

7. Species, H., with E. ; spices, P. 1. 11 

8. Matriga, H.; Matrica, P.; Matrita, A. and C; Materia, B. 1. 12 

9. [Mercatores de] Constantinopoli, H. with B. ; ...Constantinopolim, P. !• 17 
[not in M.W.]. 

10. Matertam, H. with B. ; Matricam, P.; Matritam, A. and C. [and 1. 18 
later Materta, Matrica, etc]. 

11. Thosas, borbatas, H. ; ^^ hosas borbatas, P. 1. 20 

12. Maricandis, H.; Maritandis, P.; Maritanais, D. 1. 24 

13. Before Tanais and after orificium P. inserts maris. 1. 25 

14. Valakia, H. Blakia, P. 1. 34 


p. X4S 1. 35 16. Solonomam, H., with C. ; Sclavoniam, P.; Solonomiam, B. ; M. W. 

wrongly give Soloniam (for Solonomam), as A.'s reading. 
1. 37 16. [Totum^frnmentum, H.; ...ferrum, P. 

1.38 17. [Applicuimus...^ SolJaiae, H.; ...Soldaiam, P.; Soldaya, B. {Soldia, 

A., B., C, later] ; not in M. W. 
1. 39 18. Praeuenerant, H., with B. ; ptrvenerant. P.; not in M. W. 

1. 40 19. Dixerunt, H., with A., C. [and later]; dixerant, P. with D. 

1. 41 20. Sartach, H. ; Sarcac, P.; Sarcaht, A., C; Sarthac, B. [later P. reads 

Sarcaht, Sarcach, Sarchac, Sarchat; also Sartaht and Sartcuht in A.]. 

[The words nee alicujus...applicuissem, in the next sentence, are omitted 

p. 146 1. 5 21. After Baatu, P. adds inyeme; not in M. W. 

1. 6 22. Audiuimus, dixi, H. [not audivemus as given by M. W.] with B. ; 

audivimus diet, P. 
1. 17 23. [Vel equos pro\ iummarij's, H., with A., B., C; ...saginariis, P. 

1. 19 24. [Quod] non acciperem, H., with B. ; ...acciperem, P. 

I. 20 28. Apportant \Rutem\, H., with li.; porlant..., P.; aportant..., A., C. 

1. a I 26. Veliem, H.; nollem, P. 

1. 77 27. Muscatum, H., with A.; muscatel. P.; musccUos, B.,C. 

1. 35 28. Ltctisiernia, H., with A., B., E.; Uetiserinia, P., with best MSS. 

[p. 78] 

1. 37 29. Cremona, H., with A., B., C; Cremonia, P.; Tremonia, E. 

80. Gout, H., A., B.; Gossel, P.; CtJw/, C, E., D. 

1. 39 81. Nostra eUemosyna, H., with B. ; vestra..., P. ; nostra elemosyna, A. 

p. 147 1. i6 32. Salmastri, H., with A.; saJinastri, P.; salmastir, D., E. 

1. 17 33. Efficit salem, H.; efficitur sal, P. 

1. 2o 34. Ipperperam, H.; yperperam. P.; Yperperant, D., E. ; Iperperam, 

A., B., C. 


1. 28 1. Scythiam, H.; Cithiam, P.; Siehiam, E. 

1. 31 2. Debet [paseere], H.; debeat..., P. Not in M.W. 

p. 148 1. I 3. The words eirca collum...suspendunt filtrum are wanting in D., E. 

1. 3 4. Consumunt, H.; consuunt, P. 

6. /« [/a<ri>«a5?], H.; vel aliud\J...d\, P. ; m aliud{f...o], E., B., D. 

1. 5 6. Before triginta pedes P. inserts aliquando. 

1. 17 7. [Imbuto] seuo, H.; ...r^/<;, P. 

[p. 74] 

1. 30 8. Sexdecem, H.; with A., B., C; x;rw, P. [B. omits >4rt(5,r/]. 
1. 39 9. Plana, H., with A., B., C; plena, P. 


p. 149 1. 39 1. Xenia, H., with E.; exenia. P.; et exernia que differentur, M. W. 

wrongly give as read by all MSS. but E. \exennia. A., B.]; M. W. give H.'s 
reading as exenia. 
1. 40 2. After bancus, H. adds ibi est-, after ciphis, P. adds stat in introitu, 

which H. omits with A., C, D., E.; D. and E. omit all the last six words of 
the chapter as given in P. 

NOTES. 297 


1. Before de melU, P. adds de tritico; H. omits, with A. p. 160 1. 3 

2. Claret [sicttt vinuNi], H.; clarum, P.; claro, A. 1. 4 

3. Before incipit P. adds dominus; H. omits. 1. 9 

4. After tres veniunt cantantes, P. adds et saltantes; B. omits. 1. 20 

[p. 76] 

5. Terunt, H., with A., B., C; fei-unt, P. 1. 26 


1. Morlicinia, H., with E. ; niorticina, P. [and later]. 1. 29 

2. \_Pulcherrimos\ socttlares, H.; ...sotulares, P.; not in M. W. p. 161 1. i 

3. Qua [so/emus], H. ; qtialibet..., P.; quolibet, D. 1. 5 

4. ^/zV^r, H. ; aw/cw, P. 1. 12 

6. Saptargat, H. ; Captargac, P.; Scaptargat, E. ; Saptargac, A., B., C. 


1. Partim \^iugere\, H., with B. [which reads stiggere], D., E. ; parvum..., 1. 23 
P.; paululum. A., ace. to M. W. ; A. really \\3iS parvum surgere. 

2. [Vtrem siue] bucellam, H. ; butellum. P.; bucellum. A.; buccellum, B. ; 1. 25 
pMiellum, E. 

3. Ratio, H. ; regula, P. [B. omits «««';« e^/]. 1. 36 

4. Z<zr «/jt cuius fetet venter, H. ; ?'« cujtis fetus ventre lac, P. ; ?'« cuj'us 1. 37 
feti..., D., E.; A., B. transpose these words, reading /ac t« ciij us fetus ventre 

[B.], /tf^ m cujus fetet ventre [A.]. 

6. After coagulum, P., A., D. add coagulatur; not in M.W. 1. 38 

6. Before serum P. adds /<7f ; H, and A., B. omit. p. 162 1. 2 

7. 30. casalia, H., with A., B. ; xxx homines, P. 1. 5 

8. Unumquodq;, H.; quilibet. P., with A., B., D. as in the next four 1. 6 

9. Quam...afferunt, H.; quod...afferant, P. 1. 9 

10. Before lac the words tVa et isti, given by H., are omitted by P., which 1. 10 
reads ita oportet before quod ipsi afferant. 

11. Vtribus \arietinis\ H. ; ventribus..., P. 1. 12 

12. Putrescit, H.; putrefit, P. 1. 14 

[p. 76] 

13. Gri-vt, H., with A.,B., C ; grice, P.; P., later, ^'7</. 1, 20 


1. Before Mures, P. adds capiunt etiam mures, quorum multa genera \, 29 
habundant ibi ; H. omits, with A., B., C. 

2. Before et omne genus, P. adds sed dant avibus suis...Glires comedunt; 1. 30 
H. omits with A., C. 

3. {Marmotes...'] ipsi, H., with B.; ...ibi, P. 1. 31 

4. Cati, H.; cala. P.; taca, D., E. M. W. do not notice H.'s reading. 1. 35 
6. Artak, H.; arcali, P. 1. 39 
6. Torta, H., with B. ; tortua ut aries, P. ; H.'s reading torta not noticed 1. 40 

by M. W. 



p. 153 1. I 7. Girfalcones...herodios, H.; girfaus, erodios. P.; girfaus, herodios, B. 

1. 4 8. Medietatem, H., A., B. ; medium,!?. 

1.6 9. Verbereiur^avento], II.; reverbetiir...,'P.\ rez'erberetur,'R.,'E. M. W. 

give H.'s reading as verbetur. 
1. 1 1 10. Bambasio, H., with B. ; wambasio, P. [and later]. 

XI. Moxel...Kersis, H., with A., B.; Maxel...Kerkis, P.; Pascatir, H.; 
Pascatu, P., with A. ; Paschatu, E. 
1. i8 12. Contra \ventum\, H., with A.; ad..., P, 

1. 28 13. De grossiari...filtrum, H.; de ilia gross... % philtrum. P.; M. W. make 

W.. ovnW. de grossiori; A. reads here /A///r«w ; B., Yi.Jiltrum. 
1. 31 14. Patullas sub stilts, H. [with A., B.]; panellos subsellos. P.; fanellas, 

A., B. ; sub stilus, D. 


1.35 1. Cristat...ttmpora, H. [with A., B.]; ptrsucatras cos(at...tim/>ora, V.; 

later, P. reads tympora, which A. reads here; timpora, B. 
p. 164 1. 7 2. Postta, H., with A., B. ; Pratttrta, P. 

1. 8 3. Botta, H., with B.; Bocca, P. 

[p. 77] 

Scilictt \vnius cubitt\, H.; similiter..., P. ; simili, D. 

Before virgulam ornant, P. omits ji^/", given by H. and A. 

Longum \in circuitu], H., with B., D. ; lungum.... P.; not in M. W. 

Before dtsuptr lantea P. adds et virgula; H. and A. omit. 

XSicut^ viti [diutrsi^cantts], H. ; ...viri.... P., with A.; not in M. W. 

Pingtitdint \_f(uits\ H., with A., B., C. ; st...pingutndo..., P. 

p. 156 




1. 16 










1. 10 









After viri faciunt. P., with A., omits solum, given by H. 
Et, H. [after ipsum cosmos]; id tst, P. 
Before inspissato. P., with A., adds acttoso; actios, E. 
Quia [adueniunl] tcu, H. ; qtu...ei. P.; quia...ti. A., D. 
Before iniuriam P. addsy?^/i; H. and A., B., omit. 

p. 156 

p. 157 





1. 18 


1. 20 














C. ; B. omits. 
[No stop.] Not in M. W. 


[p. 78] 

[Falsos nuncios'] quia, H.; ...qui scilictt, P. 
Sacriltgas, H.; sortiltgas. P.; sort il egos, B. 
[AlanguyAam, H.; ...chan, P.; ...thatn, A. 
Vnam. Si tst dt nobilibus, H . ; unam si..., P 
Apposuerunt \^... cosmos], H., with B., D., E. ; opposuerunt 
Structas [lapidibus], H., with A.; stratas..., P. 
Circa [artam], H., with A., B., C; citra .., P. 
£t vbi \aliquis], H. ; Quando..., P. ; D. omits. 


1. iBigis] nigris, H., with A., B. ; ...nostris, P. 

Quas\dtferrem]Sartach,'\^., with A., B., C.; que...Sarcath, P.; qut. 
Sartach B. 

NOTES. 299 

8. Sin minus, H. ; sin autem. P., with A. ; si autem, D. p. X67 1. 25 

4. \_Nomine\ Scacatai, H.; ...Scatanay, P.; ...Scatai, B., C. ; Scatatai, 1. 26 

A., D. ; elsewhere P. has Scatatay, etc. 

6. Chirothecas, H. ; cyrotecas. P.; cirotecas, B., A.; cirothecas, E., D. ; 1. 33 

H.'s reading is not given by M. W. 

6. Batrator, H., with A., B., C. ; baratator, P. 1. 36 

7. Apram, H., with A., B.; Airam, P.; Agram, B., C. p. 158 1. 2 

[p. 70] 

8. Dio, H.; divo. P., with A. 1. 6 

^ CHAPTER 13. 

1. Adas, H., with A., C. ; ^aj. P.; Ats, E. ; /4aaj, B. p. 169 1. 33 

[p. 80] 

2. Etiam si cogtu)uissent...rectificabar, H., with [A.,] B. ; . . .cognoscerent p. 160 1. 8 
[so Pi.J\...rectificabavi^ P. 


1. Intrassemus : videbantur, H. ; f«w i«...j vid... [no stop] P. p. 161 1. 8 

2. [Quindecim diebus] qtnbus non, H., with B., D.; quod nos, P. 1. 11 

3. Fnutibus et panem biscoctum, H.; biscocto [only] P., with D., E.; 1. 13 
vinum veringal plenum et panem biscoctum. A., C. ; plenum biscoctum, B. 

4. Bones, H., with A., C; personis, P. 

6. Bobus, H., with A., B., C. ; P. inserts equis et. 1. 15 

6. Viginti \dietas\ H., with A., B., C. ; xxx..., P. 1. 20 

7. Comani ..Capchat, H., with B., C., and later with A., B., also; Com- 1. 22 
mani...Capthat, P. ; Capthac, E. 

8. \Hungaria...\ Tanaim, H. ; Thanain, P.; Tanayn, A., B., C; !• 3^ 
Tanain, E. 

9. Praeponunt \^...Rutenis'\, H. ; proponunt.... P., with A.; here begins !• 33 
Ch. IS in A., C. 

[p. 81] 

1. Xenio, H.; exennio. P.; extremo, E. So later xenium, H.; ^x- p. 162 1. 10 
ennium, P. 

2. [Comedentes^ viaticum, H.; ...panem. P.; nostrum, A. 1. n 

3. [^jr^^//jV] seruientibus, H. ; . . .survenientibuSy P., with B. ; ...super- 
venientibus, A., D., E. 

4. Grauabat, H., with B., D., E. ; grevabat, P. 1. 22 

5. ^wi-of fz/w volebam, H., with E.; ^/^(7</ «o« valebam. P.; quando nole- 
bam, D. ; quajtdo volebam, B. 

6. Aedificationis, H., with B., C, E. ; predicationis, P. 

7. Perpendi, H., with B., C. ; percepi, P. 

8. A'/'/w^ [y?«M?Mj], in H. only; P., with A., omits Nilus. 

9. ^«^a, H. ; ripa. P.; rf^^a, all Mss. but E. M. W. give H.'s reading as 

10. Borbatam [recentem], H., with A., B., C. ; borbotam, P. 









1. 163 



p. 163 1. 7 11. Sequana Parisijs, H. [Parisius, A.]; Secane Parisius, P.; Sokena, 

A., C. ; Sokana, B. ; Sequane, E.; later P. reads Secatta', A., B., C, Sekena. 
1. 12 12. After oritur de paludibus P. adds Meotidis; not in H. 

1. 13 13. In{quoddam...Mare], \i.; faciens.... P.; A. omits m. 

p. 164 1. 3 1. Syluas ad aquilonem. Sunt, H. ; silvas. Ad aquilontm sunt, P. 

[p. 88] 

1. 1 5 S. Merduos, H. ; Merdinis, P. ; Merduius, A., B. , C. 

1. a6 S. Cergis et Alani siue Acas, H. ; Cherkis...sive Aas, P.; Kerkis, A., 

B., C. 

1. 29 4. [.^w.?* ••] obediunt, H., with A.; obediunt, P. 

1. 32 6. After habitabant Comani, P. inserts Capchac, which H. omits; Ca/- 

chat^ B. 


1, 35 1. Etiliam, H., with B. ; Ethiliam, P. ; Eciliam, A. 

p. 166 1.5 2. Domini lannam, H.; dominum lannam. A.; Domttm lamiam, B.; 

dominum qui vacatur lamiam, P. ; Domum quis vacatur lam lam, C, D., E. 
1. 16 S. Afferebamus, H., with B., D. ; offerebamus, P. Not in M. W. 

1. 18 4. Sic [seruarcm] H. ; ji..., P.; sic servant em. A., C. 

1. 34 8- ^''-«' Franciae, H. ; Franciae omitted by P., with A. 

1. a J 6. Baldnuyno de Hannonia, H. ; Baldeuino de Hemmonia, P.; B...ivyno 

de Hammona, A., B., C. 
1. 26 f- \.Socijs\ domus Dominicae, H.; ...David, P. [and later], with all MSS. 
1. 39 8. [Dominus] noster, H., with B. ; ...vester, P. 

p. 166 1, 5 •. Biblium quod...psalterium, H. ; bibliam qttam et psaltenum, P. [and 

later]. H.'s omission of ;/and placing of psalterium in apposition to biblium, 
not noticed by M. W. Bibliam quam psalteriutn, A., B. 
1. 6 10. Before /«/f A ra< P. inserts valde, not in H. (or A.). 
1. 7 11. Supercilicio, H. ; superpelliceo, P. ; superceliceo. A., B., C. 

1. 8 12. [Ante] dominum, H., with A., B. ; ...domum, P. 

[p. 88] 

1. 10 13. Ter, H., with A.; cum, P. 

1. II 14. Requisiuerunt, H. ; acquisierunt. P.; requisierunt, B. , D. 

1, 23 15. Armeni, H.; Hermeni, P. 

1. 49 16. Turcicum, H.; Turkum, P. 


p. 167 1. 16 1- [/Va/'^^...] Coiacis, H. ; .. Coiac, P. [j«/<?r, B.]. 

1. ^2 2. Before j^t/ Moal, P. adds mom «/ Christianus, and between j^«ta and 

nomen inserts enim; not in H. or D. 


[p. 84] 

p. 168 1. 8 1. Concan, H. ; Cotuham, P., with A ; Coirchan, E. 

1. 10 2. Qui [diuinator], H., with A., D. ; quod..., P. 

NOTES. 301 

8. Propter snccursum, H.; pro succursu. P.; not in M. W.; A. reads p. les 1. 13 
succurswn only. 

4. Cara-Catny, H., with B., E. ; Caratatay, P. [later Caracatay\, Cara- \, i^ 

catos, Carsitatay, Carstatay, Caracaias, other forms in A., C. [M. and W. 
give H.'s reading as Cara-Caiai.l 

6. Nigri[Catay\ H.; ntger.... P.; nigrum..., A., C. 1. 16 
«. Dicehatur Yaymaii, H., with A., C; dicebantur Haiman, P.; dice- 1. 21 

batur Nayman, B. ; dicebantur Naivian, D. 

7. Mangu, H., P. ; Magu, A., B., C; Mandu, E., D. 1. 26 

8. Ken can, H.; Ken cham. P., with A., C. ; Keu, D; Koncham, B. [Can, 1. 27 
H., usually; Chatn or C^a«, P.]. 

9. Potetts, pastor..., Fut, H.; potens pastor..., Unc, P., A. [H. reads F«f 1. 33 
or 6^«<r in other places] ; Nunc, E. 

10. Alpes...Caracatay, H., with B. ; Alpes...Caratay, P. 1. 34 

11. Tartari, H.; Jarcar, P.; Tarcar, D. ; Tarcai, E.; Tartari, A., B., p. 160 1. 4 
C. [M. and W. give H.'s reading as Jartari.^ 

12. [Cttria] Cyngiscan...Mancherule, W.; ...Chingis Chan...Onankerule, 1.23 
P.; Chingis Cham...Mauchertde, A., B., C. 

13. Tartar/ [i-j/ r^^V)], H., with A., C.; Caracaron...,Y.; Caracari, 'R. 1. 24 

14. Acquisitio, H., with B,, D. ; prima adquisitio, P.; not in M. W. 


[p. 86] 

1. Beita, H., with A., C. ; Jerra, P.; Berca, B. ; Fra, E. [7>rra 1. 38 
frcUris, D.]. 

2. .yw/^r, H., with A., E. ; frater, P, 

3. {Permittit in] terra, H.; ...curia,'?., viiXh K.l'Q. oralis non\. p. 170 1. 2 

4. Interficiunt, de die lalitantes. Et,\i.; tnt...nt. De...latitant,et,Y. \. \^ 
6. Occursum, H., with B., D. , E. ; occasum, P. 1. 15 

6. 7a/j«w, H., with B., D., E.; ^a/^/«, P. 1. 16 

7. Tandem, H.; ergo. P.; A. omits. 1. 18 

8. Before quemdam lacum [q...nd...m, H.], P. adds in meridiem, cadens \^ 2q 
in; H. omits, with A. 

9. Sircan, H., with A., B., C. ; Sirsan, P. ; Sirtan, B. ; Siroan, D. 1. i\ 

10. luxta, H. ; jw/^r, P.; A. omits. I. 23 

11. Musihet, H., with A., C; Muliech, P.; Mulihec, B. I. 34 

12. Assassinorum, H. ; Axasinorum, P.; Haxasinorum, A., B., C. 

13. Before qui...Canglae, P. adds Comani; H. omits, with A., B., C. 1. 37 


[p. 86] 

1. Mergitur, H. ; oritur, P. p. 171 I. 4 

2. Feritatis...leones, H. with A., B. , C. ; leones, P. 1. 6 

3. Before mixtim, P. adds ^/ Sarracenis; H. omits, with A. M. W. do I. 11 
not notice H.'s omission here. 

4. Quum ergo vidi...propi domus, H., with A.; quando...propriae.... P.; 1. 25 
quando...prope, D. 

6. Before ducti P. 2AA% primo; H. omits, with A., B., C. 1. 36 

6. After sequenti die P. adds duett; H. omits, with A., B., C. [A. omits 1. 37 



p. X71 1. 40 7. Vi non [loqturemHr\...el [tunc], H., with A., C. ; quoii nihil. quod...., 

P. ; ut nichil, B. 
p. 172 1. 5 8. Ad[papiliotum\ H., with A., B., C; ante..., P. 

1. 10 9. [In oculis] forum, H., with A., B. ; ...nostris, P. 

10. Piano carpiniy H. ; Policarpo, P., and all MSS. 
I. II 11. Indtutifuimus, H., B. ; introdtuti sumus. P.; induH fuimus, A. 

1.38 12. Confortare m timerem, H. ; confortari ne timeret. P.; confortare... 

timertt, B., D. M. W. do not notice H.'s reading timerem. 

[p. 87] 

p. 178 1. I 13. Vt, H.; coutra quoi. P.; qtum, E. 

I. 24 14. \Dlxit nobis\ summam, H., with A., D.; ...sententiam, P. 

1. a6 18. £0 [amplt'us], H., with A.; egv..., P. 


p. 174 1. 4 1. [f/ungari'\...CUriculi, H., with A., B.; ...derici, P. 

1. 1 4 2. \Scripsi\vtrasque, H. with A., B. ; ...utrinque. P.; utriqtu, E. 

1. 13 8. Finem \exaltationis...crucis\ H.\ /alum, P. ; not in M. W. 

[p. ••] 
•I. 38 4. [Botas siue] btuellos, H., with A., B., C.\...hocellos, 'P.;...hosellos, D. 
1. 41 5. Si^uirios, H., with A., D.; duos saginarios, P. 

1. 43 6. Romanorum, H., with A., B., C; Comanorum, P. 


p. 176 1. 6 1. lagag, H.; Jagat, P. ; Jagac, A., B., C. 

I. 7 S. Pascatir, H., with A., B., C; Pascatur, P., as before. 
1.8 S. Hungarorum, H. [not in M. W.]; Ungariorum, P.; Hungari, A., 

B., C. ; Ungarorum, D. 
1. 18 4. Occurrerunt...Vandali, H., with A., B.,C.; concurrunt...lVandali, P.; 

concurrerunt, D. ; H.'s reading Vatidali noi noticed in M. W. 
1. 20 8. Hoc, H., with A., B., C; Iliac, P. 

\. 21 6. Illos lingua... Boimorum. Sclauorum est idem idioma,Y\..\illos. Lingua 
...Boetnorum et Sclavonorum eadetii, P. [A., B., D. omit idioma.] These 
differences are only in part noticed in M. W. 
1. 23 7. Sclauorum, H.; Sclavonorum, P., with B., D. ; Sdavanorum, A., C. 

1. 26 8. [Po/>tilum] mtdtum, H., with A., B. ; ...nullum, P. 

1. 33 9. Bulgaris [Saracenis\ H., with A., B., C, D.; Vulgaris..., P. 

1. 35 10. Valachia, H.; Blakia, P., with A., B., D.; not in M. W. 

p. 178 1.5 11. Ltuius, H., with A., B., C; tunc lentius. P.; H.'s omission of 
tunc not in M. W. 
1. 15 12. Saginarios, H.; pro saginariis, P. 


[p. 89] 

p. 177 1. 10 1. [Asinos...^ Colan, H., with C. ; ...Culam, P.; ...Colau, A., B. 

1. 16 2. Kenchat, H., with A., C. ; Kinchat, P. ; Kenchac, B. 

1. 21 3. 5"^£/ omitted by P. before quia iam eramus. Earlier in same chapter 

H. reads quia; P., quart [nolebamus recipere aurum]. 




1. Ban [dominus], H., with A., C, D.; Buri..., P. Earlier in same p. 177 1. 37 
chapter H. reads Burt. In same sentence H. reads sed nihil poteram [not nichil 

as in M. W.]; P., nichil poteram; E. , et nihil poteram; A. omits sed. 

2. \Sicnt\ Baatus, H., with A.; ...Baatu, P. p. 173 1. 2 

3. Talas \erat post nos\ H., with B., D. ; Jalas..., P.; Talis..., A., C. 1, 12 
H.'s reading not in M. W. 

4. Before transiui etindo P. inserts tauten; H. omits, with A., C. 
6. Homines Mangu exequuntur, H. ; homines 

execuntur, P. {Cham omitted : Magtc in A., B. : this not in M. W.] 


[p. 90] 

6. Descen(iebant\a...montibus\ H.; dependebant, P. 

7. Before ad meridiem, P. inserts qui erant; H. omits, with A., C. 

8. [Solebant esse multae] villae, H., with B., D., E., which last (two) 
read magnae; ...valle, P. M. W. give H.'s reading as ville. 

9. [Omnes erant] destructae, H. [not destructe as in M. W.], with B., E. ; 
distracte. P.; distructae, A. 

10. [Quieuimus] quindecim, H. with A., B., C. ; ...xii, P. 

11. Organum, H., with A., C. ; Orgonum, P.; Argonum, E. [later 
Organa in H., P.; Orgona, B.]. 

12. Haec.Contomannis, H.; modo...Turcomannis, P.; Contomaniis, 
A. , B. ; Contromaniis, C. ; Tiiitomannis, E. 

13. /diomate, H.; ydioma. P.; ideoma, D. ; /afeo mare, E. 

14. After partibus illis, and before dicuntur Organa, P. adds ojfficium 
suum et scribere libros et forte ab illis; H. omits, with A., C. 

16. Idolatrias, H., with E. ; ydolatras. P., with A., D. ; ydiolatras, B. 

1- 3.^ 
1. 40 


179 1. 





1. Cealcu, H. ; Caalat, P.; Caalac, C; Ceialac, A. 

2. Habetis...imaginem, H.; habetis hic.ymaginem, P.; habetis...ymagi- 
nem, A. [M. W. a little later give quamdatn yminaginationem as H.'s reading 
for P.'s quamdam ymaginem; here H. really has imaginationem\, 

3. Ipsorum, H., with A.; episcoporum, P. 

4. [Azrflr««'...] inuitant, H., with MSS. other than B., D. ; ...vitant, 
P., with B., D. 

6. [Z<Y««] i«'2'<?, H., with A. ;, P. 

6. After ornant se sacerdotes P. adds et offerunt thura el ascendant [sic, 
with MSS.] lucernas; H. omits, with A., B., C. 

7. Communes omnes, H., with A.; omnes omnium, P. 
A., B. 

8. Eorum [exeuntem], H., with A., C; corum..., P. 

9. [F^/] rt//>r, H., with A., B., C; ...aliquando, P. 

10. [/« /^co] <r^tf/i, H., with B.; ...cori. P., and so later. 

communes omnium. 









p. lao 1. 3 


[p. 91] 

1. After chorus contra chorum [corus... corum] P. adds in terra. 

2. Orator ium quoddam eorum, H. ; Carrachorum quoddam templum eo- 
rum, P. ; Coratorium, A., B. ; Coracorium, C. 

1. 26 

A., B. 

1. J« 









p. X8O 1. ig 3. After quocumque vadunt P. adds semper in niatiibus, with A. 

4. Quendam resteni, H. ; quamdam Ustam, P. ; restam. A., B., C. 
1. 31 6. Ou mam Hactaui, H.; On man baccam. P.; Ou mani hactain. A., B., 

C. ; Ou mani bachan, E. 
1. 33 6- Expectant, H.; exspectat. P., with E. 

1. 37 7. [Emineat'\ si possint, H., with A.; possunt, P. 

p. 181 1. 1 8. Before Franci P. ow\\\.% fratres [not in M.W.]; and before j^x vt(/t, 

P. omits ////. A. omits both with P. 
1.3 9. \Capitihus\cartaceas, H.; 'J'artareas, P. 

10. Jiigurttm, H.; Ingurum, P., with A. [later, at beg. of ch. 27, 
Ingures\; Ingruum, B. [Virginis, later, D, E.J. Later M. W. wrongly give 
Ingures [for Iugures\ as H.'s reading. 
1. II 11. Mangti'Cham...vobis H.; Manguchan...eis, P.; Magu cham... nobis, 

...ei, E. 

Vnusspiritus, H.,and all Mss. but E.,D. ; «««jrfj/iW/«j, P. with£.,D. 
[A/i^uis] cAarus eius, H.; ...carus ei, P. 
laa 1. 4 14. [/l/^/awf/;'] fflj/ra, H., with B., E. ; ...castrum, P. 

^j« before Maal et ingrediuntur added by P.; H. omits, with A. 

[p. 93] 

1. 16 1, Post obediuerunt [CAingis], H., with A., B.; primo obedierunt..., P. 

1. 37 2. Ferociores, H.; fortiores. P., with A. 

1. If) 3. Acuosa, H., with A., B. ; arctiosa. P.; artuosa, E. 

1. 30 4. Iniungi, H., with A. ; mungi. P.; inungi, E. 

1. 33 8. yV**-/, H., with A., B., C; Tebec, P. 
188 1.5 6. Langa [ei Soiangu], H., with A., C; I^mga..., P., with B., D. ; 
Selanga, A.; Solonga, B. 

^- " 7. [Farum] interior, H.; ...inferior, P. 

^* '9 8. After capitis, P. adds, ^/ «/ valde pulchrum ornamentum capitis; H. 

omits, with A., B., C. 

9. Before quando veniebat ad curiam P., with A., adds semper; H. omits. 

1.36 10. Cathaya, cuius ituolae, H. ; Cataya qui, P. with A., C; Cathaia 
qui, B. ; Cataia qui, E., D. 

1- 38 11. Before et ille populus, P. adds with A. qui dicuntur Serici ab illo 

populo; H. omits. 

H. ends, with A., C, at the end of p. 291 of Paris {Kecucil) text, which 
latter begins at p. 113 of vol. I v. (1839), and continues to p. 396, giving the 
complete Rubruquis. In the margin of C is a note, at the end of the MS.; Hie 
deficit multum; vide apud S. Edmundum residuum ; M. W. add, liber hie fuit 
olim, ui videtur, peculium prioratus cujusdam apud Norwicum. 

§ 10. Notes on Hakluyt's Version of Rubruquis. 
pp. 93—117. 

[p. 93] 


184 1.6 1. William de Rttbruk...of the Minorites: Friar William was probably 

a native of Rubrouck village in Old French Flanders. His birth is commonly 
dated about 1215 — 1220, his death about 1270. He is only known from the 
present work, from Roger Bacon's Opus Maius (i. 305, 354, etc., ed. Bridges, 

NOTES. 305 

1897 ; Carpini is referred to in the same work i. 371), and from the Franciscan p. 184 
records used by Luke Wadding in Scriptores Ordinis Minorum. Rubruquis 
probably met Carpini and Benedict the Pole in Paris, at the Court of the 
Saint- King Louis IX., when Friar John and his companion arrived there in 
the early part of 1248, shortly after their return from Mongolia, on a mission 
from the Pope to the French Sovereign (Luke Wadding, Annates Minorum, 
III. 115). From these veteran explorers Rubruquis in all likelihood received 
the first impulse towards his own great journey. He accompanied Louis IX. 
on the Sixth Crusade, and was probably with the King when the mission 
arrived from Ilchikadai at the end of 1248, offering an alliance against the 
Saracens, and when the pleasing and plausible impostor, Sabeddin Morrifat 
David, in charge of this mission, told the King of France how the Great Khan 
and the chief lords of the Mongols had embraced Christianity three years 
before. When Andrew of Longumeau (Jean Pierre Sarrasin's ' Andrieu de 
St Jacques') started, in Feb. 1249, on the return embassy sent by Louis IX. 
both to Ilchikadai and to the Great Khan Kuyuk, Rubruquis was also present, 
there is no reason to doubt, as also when Andrew returned to St Louis at 
Caesarea in 1251. Lastly Rubruquis seems to have met Philip de Toucy 
[and Baldwin of Hainault ?] at Caesarea in the winter of 1251 — 52, and to have 
heard much about the manners of the Kumans and the routes through their 
country. The traveller left his sovereign some time in the winter of 1252 — 3, 
made a stay (possibly of some length) in Constantinople, and started from the 
imp>erial city for the Crimea on May 7, 1253. See Joinville and Sarrasin, 
ed. Michel, Paris, 1867, pp. 142 — 9, 150 — 2, 254 — 5. 

For modem studies cf. Oscar Peschel, Geschichte der Erdkuttde, 165, etc. ; 
L^on Cahun, Introduction a V histoire de VAsie, 353—4, 355, 384 — 6, 392 ; Sir 
Henry Yule's article in Encyclopaedia Britannica (9th edition), xxi. 46 — 7 ; 
the same author's Marco Poto, li. 536; F. M. Schmidt, Ueber Rubruk's 
Jieise, Berlin 1885 (Berlin Geog. Soc. vol. 20, pp. 161 — 253, and reprint); 
W. W. Rockhill, trans, of Rub. with commentary, Hakluyt Society, 1900; 
Beazley, Dawn of Modern Geography, 11. pp. 278 — 9, 320 — 381. 

An excellent analysis of Rub.'s journey is in d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols 
^ed. of 1852), vol. 11. chap. vi. pp. 283 — 309, and invaluable refs. to, and notes 
upon, the same are in Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, 1888, I. 204 — 5, 
262—3, 299, 301, 305—7, 308, 311, 318, 327, 334; II. 25, 38, 41—2, 70 — r. 
9>l, 84, 85, 86, 91, 116, I2C. 

2. Yeare. ..iii)},.. .Nones of May... Pontus: i.e. Rub. sailed into the Black 1. 23 
Sea on May 7, 1253. Pontus and Pontus Euxinus are the regular names of 

this basin in classical and mediaeval geography ; it is called Dark, i] \eyofi4v7] 
ffKOTfiv-r) (if the ref. here is really to the Euxine and not to the Baltic ; either 
-would suit the context), by Constantine Porphyrogennetos, De Administrando 
Imperio, chaps. 31, 42; Black by Friar Jordanus {nigrum, maurum), chap. 
XIV. § 3, p. 61, Recueil text, vol. iv., 1839. Paris. 

3. Great sea: in Hak.'s original Mains Mare. For Hak.'s in length... !• 25 
1008 miles the best Mss. read MCCCC ; and so the text implies in Hak. a little 

later, 700 miles also from thence to the East, etc. The true length is about 700 
E. miles in all. Mare mains is an unusual term for the Euxine ; more usually 
it is applied to the Mediterranean in the Middle Ages, as in Isidore, Etymo- 
logies, XIII. xvi. I. As used for the Euxine, cf. Marco Polo, chap. i. (p. 5, 
Pauthier ; i. 2 — 3, Yule). 

4. Before towards Synopolis Hak.'s original has et contra meridiem, 1. 33 


p. 184 untranslated here. On Synopolis, our Sittope, called by Rub. a little later the 

citie of the Soldan of Turkie, an important trade-centre (as outlet for Turkish 
Asia Minor) at this time, of. Heyd, Commerce du Let'ant, i. 298, 550—3, il. 98 
168, 103 — 4. 
1.38 6. Hiberia... Georgia. See note 5, chap. 6 of Carpini. 

1- 39 «. Gasaria..\Caesaria\: the name Caesaria (1. 31) has nothing to do with 

Caesar, but is derived from the Khazars who dominated the modern Southern 
Russia from the 6th to the nth cent, and are mentioned so often by the 
Byzantines, e.g. in 626 by Priscus, if we may identify his 'AKaripoi and 
'A»toTfi/)oi with the Khazars, and by Constantine Porphyrogennetos, De Adm. 
Imp., chaps. 10 — 12 etc. Cf. the Gazari a.n^ Gazaria of Carpini 674 etc., 748, 
the Gatzaria of Friar Jordanus, 62 (Recueil, iv. 1839). See also Beazley, Dawn 
of Aloiiertt Geography, II. 212 — 3, 472, 474, 491 — 4. Frahn, De Chazaris, is 
still one of the most important monographs on this interesting people (1822, 
St Petersburg). 
p. IBS 1. I 7. Kersoua : so in Hak.'s original, for fCersona, Kherson or Cherson, the 

traditional scene of the martyrdom of .St Clement of Rome [civitas dementis 
Rub. calls it later, p. 215 of Receuil text), on the west side of the quarantine 
harbour of Sevastopol. See Constantine Porphyrogennetos, De Adm. Imp. 
chs. 6, 42, and esp. 53, the most valuable mediaeval essay on Chersonite 
history; Bockh, Inscript. Christ. 8740, 8742, 8757. See also Beazley, Dawn 
of Modem Geography, I. loi ; II. 455, 499 — 504. 

1. 5 8. Soldaia, i.e. Sudak or Sudagh, the 201-750^0 of the Byzantines, also 

written by Latins Sodaia, Soltadia, Soldachia, Shot India: noticed by M. Polo, 
chaps. 1, 2 (p. 6, Pauthier; l. 2 — 4, Yule) and by Edrisi (Jaubert), il. 394, who 
calls it Soldadia. It was first captured by the Mongols in 1223 and again in 
1239. Cf. Beazley, Dawn of Modern Geography, 11. 450 — i, and Rock hill's 
note in Hak. Soc. Rubruck, p. 43, n. 2 ; also Bretschneider, Med. Researches, 
II. 84, who warns us not to confuse Soldaia or Sudak with Solgat or Krim ; 
see Abulfeda, 11. 320; Pallas, Travels through the Southern Provinces of the 
Russian Empire, 1793 — 4, ll. 260 — 3, 217 — 27, 396 — 9, gives one of the best 
modern descriptions of .Sudak and [Solgat-] Krim. In the century after 
Rubruquis, Sudak greatly declined; cf. ll)n Batuta (Defremery and Sangui- 
netti), I. 28; II. 415. On Venetian trade and establishments here, c. a.d. 1250 
— 80, see Heyd, Commerce du Levant, i. 299 — 301, and Beazley, Dawn of 
Modern Geography, as above. 

1.6 9. Turkie nurchants: in Hak.'s original merccUores venientcs de Turchia, 

i.e. Inner Asia Minor, the dominion of the Seljuk Turks (Sultanate of Rftm or 
Iconium) from the close of the nth century. 

1. 8 10. Russia. ..ermitus and gray furres[\nllzk.^song\n3.\varium et grisiam] 

...bombast \\n onginaX bombasio^ ...silke... spices: Rossia, which Hak. translates 
Russia, may refer to the port of that name (al. Rosia, Ronsia), probably near 
the mouth of the Don ; cf. Heyd, Commerce du Levant, I. 205, 207 — 9 ; Beazley, 
Dawn of Modern Geography, II. 452. But it is more probably the whole country 
of the Russians (then confined to the central and S.W. regions of the modern 
Russia) that is here referred to. The furs mentioned appear to be the kinds 
known as vaire and minever, supposed to be squirrel and ermine. Purchas 
translates ' little spotted and grisel'd skins,' which does not take us very far. 
Rubruquis later, p. 329 of Recueil text, tells us moneta Rutenorum communis 
sunt pellicule...varii et grisii. On this see Karamzin, Russian History, i. 307 
— 9. ' Bombast,' i.e. Bombacium, is the early mediaeval name for cotton ; 

NOTES. 307 

Cotone is also used by Rub., Kecueii, p. 219; cf. Heyd, Commerce du Levant, p. 186 
II. 614. 

11. Matriga...Tanais...PonUis...a Utile aea [in Hak.'s original quoddam I. 13 
mare verms Aquilonetti\ ...Materia: on Matriga or Materia, the Ta/idropxa 

or TA Mdropxa of Constantine Porphyrogennetos, the Tmulorkhan of the 
Russians, otherwise Matraeha, Matreg^a, Matrica, etc., cf. Heyd, Commerce du 
Levant, l. 106, 11. 180, 379; Const. I'orph., De Adm. Lmp., ch. 42; Beazley, 
Dawn of Modern Geography, II. 421, 451 — 2. Its nearest modern equivalent is 
Taman or Phanagoria in the Taman peninsula. 

Rubruquis (cf. also pp. 216, 252, in yV^(-7/«7 text) considers, like many ancient 
and mediaeval writers — e.g. Edrisi, that the Straits of Kertch or Bosporos 
formed the true mouth of the Don or Tanais. 

12. Thosscs, Barbils: in Hak.'s original thosas, borbatas', better, hosas, \. ix 
barbotas: cf. Rub. later (p. 249 in Recueil text; see note 17, chap. 15) on the 

barbola (' turbut ' in Hak.) which he ate at the Tanais ferry. 

13. After Soldaia, Hak.'s original has qucu est cuspis provinciae, untrans- !• 25 
lated here. 

14. Maricandis... Matriga vpon the mouth of the riuer Tanais: in Hak.'s 1. 26 
original Maricatuiis... Materia el orificium Tanais, simply. Maricandis is 

probably a mistake for Maritanais {Mare Tanais), the reading of D, the 
oldest and best MS. (CCC. Cam., 181). 

16. Zikia...Sueui...Hiberi...Trapesunda...Guydo : on Zikia (also read, in 1. 28 

MS. D, Ziquia, but not, as Rockhill, Zikuia) cf. the Tivyol, Tivyiol, and "LiyLvvoi 
of Strabo, li. 31 ; xi. 11 — 12, etc., the X'^P"- ^^^ Zix^as of Const. Porph., De 
Adviinistratuio Imperio, chap. 42, the terra Ziccorum of Carpini, 748 {Recueil 
text). It was the steppe region South of the Kuban and North of the Western 
Caucasus. On the Suevi cf. the Suani of Pliny, Nat. Hist., vi. 4, the Soavat 
of .Strabo, XI. 14: they belonged to the Karivelian race, and were highlanders 
of the Western Caucasus as they are now. The Hiberi, Iberians, or Georgians 
were not independent of the Tartars, as Rub. declares; since 1239 they had 
been Mongol subjects. Guydo, governor of Trapesunda, i.e. Andronikos /. 
{Gidos), Emperor of Trebizond, had died 1235; Manuel Komnenos reigned 
1238 — 1263, and in 1252 sent an embassy to Louis IX. at Sidon. It is the 
more strange that even by this means Rubruquis had not learnt that Guydo 
no longer lived. Since 1244 Trebizond had been subject to the Mongols. 

16. Vastacius...Astar: i.e. loannes III. Doukas Batatzes Diplobastazos 1. 36 
('John Vataces'), Emperor of Nikaia (Nicaea) 1222 — 1254, and his son 
Theodoros II. Doukas Laskaris (the Astarof Hak., the Ascar of the best Mss.). 

Rub. says ' Vastacius ' was not in subjection to the Tartars, but it is certain 
that he paid them tribute at this time. ' Astar's ' mother was Eirene Laskaris, 
daughter of Theodoros I. Laskaris, 1204 — 1224, the first 'Nicene' emperor after 
the Latin capture of Constantinople. 

17. Valakia [Blakia in the best MSS.] ...Assanus ...Bulgaria minor... 1.40 
Solonia [in Hak.'s original Solonotnam ; Sclavoniam in the Paris text]. The 

Vlachs or Wallachians, described by Benjamin of Tudela, in Thessaly, were 
also numerous in the modern ' Wallachia ' and in Bulgaria S. of Danube. The 
land of Asan is the Bulgar-Wallacliian kingdom, founded c. 1186 by Asan 
(otherwise Assan, Asen, or lovan-Asen I.), with the help of his brothers Peter 
and John, as a revival of the old Bulgarian state destroyed by John Tzimiskes 
and Basil II. {^xikyapoKThvoi). Asan reigned 1186 — 96: in Rubruquis' time 
the ruler was Michael or Mikhailo-Asen, 1246 — 1257, the dynastic name being 
kept up, as Rubruquis implies, Blakia quae est terra Assani. 

20 — 2 


p. 180 Sclavonia (if that reading be preferred) here prob. refers to the Slav lands 

in the N.E. Adriatic basin : but it is only read by one (the oldest and best) MS., 
viz. D. On Hak.'s reading of com {/rumetitum) for iron {ferrum\ as in all 
the l^est MSS.), see critical notes. 

[p. 94] 

1.3 18. Soldaia the twelfth ... Kalends ...Iune...nurchants of Constantinople'. 

i.e. Rubruquis and his party reached Sudak, May 11, 1253: he complains 
a little later of the bad advice these merchants gave him for his journey. 

The Palm Sunday sermon in St Sophia to which Rubruquis refers in the 
next sentence was preached April 11, 1253, while Constantinople was still under 
Latin dominion (1204 — 1261); Baldwin II. of Courtenay, 1228 — 1261. 

1. 10 19- Infidels: in Hak.'s original incrediilos. 

1. ij> 20. Sartach... Christian; cf. Rub., Hecueil \.c\l, 217, 238 — 40, 242, 249, 

'."^i' 253 — 263, 2''4, 268, 270 — I, 375 — 6. Sartach was a Christian, says 
King Hay ton's narrative definitely. On Sartach and Rubruquis' visit, cf. 
d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, !l. 283 — 5, 291 ; Bretschneider, Mediaeval 
Researches, 1. 167 — 8, 170; II. 15, and esp. note 459; Patkanov's History 
of the Mongols from Armenian sources, p. 73, and note 5, chap. 13 of 
Carpini in this vol. Ace. to Bar Hebraeus, Sartach (or rather Sartakh, the 
Sa-li-ta of the Chinese; also written Sartath, Sarcath, Sarthac, Sartaht, 
Serttah, Salcalh, etc.; the MSS. of Rubruquis alone give ten different forms 
of this name) was baptized and ordained deacon (Klaproth, fournal Asiatique, 
XII. 211, 277). Innocent IV. addressed him as a Christian in 1254 on the 
faith of his self-styled envoy John the Presbyter. .See Abel Remusat, 
Relations... des Princes Chretiens... avec les Mongols (1822 — 4), p. 61. 

21. Good and commoditie : in Hak.'s original z'//7//rt/« [CArw/ia«//a/M]. 

22. Baite: in Hak.'s original Herbergia: carriages or cartages, in Hak.'s 
original res. 

23. On sundry horses backs : in Hak.'s original super alios simply. 

24. Gouemours of Soldaia : in Hak.'s original capitaneis primis, referring to 
the Mongol lords, not to the Sudak magistrates, etc. 

107 1. 7 26. Borrowed: in Hak.'s original accepimus. 

26. Bartholomew . . . Goset . . . l^urgemanntis . . . Nicolas : Bartholomew of 
Cremona, in p. 303 of the Recueil text of Rub., seems to be alluded to as resident 
at the court of ' Vastacius' of Nikaia before this journey (see note 16). He 
did not return with Rub., but stayed behind at Mangu's court. (See pp. 372, 
374 of Recueil text of Rub.) 

Goset (Gosset in the best MSS.) did not accompany Rub. and Bartholomew 
to Mangu's court. Batu sent him back (with the puer Nicholaus) to .Sartach 
(p. 271, Recueil) or detained him at his own 'horde' (p. 377, Recueil text 
of Rub.). 

'Homo Dei Turgemannus,' 'Turgemannus the man of God,' is mysterious; 
Rockhill suggests his name in Rub. is a translation of Abdullah ' slave of 
God ' (Hak. Soc. Rubruck, p. 50). Anyhow he was the interpreter {torgiman, 
tarjuman, turguman, or dragoman) of the party, and a very poor one at 
1. 13 27. Almes heslowed vpon me: in Hak.'s original de nostra eleemosyna: the 

Recueil text reads de vestra elcem°'. 
1. 16 28. Promontories... Kersoua [for Kersond\ ...fortie castles. ..Gothes... Dutch 

tongue [in Hak.'s original idioma Teulonicum^: see Rockhill's note p. 51 of 












NOTES. 309 

Hak. Soc. Rubruck\ Josafat Barbaro, Travels to Tana and Persia, Hak. Soc. p. 107 
ed., 27 — 30 (1873) ; Benedict the Pole on the Saxi, supposed by him to be Goths, 
p. 776 in Reateil text; Busbequius (Busbeck), Epistolae deque rebus Turcicis, 
383, Leipzig, 1689; Heyd, Commerce dti Levant, il. 208; Yule, Cathay, 200; 
d'Avezac in the Recueil, 498 — 9 (iv. 1839). 

29. There ..Isthmus: in Hak. 's original ^wa^ fc<zr<r/a/«r. !• *4 

80. Comanians... Tartars: see note 4, chap. 21 of Carpini. The Mongol 1- 28 

invasion of Koman- or Kuman-land (our S. Russia), which led to the great 
battle of the Kalka in 1222 (otherwise 1223 or 1224), also resulted in an 
incursion into the Crimea, here referred to, in 1222 — 3. 

Cf. d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, i. 339, 345; Bretschneider, Mediaeval 
Researches, i. 297; 11. 68 — 73, 75, 84, and note 721, where the various dates 
of the Kalka battle (i6th June, 1224, 31st May, 1224, and an unfixed day in 
1223 or 1222) are discussed, and the preference is decidedly given to 1222. 

31. The multitude: in Hak. 's. original tanta multitudo [Comanorum], 1-30 

32. Which 7uere dead \ in Hak.'s original morientes. !• 33 

33. Salte...Baatu...Sartach... Russia. ..Yperpera. See Strabo VII. 4, 258, I. 40 
and the U. S. A. Consular Reports, iv. 477, on ancient and modern salt- 
production in the Crimea, especially from the saline lakes and brine springs 

near Perekop. 

Tioo webbes of cotton, in Hak.'s original duns telas de cottone, offered by the 
Russian traders for the Crimean salt : here the more modern word cottone is 
used instead of the older Bombacium. 

The \h'\yperpera seems to have been of between 10 sh. and 11 sh. value, 
say, normally, \os. 6d. Carpini (p. 707 of Recueil text) uses the term as 
equivalent to bezant {yperperorum sive bysanciorum). So do Marco Polo and 
Joinville; cf. M. Polo, 11. 535 (Yule). 

[p. 95] 

1. Round foundation .. .compacted together: in Hak.'s original rotatn.. p. 188 1. 20 
catuellatis. For celestiall citie to come, at the beginning of the chap., Hak.'s 

original has only futuram [sc. civitatem], i.e. their next encampment on their 
native plains or elsewhere. There is no reference to an after-life. On the 
nomade habits, dwellings, etc., of the Tartars, Rubruquis has innumerable 
parallels, from Hesiod and Herodotus (iv. 46, ill. 35) to Carpini (pp. 614 — 30, 
638 — 643, Recueil text); M. Polo (l. 244, Yule); Ibn Batuta (ll. 361, 377 — 9, 
387, Defremery and Sanguinetti) ; Barbaro (13, Hak. Soc), and the most 
modern investigators (e.g. Sven Hedin, Through Asia, i. 419). 

2. Roofe: in Hakluyt's original tigna. I. 21 

3. Roundell: in Hak.'s original rw/aw. On the nomade tents and waggons 1.22 
cf. also Rockhill's note to Hak. Soc. Rubruck, p. 54, and classical refs. in 
Ammianus Marcellinus, xxii. 176; Hippocrates, De aere, aqua et locis, on the 

four- and six-wheeled carts of the Scythians. Carpini, pp. 616 — 17 of Recueil 
text, is an excellent parallel to Rubruquis here, throughout. 

4. Morter : in Hak. 's original cake. 1. 24 
6. Blackefelte: in Hak.'s original nigra only. 1. 26 
6. Curiously painted ouer: in Hak.'s original opere polimitario variatum. 1. 29 

Cf. Rockhill's note, p. 55 (end) of Hak. Soc. Rubruck. 

1. Fore side: in lia.k.'s origina.1 anteriori extremitate. p. 180 1. 4 


p. 189 1.6 8. 7a//(7zc : in Hak.'s original ^/wo. 

1.7 9. /ViJ/Afrj: in Hak.'s original //«warw. 

1.30 10. F/7/<7^'«: in Hak.'s original z'»V/fl. 


1.40 1. Southward. ..North part... EMt side. ..Southwards. ..West side. On the 
Southward aspect of the nomade tents, cf. Rockhill, note on p. 56 of Hak. Soc. 
Rubruck. See the parallel passage in Carpini, p. 745 of Recueil text, and the 
plan and description of a yurt in Radlov, Atis Siberien, i. 370 (see also I. 414 
of same work), copied by Rockhill, in Hak. Soc. Ktibruck, p. 58. 

[p. 96] 

p. 190 1. 15 2. The like superstitious idolatrie: not in Hak.'s original. On the felt 

idols, cf. the parallel passage in Carpini, pp. 618 — ao of Recueil text; also 
Benedict the Pole, p. 775 of same; M. Polo, on the idol Natigay, I. 249 — 51, 
II. 478 (Yule); Barbaro, 34. On the oblations of drink towards the chief 
quarters of the Heavens, cf. Carpini, p. 6ji of Recueil text; M. Paris, IV. 
388 (Rolls Series). 


p. 191 I. 3 1. Excellent drinke... Rise. ..Cosmos: Rub., p. 335 of Recueil text (not in 
Hak.), gives to the rice, millet, [and honey] drinks here mentioned — and incor- 
rectly said to be wodJf by the Mongols — the names oi cervisia de risio (otherwise 
terracina), cervisia de millio [and boar>\. Carpini, p. 640 of Recueil text, truly 
says that the Mongols had no vinutn, ceri'isiani, vel niedonem, except imported. 
Cf. also Ibn Batuta, 11. 408; Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, I. 94; on 
Cosmos or Kumiss and Kara-Kumiss, cf. Carpini, pp.640 — i Recueil; M. Polo, 
I. 149 — 35a (Yule) and Rubruquis, pp. 237 — 8 Recueil text ( = chap. 6 in 
Hak.); ^xe\.x\mK\<ltx, Mediaeval ResearcheSy I. 94; ll. 73. 
1. 8 2. f idle... fid le: in Hak.'s original Citherula...cicharum (sic). On the 

Musical instruments of Turks and Tartars, cf. Rockhill, note 3, p. 63, Hak, 
Soc. Rubruck. 

1.31 8. Stamping: in Hak.'s original terunt \ cf. Rockhill, note 2, p. 63, of 
Hak. Soc. Rubruck; Gomboyev, Melanges Asiatiques de f Academie des 
Sciences de St Pitersbourg, 1856, II. (pp. 650 — 666) Randbemerkungen zu 
Rlano Carpini, p. 664. 


1. 36 1. Dead carrions: in Hak.'s original morticinia. On the Mongol viands 

and habits of eating cf. Carpini, pp. 638 — 9 of Recueil text ; Gomboyev, op. cit. 
6.S7. 659; Matthew Paris, Historia Maior, iv. 373, 386—9 (Rolls Series); 
Joinville, ed. Michel, 147 — 8; Schiltberger(Hak. Soc.), 48; l&w^htcV, Epistoiae, 
385; Rockhill, note 3, pp. 63 — 4 of Hak. Soc. Rubruck. 

[p. 97] 

p. 192 1. s. ^- Puddings: in Hak.'s original andulges (French andouilUs). On the 

horse sausages of the Tartars cp. Bergmann, Nomadische Streiferien unter den 
Kalmuken (1805), "• 129. 
1.9 3. Sandals and pantojles : in Hak.'s original Joa/Zarifj. 

NOTES. 311 

4. Buget: in Hak.'s original Bursa, Rub.'s trans, of Saptargat. Cf. p. 103 1. 23 
Carpini, p. 640 of Recueil text, on the consumption of every morsel at Mongol 
meals; Joinville (ed. Michel), p. 148, and Kockhill, note i, p. 66 of Hak. Soc. 


1. Sharp of taste'. '\VL'^^.^%ox\^xa\fermentari. p. 198 1. 3 

2. ^ajr/«: in Hak.'s original raj;^!?/. Rockhill translates 'like ra//iww^' 1.6 
(p. 67 of Hak. Soc. Rubruck). 

3. Almon : in Hak's original amygdalini. 1. 8 

4. Caracosmos : this beverage, ace. to Rockhill, Hak. Soc. Rubruck, p. 67, 1. 10 
note 2, is not made now. After this clause, Hak. does not translate the next 

three lines Za^ ft/«?««w non coagulatiir...equae non coagulatur. Cf. Carpini, 
pp. 671 — 2 of Recueil text, on the Mongol mares kept for milking. 

6. Whay [or white musty, in Hak.'s original serum. 1. 15 

6. [Rams^skinnes: in Hak.'s original z//r/^«j. 1. 28 

7. Drosse [of iron]: in Hak.'s original scoria, 'iron slag.' On gry-ut, 1. 34 
gruit, or grut, the kurt of the Kirghiz, cf. Radlov, Aus Siberien, I. 298, 428; 

M. Polo, I. 254, 257 (Yule); Rockhill, note 2, p. 68 of Hak. Soc. Rubruck; 
Bretschneider, Med. Res. I. 94, note 244 ; see also p. 234 of the Recueil text. 


1. Litle beasts: in Hak.'s original mar motes, a trans, of sogur {soghur p. 104 1. 9 
or sur). 

[p. 98] 

2. A kind of conies: in Hak.'s original cuniculi. Cp. M. Polo, I. 244 1. 13 

3. Roes: in Hak.'s original gaselos. The Artak mentioned in the next 1. 17 
line is the Argali or Ovis Poli: cf. M. Polo, I. 181 (Yule): the wild asses here 

referred to are the culam (kulan) of p. 278, Recueil text. 

4. Other haukes: in Hak.'s original kerodios, perh. 'peregrine falcons.' 1. 22 
Cf. M. Polo, I. 262 (Yule). On Asiatic falcons, etc. and the falconry of the 

Mongols see also M. Polo, i. 384, 388 (Yule); Radlov, Aus Siberien, I. 466; 
Atkinson, Amoor, 146—8, 333 — 5. 

6 . Cat ay a . . . Persia ...Russia, Moxel, Bulgaria . . . Pascatir . . . Huttgaria ... 1 . 3 2 

Kersis: from Cathay or North China came ihe pantti sa-ici et aurei, translated 
stuffes of silke, cloth of gold, perhaps Carpini's purpura, and baldakinum ; cf. 
d'Avezac in Recueil, pp. 524 — 5. It seems less likely that Rubruquis' cloth of 
cotton is Carpini's bukeranum, cf Recueil text, p. 290, or stiff buckram ; from 
Persia and other parts of S. and S.W. Asia came the telcu de bambasio {bombasio) 
or cotton cloth. Cf. Pegolotti, Pratica delta mercatura in Pagnini's Delia 
decima, in. pp. 4, 136 (1766); Heyd, Commerce du Levant, 11. 6n — 14, 
698 — 9; Marco Polo, i. 48 (Yule). Kersis or Kerkis here apparently means 
the Kirghiz country; usually it refers to the Circassians, in Rubruquis, as 
in Carpini {Recueil, 678, 679; contrast the use of the term, apparently for the 
Kirghiz, on pp. 659, 708 of Carpini, in same). 

6. After Two gownes Hak. does not translate ad minus. 1. 4 1 

7. Papions: the Latin papio referred to is perhaps a kind of fox or badger p. 196 1. 3 


p. lOS (as Rockhill suggests, note 4, p. 70 Hak. Soc. Ruhruck). Papion in French 

means a baboon; this fur is again mentioned by Rub. p. 315 o( /iecuei/ lext 
(not in Hak.). 
1. 12 8. Fur [/heir gowns]: in Hak.'s original yi/r;a«/. On the Mongol dress 

cf. Carpini, Recueil i&xK, p. 614. 

9. Pelluce or silke shag: in Hak.'s original .?/«/« j(r/a<?. 
I. 19 10. Couerings for their stooUs'. in Hak.'s original /om^Z/oj j»^ j«//tV. 


1.27 1. Shaue...two seanus: in Yi2^^%OTVgiXaX ducunt rasuram cristae capitis': 

for hinder part of their head Hak.'s original has only collum. 

1. 19 3. Nape of the necke: in Hak.'s original summum (oncauitatis certiicis. 

1. 32 3. Vpon the tioo hindermost corners of their heoiis they haue t'oo lockes 

also: in Hak.'s original in angulis occipitis relinquunt crims; for tivine and 
braid into knots Hak.'s original has only faciunt tn'cas, and for vndtT each eare 
one the text reads vsqite ad aures. On the Mongol appearance, fashions of 
shaving, etc., cp. Carpini, pp. 611 — 1 of Recueil text; Vincent of Beauvais, 
Speculum Historiale, XXIX. 71. 
p. !•• I. 1 4. Tartars... Turkes: this distinction of Turk and Tartar is very notice- 
able in a West European of the 13th cent. The fashion here described is 
confirmed by Chinese annals of the 6th cent., speaking of the Turks {Chou 
Shu, L. 3). 
1. 5 6. Botta : otherwise Bocca, the ornament properly called Bogtak or Bogh- 
tkak\ cf. Carpini, 614 — 15 o{ Recueil text; Vincent of Beauvais, Spec. Hist. 
XXIX. 85; Ricold of Montecroce in Peregrinatores Quatuor, 116; Ibn Batuta, 
"• 379> 388; Odoric, ch. 38 [369, 409 (Cordier); 131 — i, and Appendix I. 
p. xxxi (Yule, Cathay)'\ ; Rockhill, note a, p. 73 in Hak. Soc. Rubruck; Bret- 
schneider, Mediaeval Researches, I. 52 — 53, and note 125; Journal A siatique, 
serie IV. vol. X. 169; vol. xvi. 157, which refers to the survival of tlie Bogtak 
among some of the Circassian and Ossetian women in the earlier 19th century. 
According to Potanin {.Mongolia, II. 23), it is now extinct in Mongolia. 
1. 8 6. ^ square sharp spire... pinocle: in Hak.'s original simply guadrum... 


I'll 7. Sayd spire: in Hak.'s original frt/t/^Z/ww. 

!• 17 8. Hat or coyfe: in Hak.'s original a/wwtva. 

[p. 99] 

1. 27 S». Bestriding their horses like men: in Hak.'s original sicut viti [for virt\ 

diuersific antes coxas. 
1. 28 10. About their wastes : in Hak.'s original super renes. 

1. 29 11. With another skarfe they girde it abotu their breasts: in Hak.'s original 

alia fascia stringtint ad mamillas. 
1.30 12. Silke like a mufler or maske: not in Hak.'s original. On the Mongol 

women on horseback, cf. Simon of St Quentin in Vincent of Beauvais, Spec. 

Hist., xxix. 85; Carpini, p. 643 of the Recueil iG\t\ Matthew Paris, Historia 

Maior, IV. 388; d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, I. 329. 
1. 33 13. Sweet [faces]: not in Hak.'s original, which has fades only. On these 

unguent fashions in Tibet in the 7th cent. A.D. and their present existence, 

cf. Rockhill, Land of the Lamas, 214. 

NOTES. 313 


1. Dreadful \thunder\ : not in Hak.'s original. On the Mongol hatred of p. I©7 I. 6 
washing, cf. Carpini, pp. 639 — 40 oi Kecueil \e\\. ; d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, 

I. 409; II. 92 — 93, 6i8. On the fear of thunder and lightning, cf. Carpini, 
p. 627 and p. 632 of Recueil text, and for a rather different superstition, 
Schiltberger, Hak. Soc, 50. 

2. Stirrops: in Hak.'s original strepas. \, ig 

3. Saddles: in Hak.'s original cellas. On the occupation of the Mongol 
men, cf. Carpini, p. 643 of /Recueil text. 

4. Stale: in Hak.'s original advltae. On the Mongol marriage customs 1. 27 
cf. Carpini, pp. 612 — 13, 642, in Kecueil text ; Simon of St Quentin in Vincent 

of Beauvais, Spec. Hist., XXIX. 76; Marco Polo, I. 222, 245 (Yule); Tarikh-i- 
Rashidi (Elias and Ross), 251 ; Gomboyev, 652. 


1. Goes by the worst: in Hak.'s original peiorem partem habet. On the p. 198 1. 14 
Mongol legislation, cf. d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, 1. 408, 416 ; Carpini, 

pp. 641 — 2, 624 — 8, of Recueil text; Marco Polo, l. 259 (Yule); Ibn Batuta, 

II. 364. 

[p. 100] 

2. Witches: in Hak.'s original venejicas. \. 34 

3. Mangu-Can : Mangu is the Great Khan (1251 — 7) visited by Rubruquis 1. 38 
in 1254. On Mongol funeral customs, cf. Carpini, pp. 628 — 633, in Recueil 

text; Simon of St Quentin in Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum Historiale, xxix. 
86; Ibn Batuta, IV. 301; see also Rubruquis, pp. 236 — 8 and later, p. 344 
oi Recueil text. 

4. Chingis,... their first lord and father: Rockhill, note 2, pp. 80 — 2 of P- '•®® !• 2 
Hak. Soc. Rubruck, compares the Chinese title of Tat tsu 'great ancestor': 

cf. Argun's letter of 1285 to the Pope on Gingiscam prima patri...Tartarorum 
(Chabot, Histoire de Mar Rahhan Qaxima, 190). 

6. Comanids: on the Kuman and other South Russian grave- mounds, cf. I. 7 

Pallas, Travels in. ..Southern Provitues of. ..Russian Empire, li. 305 — 9, 
335 — 6 (1803); Rubruquis, pp. 237, 247 of Recueil text. On these tumuli or 
kurgans in Central and Northern Asia, cf. Atkinson, Amoor, I. 150 — i, 179, 
191 — 2; one of the most famous of these preserves (and gives to a town) the 
name of 'Kurgan,' in West Siberia. On the Kumans in general see also 
Rubruquis, p. 246 of the Recueil text (where they are identified with the 
Kipchak); Carpini in the Recueil, pp. 742 — 3, 747; Bretschneider, Mediaeval 
Researches, II. 68 — 73. The suggestion that the name is simply a shortening 
of ' Turkumans ' (made by Pears, Fall of Constantinople, p. 56) is hard to 
accept. It is more probably connected with the river Kuma, in Cis-Caucasia, 
flowing into the Caspian north of the Terek. 

6. Pyramides\^...stones\: in Hak.'s original aJj/w^j. !• 13 


1. From the towne of Soldaia, in Hak.'s original de villa only. Rockhill p. 200 '^\. i 
believes Constantinople is referred to (note 2, p. 83 of Hak. Soc. Rubruck), but 
this seems a little forced. 


p. 300 1. 7 2. Sartach...a Christian: see note ■lo, chap. r. 

1. ^3 3. Sccuati...ihe Emperor of Constantinople: in Hak.'s original Scacatai, 

described as consanguittetts Baatu or one of Baatu his kinsmen. Scatay, 
Scatatai, Scatanay are other readings of this name (see critical notes) which 
some identify with Carpini's Cadan {Kadati), yi. 667 — others with Cartati, 
p. 743 — of Recneil text : this however is far from clear. Cf. Bretschneider, 
Mediaeval Researches, I. 308 — 9, and note 74a ; d'Ohsson, Histoire des 
Mongols, II. 99. 

1. 26 4. After conduct vs and before Howbeit, Hak. does not translate the 

sentence Et alij qui adduxerant nos sunt reuersi. 

1.30 B. Gloues: \n Hak.'s origxnsA chirothecas. 

6. Points: in Hak.'s original corrigias. 

[p. lOX] 

1. 33 T. A very varlet: in Hak.'s original batrator. On Mongol insolence cf. 

Carpini, pp. 636 — 7 of Recueil text. 

1. 37 8. After lords Hak. does not translate tnundi. 

1. 4^ 9. Apram: two MSS. read Agram, the best Airam, and so the Paris 

Recueil edition of 1839. Airan or hyran is still the ordinary drink of the 
Kirghiz, cf. Radlov, Aus Siherien, I. 439; Atkinson, Amoor, i. 41 — 1. 
p. 201 1.4 10. Vnder... starry canopy: in Hak.'s original .n/^ <//V7. 


1. 24 !• ft^^ three of the clocke: in Hak.'s original Hora plusquam tertia i.e. a 

little after 9 a.m. Ibn Batuta's account of his first view of a Tartar (Kipchak) 

camp (II. 380) is very similar to Rubruquis'. 
1. 31 3. A maund: in Hak.'s original veringal, a small basket. Cf. M. Polo, 

p. 280 (Pauthier); I. 371 (Yule). 
1.36 3. A citron: in Hak.'s original citharulam, Rockhill's 'guitar,' p. 87, 

Hak. Soc. Rubruck. 
1.38 4. More Jliit cmd saddle-nosed: in Hak.'s original j/w/V?;^. 

p. 30a 1. II 6. In stead of a blessing: in \ia\i..\ or\g\no.\ pro benedictione. 

1. 16 6. Eight dayes after... Ascension: i.e. June 5, 1253. 

1. 18 7. Written in Greeke: this is noticeable, as the letters were fron> the last 

Latin Emperor of Constantinople, Baldwin II., 1228 — 1261. 
1. 20 8. Cosmos. ..Christians... Russians. ..wil in no case drinke: cf. Dulaurier, 

Les Mongols d'apris les historiens armcniens (Journal Asiatique, serie V. 

vol. XI. pp. 236, 238), giving evidence of the same prejudice among the 

Christian Georgians. 

[p. 102] 

1. 36 9. The Apostles creed: in Hak.'s original symbobtm fidei. 

1. 37 10. Shooke...\hecur\: in Hak.'s original mouit. 

1. 42 11. The morowe after Pentecost: i.e. June 8, 1253. 


p. 203 1. 3 1. Euen of Pentecost... A lanians... Adas... greeke bookes and... priests... not 

schismatiques : Pentecost eve is June 6, 1253. On the Alans cf. Bretschneider, 

NOTES. 315 

Mediaeval Researches, I. 295, 298 — 9, 305; and esp. II. 84 — 90; note 9 to p. a03 
chap. 23 of Carpini, and note 8 to chap. 16 of Kubmquis in this vol. 

IVitJwut acception of persons is Hak.'s reproduction of sine acceptione 

2. Soddeti \Jlesh'\: in Hak.'s original ftft/<w. 1.8 

5. Christians ...Russians.. .Hungarians .. .Cosmos : cf. note 9, chap. 12. 1. 15 
4. Yperpera: see note 33 to chap, i, above; and Rockhill, note i, p. 90 1. 28 

of Hak. Soc. Rtibruck. The gold coins of the Byzantine currency were said 
to contain one-third alloy, at this time. 

6. One thing most necessary greatly wanting: in Hak.'s original vinum 1. 31 
iam deficiebat. 


1. Pentecost... Saracen. ..Cosmos: Pentecost or Whitsun Day, 1253, was p. 204 1. 4 
June 7. 

2. Russians .. .great multitude [in that place: in Hak.'s original inter eos\ 1. 21 
That Russians were numerous in 1253 so far to the .S.E. is noteworthy. See 

note 14, chap. 15. 

3. Extremity of ...prouince... fortified xvith a ditch... salt pits: cf. the story of 1. 33 
the making of the ditch in Herodotus, III. 2, 15; also see Strabo, vii. 3; Vll. 

4, on the Ta(pploi. and the isthmus (of Perekop). [Sooue, 1. 36, is for soone.] 

[p. 103] 

4. [Bladders] ofmilke: in Hak.'s original lade vaccina. p. 205 1. 4 
6. Gasaria. .. directly Easttvard... Sea. ..South. ..waste desert. ..North: here 1. 9 

waste in Hak.'s original is vastam. After passing the isthmus of Perekop and 
leaving the Crimea (Gazaria), Rubruquis' course was not due eastward (recte 
in orient em) but N.E. 

6. Comanians ...called Capthac the Dutch men [in Hak.'s original 1. 13 
Tentonicis, for Tcutonicis]... called Valani...Valania'. here Capchat, a better 

reading for Capthac, is obviously Kipchak, the Kin-cha and Ko-fti-cha of 
the Chinese. See Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, 11. 68 — 73 ; also, 
in the same work, pp. 23 — 4, 295 — 299, 300 — 308, 310 — 312 of vol. i. ; 
PP- 8, 75, 141 of vol. II. ; and notes 829 — 833. 

In Ye-lu-Chu-tsai's travels (1218 — 24), op.cit., I. 23 — 24, we find Kofu-cha 
identified expressly with Ku-li-han, the Kipchak country, and in spite of 
Bretschneider's rejection, this statement appears well borne out by the parti- 
culars reported by the Chinese records under each name. Evidently both refer 
to a land stretching very far north. Night in summer is barely long enough 
to cook a mutton chop (or sheep's liver) in. 

7. Isidore... riuer of 7'anais...AI^otis...Danubiiis...Alania: Isidore is Ru- 1. 16 
bruquis' chief geographical book of reference, but the explorer refutes his 
'authority' on the question of the inland character of the Caspian, p. 265 of 

Recueil text. 

Rubruquis, unlike Carpini, shews no knowledge of the name Do7t and only 
uses the classical Tanais, just as he always speaks of the Etilia and never 
of the Volga. 

8. Edil or Volga: the last two words are not in Hak.'s original, which 1. 23 
never speaks of Don or Volga ; cf. Olcus for Volga in the Psalter Map of about 

1250 (B. Mus. Add. MSS. 6806); Beazley, Dawn of Modern Geography, 11. 621. 
The last six lines of this 14th chapter, in the Latin original, are made in 


p. 205 Hak.'s version the first six lines of the isth. The description and localization 

given of Russia, north of Comania and stretching from Poland and Hungary 
to the (Upper) Tanais or Don, is thoroughly sound. 


1. 3a 1. Sarcuens. .. Russians. ..flockes... Prussia: after beyond Kussia Hak. does 

not translate the words <ui aquilotum. 

On the oppressions of the Mongol tax-gatherers (baschati or baskaks) in 
Russia, cf. Carpini, p. 700, 701, 703, of /fecuei/ text.; Bretschneider, Mediaeval 
Researches, li. 77 — 8. 

1. 37 2. Dutch knights of the order of Saint Maries hospitall of Jerusalem... 

wholly conquered and subdued: in Hak.'s original suhiuganerunt fratres Teuto- 
nici. The complete conquest of Prussia by the Teutonic Knights was lately 
(nu/>er), says Rub.; as a matter of fact it was l>egun c. 1330, but not completed 
till after 1300. 

!• 39 3. Afii^ht.. .winm Russia... [he/ping hand : \nHa.k.'sonpna.\manum simply]: 

a curious passage which shews how much less Rubruquis had grasped the 
military situation, and the strength of the Mongol empire in war, than Carpini. 
p. a06 1. I 4. The great Priest (magTtus sacerdos) is evidently a Tartar name for the 

Pope. Cf. note 7, chap. 74. For desert and solitarie places Hak.'s original 
gives only solitudinem. From this passage it is difficult not to infer that 
Rubruquis' general intelligence was distinctly lower than Carpini's, in some 
1- 3 0. Went on : in Hak.'s original ibbamus. 

1. 4 6. Towards the East. ..Sea of Tanais... sepulchres of the Cotnanians: for 

• East ' read ' North-East. ' The Sea of Tanais is of course that of Azov, usually 
called Pains Maeolis by Rubruquis; but see his strange and confused language 
on p. 250 of the Recueil text, about the Tanais rising {oritur; in Hak., 
mergitur) ' in the Maeotid marshes which extend to the Ocean in the North.' 
1. 7 7. In which places... wont... burie...kinred altos;ether : in Hak.'s original 

Secundum quod solebant parentelae...sepeliri simul, 'the custom of burying the 
whole of a family in one spot' (Rockhill). 

1. 13 8. After eig^ht persons of vs Hak. does not translate exceptis servientibus. 

His waifaring prouision is a trans, oi viaticum. The reckoning 'five' included 
Rubruquis himself, Bartholomew of Cremona, Gosset, the Dragoman * Homo 
Dei,' and the ptier Nicholaus ; see pp. 218—9 of Recueil text. The 'eight' 
persons were made up by three guides. 

On the privations endured by travellers in the Mongol dominions, the best 
parallel to Rubruquis here is Carpini, 637, 670, 745, 762 — 3 {Recueil) ; see 
also Simon of St Quentin in Vincent of Beauvais, Spec. Hist., xxxi. [xxxii.] 

!• 3' 9- I camiot nor I will not: in Hak.'s original nescio only. 

!• 34 10. A litle smattering: in Hak.'s original aliquantulum, 

!• 3^ 11. What soeuer came next...witlesse tongues end: in Hak.'s original secun- 

dum quod ei occurrebat. 

1. 40 12. Saint Marie Magdalene, i.e. July 22, 1253. 

!• 41 13. Tanais. ..diuideth... as.. .Nilus...disioyneth.... This division of the Conti- 

nents was already established in Herodotus' time : cf. Herod. HI. 32 ; 
Pomponius Mela, l. 603. From the Tanais or Don, Rubruquis reckons nine 
days to Sartach's camp and three more to the Volga. He cannot therefore be 

NOTES. 317 

supposed to have struck the Don quite at Kalatch, where it approaches nearest p. a06 
to (37 E. miles from) the Volga. 

14. Baatu and Sartach... cottage... Easteme banke . . .companie of Russians. 1. 43 

This colony of Russians was at a great distance from the (then) home land of 
the Russian people : see note 2, ch. 14. We may remember that in the most 
powerful age of the old Russian states, Sviatoslav was said to have seized the 
Khazar town of Bielovej [-vezh] on the Don, a. d. 963 — 6 ; cf. Bretschneider, 
Mediaeval Researches, 11. 85. 

[p. 104] 

IB. Lyter: in Hak.'s original barca. [Rowe is for rowed.] p. a07 I. 6 

16. Played the foole most extreamely: in Hak.'s original egit valde stulte. 1. 8 

17. Turbut...r}'e: \x\.Y\.2ik.\ ox\^w\s.\ siligi7ie. Borbotaist\i& 1. 17 
reading of the Paris text, following the best MS. (D). It was a river-fish, 

whether a barbel or sterlet is meant, or some other fish ; in any case it could 
not be a turbot on the middle Don. See note 12, ch. i. 

18. At eiierie house: in Hak.'s original ostiatim per diuersas donios. The 1. 19 
purueyer of the village {procurator villae) would be in Russian the Starosta or 


19. Broad... as the...Sein is at Paris : cf. p. 264 of the Recueil text, where 1. 21 
the Etilia (Volga) is described as four times greater than the Seine. In both 

cases, as elsewhere, beyond the limits of Hak.'s text, Rubruquis writes as 
a Parisian. 

20. {^Fennes] of Maeotis, which fennes : in Hak.'s original de paludibus 1. 28 
simply. This wild piece of geography has even been construed by Rockhill 

into a hint of the true sources of the Don in the Ivanski Lake near Tula (note 2 
to p. 97 of Hak. Soc. Rubruck). It seems rather a proof of ignorance. 

21. [A. ..sea] 700 miles about : in Hak.'s original septingentorum millium. 1. 20 
Cf. p. 215 oi Recueil text (ch. i, Hak.) where the sea of Tanais is said to have 

a length and breadth of 700 miles {in latitudine et longitudine septi?tginta 
milliaria). The real dimensions of the sea of Azov are about 235 by no E. 

22. Wheat prospereth not, etc. This is not the modern experience of the 1. 43 
inhabitants in the middle Don basin. 

23. Russian women attire... heads like vnto our women: z.siTz.nge %X.3.itmtnt p. 208 1. 2 
in view of the well-known peculiarities of the old Russian female head-dress. 

24. Safegards or gowns : in Hak.'s original supertunicalia. The words 1. 3 
with particoloured or grey stuffe which follow are in Hak.'s original vario vet 

grisio ('with vaire or minnever'). 

25. Russian men... Dutch men: the last words in Hak.'s original are 1. 4 
represented by Teutonici, here as elsewhere. Russian is supplied by Hak.; 

the original reads homines simply. 

26. Much like vnto a sugar loaf: these words are not in Hak.'s original. I. 7 

27. Descry: in Hak.'s original inuenire. !• 13 

28. Fourth day of our iourney .. .second of the Kalends of August, i.e. on 
the fourth day after leaving the Don : the second of the Kalends of August is 
July 31, 1253. 


1. Region... beyond Tanais... Moxel... high Gertnanie...Merdui : the two 1. 22 


208 words high Germanie are a translation of Alemannia. After this Hak. does 

not translate the words Tartari eniiti diixerant eos ad introitum Alemaniae. 

On the Moxel^nA Merdas (' Mordvins') cf. Carpini, pp. 676 — 7, 709, 747 of 
Recueil text and note 7 to ch. 15 of Carpini in Hak.'s version ; Bretschneider, 
Mediaeval Researches, I. .-jii, 317; 11. 70, and notes 748, 830; Constantine 
Porphyrogennetos (on Mo/>5la), De Adm. Imp., ch. 37; Nestor, Chronicle, 
chs. I., VII., LXXXV. on the Mordva, esp. under A.M. 661 1 ; .Smirnov, Populations 
Jinncises, I. 260 — 4, 337. The J/(£».r<r/ apparently correspond to the mostly Pagan 
Moxia, inhabited by Moxii, of Josafat (Giosafatte) Barbaro, Travels to Tana 
and Persia (1436, etc.), Hak. Soc, pp. 33—34. 

1. 29 2- The bratu courage of the Almans: in Hak.'s original Alemanos only: 

as yet in Hak.'s original \% adhuc. Cf. p. 747 of Recueil text (ch. 15, Hak.), 
where the author's confidence in the Teutonic Order and its ability to deliver 
all Russia from the Tartars is still more plainly expressed. 

1. 35 3. Not ielous : in Hak.'s original tion zelotypi. 

1. 38 4. Aferclas: an obvious misprint for Afcrdts (Merdui, Alerdini, i.e. 

Atorduini or Afordvins) which is the reading of Hak.'s original: see note i in 
this chap. As to their being Saracens, there may have been Moslems among 
them, but as a whole they seem to have l)een Pagans. 

Cf. Carpini, pp. 676 — 7, 709, 747 of Recueil iexi (on the Alordui, Aforduani, 
and Afonluini), and note 7 to ch. 15 of Carpini in Hak.'s version. D'Avezac's 
identification of the Alerdas with the Bnrtas, Bertas, or Bartas of Moslem 
geographers (e.g. Masudi, II. 14) is rejected by Smirnov, Populations Jinnoiscs, 
I. 464. Cf. Bretschneider, Aiediaeval Researches, i. 311 — 31J, who refers the 
term to the Burtasses (Chuvashes?), living on the Middle Volga in the loth 

1. 39 6. Or ydga: not in Hak.'s original; the same applies to the words [Etilia^ 
otherwise called Volga, a little later. The source of the Volga in 'the North 
part of Bulgaria the greater' might pass if applied to the Kama; in reference 
to the Volga these words cannot possibly be taken as an indication of the true 
origin of the river (in the Valdai plateau). Cf. on Great Bulgaria, Bretschneider, 
Mediaeval Researches, II. 81—4, and esp. 83. 
2O0 1. I 6. Certain lake containing in circuit...^ moneths trauel: the Caspian, of 

course, which a little later in same chap., p. 152 of Recueil text, Rubruquis 
calls the sea or lake of Etilia, and defines as made by Etilia with the help of 
other rivers from Persia [p. 105 of Hak.'s Eng. vers.], cf. also p. 165 of 
Recueil text. 
1.6 7. Not distant .. .aboue x. dales tourney: at the point where the Don 

approaches most near to the Volga, the distance between the two rivers is 
only 37 E. miles, a very long 10 days ! it is pretty clear from this that 
Rubruquis must have struck the Don considerably N. (or S.) of Kalach. 

tp. X05] 

1. 10 8. To. ..South. ..high mountains. ..Cergis... Alani...Lesgi: thesehighmoun- 

tains are of course the Caucasus, which Rubruquis passed (by the Derbent Pass) 
on his return journey. The Cergis here are the Cherkess or Circassians, as 
usually in Carpini and in Rubruquis, though both writers employ the term 
also for the Kirghiz; cf. pp. 231 (Rub.), 659, 678—9 (Carp.) of Recueil text. 
See note 1, chap. 12, note i, chap. 16, of Carpini. 

On the Alans, Asi, or Aas, see note 9, ch. 23 of Carpini and pp. 709, 748 
of the Recueil; Marco Polo, 11. 162, 491 (Yule); Ammianus Marcellinus, 


NOTES. 319 

XXXI. 2 ; Marignolli, Book 11., ch. 2; in Yule, Cathay., 37.^ ; in Fontes h'eruin p. ao9 
BohemUaruiii , vol. ill., p. 507 (1882); Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, 
11. 84 — 91, and esp. 85 — 6, 91 ; a wonderful piece of concentrated and illumin- 
ating study; Masudi, Prairies d^Or, 11. 42, according to whom the Alans first 
embraced Christianity and afterwards Islam ; Karamzin's Russian History 
IV. 119, 355, which tells how Sviatoslav in 963 — 6 fought with the Yasi 
(Asi, Alans) and how the same race was known to the Russians of the 13th 
century as living beyond the Terek under the northern face of the Caucasus. 
On the Lesgi (Lazi?) cf. Jordanes (Nisard, 1869), 432; Ibn Alathir m Jourtial 
Asiatitjue, serie iv., xiv. 455 ; Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, \. 295. 

9. Lesgi. subiection : Hak. does not translate similiter here. I. 15 

10. Or the yron gate... Der bent : not in Hak.'s original. The story of 1. 16 
Alexander's wall built across the gate of Derbent ' to exclude the barbarous 

nations out of Persia' is told very fully in the Koran, ch. xviil.. The Cave, 
verses 82 — 96. See also M. Polo, i. 55, 11. 537 (Yule) ; Peschel, Geschichte 
der Erdkunde, 93; Masudi, Prairies d'Or, u. 2, 3, 7, 72 (B. de Meynard and 
P. de Courteille), preserves the tradition of Chosroes Nushirvan building this 
wall (531 — 579 A.D.). Cf. Procopius, De Bella Persico, IV. 3; the Armenian 
notices collected and Klaproth in Journal Asiatique, xvi. 277 ; Al-Istakhri 
(Mordtmann, 1845) p. 86; also in Ouseley's [so-called] Ibn Haukal, 158; Ibn 
Khordadbeh (Rarbier de Meynard) in Journal Asiatique, serie vi., vol. v. 
pp. 490 — 6: Beazley, Dawn of Modern Geography, i. 407, 414, 433; Bret- 
schneider, Mediaeval Researches, I. 115 — 9, and note 846, where the tradition is 
mentioned of an earlier Persian King, Kobad, the predecessor of Chosroes 
Nushirvan, fortifying both the Pass of Derbent and that of Darial or The 
Alans' Gate (a.d. 491 — 531); Rubruquis passed through the gate of Derbent 
on his return (pp. 381 — 2 of the Recueil \.&\\.). See next note. 

11. Vnderstand more... trauailed... by ...same : this part of Rub. 's journey 1. 18 
is wanting in Hakluyt : it may be found in pp. 381 — 4 of the text in the Paris 

Recueil. All the latter half of Rub. is equally missing from Hak., from p. 291 
(foot) of the Recueil text to the end, p. 396. The portion printed by Hak. only 
represents pp. 213 — 291 of the same (1839) edition. 

12. Bet7veene...riuers...Comanians : the rivers referred to here must be 1. 20 
Tanais and Etilia (Don and Volga) though several lines have intervened since 

Rub. last spoke of ' these two streams.' 


1. Sartach. ..Etilia... Court : the Camp of Sartach was properly speaking 1, 25 
Rubruquis' objective, and if he had interpreted his instructions as narrowly as 

Ascelin and Simon of St Quentin (1247) he would not have gone further. 

2. Three \wiues\: in Hak.'s original duas vel tres. 1. 28 

3. About [200]: in Hak.'s original ybr/^. 1. 29 

4. Nestorian...Coiat: this is Rub.'s first reference to the Nestorian 1. 30 
courtiers and ministers so powerful at the Mongol courts. Coiac is the best 

reading of the name, and so Hak.'s text reads later (e.g. later in this chap. 17, 
and at the beg. of chap. 18 = pp. 256, 257 of Recueil text). 

6. The Lordes Gate : in Hak.'s original domini lannatn ; the best reading 1, x% 

is dominutn qui vocatur lainiam. A little later Hak. does not translate dictus 
before Coiat. On lannam cf. Rub. p. 298 of the Recueil text (not in Hak.) 
where the word is spelt lam : it was the title of the officer who had charge of 


p. 3O0 the imperial postal and courier service under the Mongols and survives in 

Russian ( Va/n, Yamshchik, etc.). 

Cf. d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, i. 406 — 7; II. 63; Marco Polo, I. 420, 
423 (Yule), 
p. aiO 1. 3 6. Vsing: in Hak.'s original tractans. 

1. 3 7. Vesiiments : in Hak.'s original capella. A little later, our deuotions is a 

translation o{ henedictionem. 
1. 14 8. Prince antong...Franckes...Entperour...king of France... : Franciae is 

omitted by the Rectuil text, but in any case is understood. 

On Baldwin of Hainault, his marriage to a Kuman princess about 1240, and 
his journey to Karakorum, see Rubruquis p. 326 in /^ecuei/ text (not in Hak.), 
Lebeau, Histoire du Bos Empire, Paris, 1824, xvii. 392. For [j«v///j] donius 
dominicae, a ' Knight of the Temple,' the Recueil text reads, with the best Mss., 
\socius\ David; the manuscript abbreviation has been misunderstood by 
Hakluyt, and by Purchas after him ; Bergeron of course only translates from the 
text of Hak. and Purch. On this David and his companion Marcus (whom 
Rockhill thinks the socius here referred to) see William of Nangis in Recueil 
des Historiens cUs Gaules, Paris, 1.S40, 360. That David's alleged mission to 
Louis IX. (while at Nikosia in Cyprus) from the Mongol general Ilchikadai, 
commanding in Persia, was an imposture, is declared by Mangu Khan in the 
letter entrusted to Rubruquis, p. 370 of Recueil text. 
1. 41 9. Curtesit : in Hak.'s original mandeUo. 

[p. 106] 

p. 311 1. 25 10. Nestorians... Armenians. ..figure of Christ: cf. Badger, The Nestorians 

a>ui their rituals, 1844, II. 133, 414, and Rockhill, note 3, p. 104 of Hak. Soc. 
1. 31 11. Arabike and Syriake... translated at Aeon. ..Armenian priests. ..knight 

...of the Temple... tongues: from Acre Rub. may have set out on his journey, 
the first stage of which was the voyage to Constantinople. 

On the Knight of the Temple (socius doiiius dominicae) or rather the com- 
panion of David (socius Daviit) see above, note 8 in this chapter. 

This passage shews how thoroughly Rubruquis had tried to equip himself 
for his journey by means of the most useful Levantine languages. He mentions 
an Arabic MS. among his books. 
1.4a 12. Feast of S. Peter ad vinculo : i.e. Aug. i, 1253. 


p. 318 1. 4 1. The Bible... sentences... Psalter of.. .the Queene: cf. p. 272 of Recueil 

text (nullos [^libros'\ hahebam nisi Bibliam et Breviarium). 

The Sentences (Sentencias) were probably the great work of Peter Lomliard, 
the Magister Sententiarum and bishop of Paris (i 158) ; f 1 164 [i 160]. 

On Sartach's final acquisitions from Rub.'s stock of books, see p. 380 of 
Recueil text. 

[p. 107] 

1. 15 2. Directly Eastward ... Etilia or Volga: the last two words are not in 

Hak.'s original. On the Volga cf. Carpini, p. 743 of Recueil text and n. 7, ch. 2 1 ; 
Benedict the Pole, p. 775 in Recueil; the Psalter Map of c. 1250 A.D. (Olcus). 


NOTES. 321 

It is of course the Rha of Ptolemy, the Atil (otherwise Itil, Etil, Edil, Etkilia, p, 318 
etc.) of Menander Protector, Constantine Porphyrc^ennetos, Theophanes, and 
nearly all Byzantines and Latins of the earlier middle ages. On p. 265 {Rec.) 
Rub. compares the Etilia to the Nile because it crescit in aestate sicut Nilus. 

3. Not... a Christian, but a Moal: Moal is Rubruquis' favourite form of 1. 20 
Mongol ox Alongal. See note 10, chap. 19. 

4. The name of a Christian: in Hak.'s original «<?ot^« Christianitatis. \. 21 


1. When the French-men [Franct] tooke Antioch...Con Can...diuiners... !• 3° 
Turkes : Con Can is the title ' Gur Khan' taken in 1125 (not 1098, 'when the 

Franks took Antioch') by Ye-lu Ta-shih, the founder of the Kara-kitai Empire 
in Central Asia. See Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, i. 216, 225, 235, 
II. 256, and note 1059. The title of Khan (otherwise Khakhan, Kaan, Ko-kan, 
Cham, Can, etc.) has nothing to do with the word Khatn, a diviner, shaman or 
sorcerer, as Rub. thinks. 

On this title and Simon of St Quentin's corruption of it into Gogcham, cf. 
Vincent of Beauvais, Spec. Hist., xxxi. [xxxii.] 32. 

On the Turks {Torci, Torti, ZJ/m of Carpini), whose Central Asiatic origin 
is clearly indicated by Rub., cf. Carpini pp. 680 (on Sultan of Riim), 709, 749, 
750 of Recueil text ; Benedict the Pole, in same, p. 777 (on Turkya). See Bret- 
schneider, Mediaeval Researches, II. 49 — 50 and note 602 (on Turkish title of 
Khan, Ko-kan, Khakhan, the Byzantine l^aydvos). 

[For the Northern regions lying thereabouts at the beginning of this chapter 
Hak.'s original has only in illis lateribus Aquilonis.'] 

2. Kara- Catay...Catay... Ocean sea. T\vq vfoxds giuen to make a difference 1. 40 
are in Hak.'s original ad diff'erentiam ipsorum. 

On the Kara-kilai, cf. Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, I. 208 — 235, 
also pp. 18, 72, 129, 167 of same, and notes 537 — 595. 

On the name of Cathay\\.t.. (a) China in general, (/3) more narrowly. North 
China], cf. Carpini p. 653 in Recueil and note i to chap. 9 of Carpini (Hak.'s 
version); Yule, Cathay, xxxiii., cxv — cxvi., cxxiii., cxxxv., who perhaps 
does not always sufficiently recognise sense (a) ; Bretschneider, Mediaeval Re- 
searches, I. 209, 225, 232, II. 280 — 281, and note 1104. 

3. Alpes...Nestorian shepheard...Yayman. ..Christians. ..King John: Alpes p. 214 1.6 
and Fascua are words apparently used interchangeably by Rub. here. 

On the Nay man or Naiman (' eight ' in Turkish), the proper reading for 
Yayman, cf. Carpini, pp. 648, 752, of Recueil text, who says, apparently with 
truth, that as a nation they were heathen. See also Bretschneider, Mediaeval 
Researches, I. 43, also pp. 61, 63, 73, 167, 218, 230 — i, 234 — 5; d'Ohsson, 
Histoire des Mongols, I. 163 — 71, etc.; Tarikh-i- Rashidi (Elias and Ross), 

74, 93- 

On Prester John cf. Carpini, note 3 chap. 10; Marco Polo, 1. 227 — 233, 
II- 539—543 (Yule). 

In the last passage the theory of Prof. Bruun of Odessa is stated, viz. that 
Prester John (Polo's Unc) is John Orbelian, the generalissimo of Georgia 
under several kings. 

4. Nestorians ... rumors ... Afangu Can... Ken Can. On the Nestorians, 1. 13 
their real successes in Asiatic missions, and their failure in the latest Middle 

Age, cf. the Singanfu inscription of 781 ; Abul-Faraj's account of the conversion 

H. 21 


314 of the Keraits between looi and 1012 (the uhimate original perhaps of the 

Prester John story); Carpini, pp. 650, 651 in Recueil (on the Uigurs) ; Marco 
Polo, ch. XXIII. p. 45 (Pauthier); Quatremere's Rashid-ed-dm, 93; Assemani, 
Bibliotheca Orientalis, vol. III. part ii. pp. 77 — 175, 413 — 617; Yule, Cathay 
Ixxxviii — ci., ccxliv — v., cxxxviii — ix. 60, 81, 123, 174 — 182, 197 — 8, 204 — 5, 
248. Bretschneider, MedicuvaJ Researches, i. 66 — 7, 261 — 3, and note 160; 
Beazley, Dawn of Modem Geography, i. 212 — 223, II. 347 — 8, 352 — 3, 
362, 364, and refs. ; Palladius, Ancient Traces of Christianity in China in 
Russian Oriental Record, I. 25 — 63. 

Ken Can, otherwise fCeu Can or Cham, is Kuyuk Khan, Mongol Emperor 
1246 — 48, whom Carpini visited. In Jean Pierre .Sarrasin (Joinville and Sar- 
rasin, ed. Michel, 255) he is called Quio Quan. 
1. 23 6. /rtVr Andrew: i.e. Andrew of Longumeau, sent by Louis IX. to the 

Mongols, Feb. 1249, received by Ogxil Gaimish (the regent 1248 — 1251) and 
repeatedly referred to by Kubruquis. See pp. 265, 279, 296, 310, 353, 363 of 
Recueil text and note 3 to chap. 3 of Carpini; Joinville, Hisloire de St Louis 
(Michel), 142 — 149; William of Nangisin Recueil des Historiens des Gaules, XX. 
359» i?6o — 1,365 — 7 ; Jean Pierre Sarrasin, in Joinville, ed. Michel, 254 — 2«;5 ; 
Beazley, Daxun of A/oeUm Geography, 11. 318 — 20; Rockhill, pp. xxvii — xxxiii 
in Hak. Soc. Ruhruck. 
1. 26 6. Vut : in Hak.'s original also Vtu, a much better reading for Ung, Ong, 

or Wang Khan of the Keraits, the personage referred to ; cf. Bretschneider, 
Mediaeval Researches ^ I. 242 (note 605), 273 ; Marco Polo, ch. LXXIII. 
pp. 217 — 19 (Pauthier; l. 227, Yule; and ihe latter's note on Prester John in 
same, pp. 229, etc.) ; Palladius, Elucidations of Marco Polo's Travels in North 
China in i\Mt Journal of the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, new 
series, vol. x. pp. 23, etc. 

7. Alpes of Cara Catay: in Hak.'s original Alpes ipsorum Caracatay. 
1.27 8. Brother lohn: in Hak.'s original /ro/r^ only. 

1.29 9. Cara Caruni...Crit or Merkit... Christians. On ' Cara-Camm ' (Kara- 

Kuren), cf. note 3 to chap. 3 of Carpini and the latter's text, p. 608 of tlie 

On Crit and Merkit [for Hak.'s or read ancr\ cf. d'Avezac in the Recueil 
PP- 533 — 7» and Carpini's text in same, pp. 645 — 7, 708; M. Polo, i. 231 (Yule); 
Chabot, Hisloire de Mar Jabalaha III....etdu mome Rabban (7a«wrt...( Paris, 
1895), p. 14 ; d'Ohsson, J/istoire des Mongols, I. 48 — 50, 54 — 5. 

The former of these names (if not the latter as well, repeated in double- 
jumble, like Chin-Machin, Langa Solanga) no doubt refers to the Keraits. If 
by Merkit the Keraits are also intended. Rub. is apparently right in thinking 
them to have once been Nestorian Christians. 
1. 34 10. Moal... Tartars. Rockhill derives Rub.'s Moal horn the Turkish form 

Mogal, note i, p. 112 to Hak. Soc. Rubruck. The first mention of the 
Mongols in Eastern works is said to be in the Annals of the ' After Thang' 
923 — 934 A.D. They are mentioned as Moiryot/X/ow in the Byzantine historian 
George Pachymeres (1255 — 1308). Cf. Carpini, p. 645 of the Recueil text, on 
the Mongali and n. i, ch. 8, ns. i — 4, ch. 3 of Carpini (Hak.'s version) ; vSimon 
of St Quentin in Vincent of Beauvais, Spec. Hist., xxxi. [xxxil.] 34, on the 
Mongol or Alongli. On the name Tartar (Tax«i/>', Tax<ip'oi, Tardpt, and 
Toxdpi in the Byzantines, e.g. George Akropolita and George Pachymeres) cf. 
Thomsen, Inscriptions de POrkhon, 98, 126, 140; Rockhill, note i, p. 113, of 
Hak. Soc. Rubruck, who thinks the first occurrence of the name is in A.D. 732 ; 

NOTES. 323 

Matth. Paris, Historia Maior, iv. 78, 109, 131 — 3 (Rolls Series); William p, ai4 
of Nangis, in Recueil des historietis des Gauks, xx. 365 ; the Letter of Ivo 
of Narbonne a.d. H43 (in Hak. pp. 21, 22 of the edition of 1598 or 1599) 
which uses the form T attar ox Tatar', d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, I. 427, 
428 — 9 (reproducing Rashid-ed-din) ; also same, I. 22, on the name Mongol 
(=' simple,' 'feel)le'). 

11. Issue male : in Hak.'s original haerede. 1. 39 

12. Cyngis : in Carpini usually Chingis, and so often written in Rubruquis 1. 42 
Mss. ; cf. pp. 646 — 8, 650, etCv in the Recueil text, and note 3, chap. 8, note 7, 

chap. 9 of Carpini (Hak.'s version). 

[p. 108] 

13. Mangii-Can. On Mangu Khan's mother, called Seroctan by Carpini p. 315 1. 15 
(Recueil, p. 666) otherwise Siurkukteni, niece (not daughter) of Ung Khan and 

wife of Tului, Chinghiz Khan's youngest son, cf. d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, 
I. 67 — 8; 11. 59 — 60, 267; note 5 chap. 13 of Carpini (Hak.'s version). On 
another wife of Tului, a grand-daughter of Ung Khan, cf. Quatremere's Rashid- 
ed-din, 93. 

14. Tartars .. .consumed: cf. d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, i. 427 — 9, 1. 30 
reproducing one of the most important passages of Rashid-ed-din. 

16. Mancherule: a misreading for Onan-Kerule, the basins of the Onon 1. 25 

and Kerulen (Kerulun), head waters of the Amur. Cf. Quatremere's Rashid- 
ed-din, 115, etc.; Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, i. 49 — 51, 54 — 55, 
192, 249. 

16. Tartaria: in Hak.'s original Tartari. 

17. For the most part: in Hak.'s original /w/^. 1. 27 


1. Russians... Alanians \ [The Valachians of the text here is a trans- I. 35 
lation of Blacorum.^ In this list of Christians who had to pass by Sartach in 

going to Batu's Court, it is curious to find Kerkis [here prob. meant for Circas- 
sians, rather than Kirghiz]. Though Rub. vehemently doubts the Christianity 
of Sartach, he admits here the prominence of Nestorian priests at his court. On 
their services, gongs, etc. {pulsant tabulam), cf. Carpini, p. 766 of Recueil text; 
William of Nangis, in Recueil des historiens des Gaules, xx. 362 {pulsant cam- 
patias et percutiunt tabulas); Rockhill, note 3, p. 116, of Hak. Soc. Rubruck. 

2. More in league with: \n H.a.k.'s or'igina.] magis amplectitur. 1-38 

3. Pray vpon their beades . . .deuotions : in Hsk.' s or'igm&X pulsant tabulam p. 216 1. i 
. . .ojfficium . 

4. Vnder Baatu...Berta: in Hak.'s original Berta super [for fraterl \. 2 
Baatu. On Berta, Carpini's Rerca (i.e. Berke), cf. Recueil, p. 668, and note 5 

to chap. J 3 of Carpini (Hak.'s version). Rub. is well up to date in noticing 
Berke's conversion to Islam ; cf. d'Ohs.son, Histoire des Mongols, II. 8, III. 
377 — 8, 418 — 9; Marco Polo, chaps. 2, 220 — 6 [supplementary]; pp. 6 — 7, 
754—9 (Pauthier). 

5. Porta ferrea or Derbent: the last two words are not in Hak.'s original. 1. 3 
On this pass cf. Rubruquis on pp. 381 — 2 of the Recueil, and note 10 to 

chap. 16 of Rub. (Hak.'s version). 

6. Etilia...foure times greater then... Sein: another Parisian comparison, 1. 28 
cp. note 19 to chap. 15 of Rub. (Hak.'s version). 


216 1. 30 1- After Bulgaria the greater Hak. does not translate quae est ad 

Aquilonem. Rubruquis' description veniens de maiori Bulgaria quae...aqui- 
lonem can hardly be considered an indication of the true source and course 
of the Volga, as taken